Drbatrs ant Vrouttrings ill Varliamertt.

DUTIES IN THE COLONIES.

On Monday, the House of Commons, on the motion of Mr. LABOII- CREAK, resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House on the Act 3 and 4 William IV. cap. 59, regulating the trade of the British posses- sions abroad. io order to discuss the resolutions of which Mr. Labouchere had explained the substance on the 12th March. He now stated some alterations in the resolutions which had been suggested since he first brought the subject forward— At hat time it was proposed that 0 e duties ad valorem now levied in the West Indies and the North American Colonies, varying from 74 per cent. to 15, 20, and 311 per cent. ad valorem, should he taken away, and that two duties of 73 per cent. and 10 per cent. ad valorem should be substituted. He had been induced to think, in consequence of re-- entations made to him, that there would he a material advantage in pusno.t.; the reduction somewhat fur- ther. He int,ndol to propose that all those duties should he repealed, and that, instead of them, there should be one uniform duty of 7 per cent. ad va- lorem. if the Committee agreed to this, there would be in British North America and the West Indies a single ad valorem duty levied on foreign com- modities of 7 per cent. ad valorem over and above the amount paid by British coo reodities.

Such a differential duty worked well at the Cape of Good Hope, where there was a duty of 10 per cent, on foreign and of 3 per cent. on British commodities. Under the reduced duties, the trade of Trinidad and the continent of South America would he greatly facilitated. Mr. GOULBITEN thought that the subject should have been discussed at a time when a fuller attendance of Members could have been se- cured ; for it involved not merely Colonial interests, but the commercial policy of this country and the welfare of the shipping interest. If this relaxation was intended as a compensation to the West Indies for the recent boon to the East India trade, it was one which our Western pos- sessions ought thankfully to accept ; but if it were meant as a step to such an opening of foreign trade as would let in hereafter the rum and sugar of foreign colonies, it could not he too strongly resisted. The existing scale of duties was not an antiquated one, established be- fore the principles were well understood which ought to regulate these subjects : it was a scale fixed so lately as during Mr. Poulett Thom- son's Presidency of the Board of Trade ; and some explanation should therefore be given to satisfy- the House that the reduced duty now pro- posed would be sufficient to maintain the protection due to the British manufactures usually exported to those colonies, which were of the annual value of between five and six millions sterling. That trade the Mother-country now derived from her Colonies ; and she repaid them in protection and defence. Was it meant to extend the relaxation to the home market also, and permit the importation of foreign leather, and linen, and silk, into Britain, at a duty of 7 per cent.? The pro- posal now made night affect the trade of the British North American possessions with the West Indies, and excite apprehension among the British North American colonists lest the sante principle should be applied to their trade with this country. He thought the present mo- ment peculiarly ill chosen for the opening of this matter, because the Canadian Provinces had not as yet any Legislature to represent them. The amount of the timber-trade in the United States and in British North America being so nicely halauced,-150,000/. for the British Colonies and 100,0001. for the other country,—a very slight alteration might in- duce great and unforeseen results. He disapproved the arrangements suggested on the subject of the tea-trade between the Colonies and the United States : a high duty, which was substituted for prohibition, would rather augment the mischief of smuggling along a frontier of 1,500 milts than abolish it. He feared that on the whole subject the Presi- dent of the Board of Trade had no very definite ideas : he had con- sidered and announced one plan, and now he came forward to recom- mend another. When the Government were thus undecided, he him- self .light well be pardoned if he expressed some doubts. Mr LABOUCHERE was glad to find that Mr. Goulburn had only vague objections to make to the measure. The present proposal was only a just compensation to the West Indies for the boon lately con- ferred on the East ; and so it had been deemed by the agents for the various West Indian Legislatures, who had expressed their acknow- ledgments for it to the Government— He had had the gratification only a few days before of receiving a memorial signed by all the agents of the West India Colonies having Local Legislatures, excepting one, the agent of Tobago. who happened to be out of town ; and the language held to him with regard to this measure was this—" The under- signed agents for the West India Colonies possessing Legislatures consider that they would not he just tied in withholding the expression of their entire con- currence in the measure embraced in the proposed resolutions of the Presi- dent of the Board of Trade, on the trade of the British possessions abroad,' because they consider it will be highly beneficial to the Colonial interests in- trusted to them. Such a measure has for many years been urgently solicited; and had it been granted, would have afforded very great relief. In the former state and relations of Colonial society, it would have been a boon from which theplanters would have derived the principal advantage. But now, when the whole population will participate in that advantage, there are considerations of sound policy, no less than of moral right, which induce the undersigned, on behalf their constituencies, to regard this measure of relief as losing none of its importance. They beg, therefore, to express their acknowledgments to her Majesty's Government for having brought it forward." Indeed, it was not merely a commercial measure, but a great political one. He had heard no complaints of it from any one class of manu- facturers. He had not failed to consider its probable effects upon our navigation, and he was satisfied that those effects would be beneficial. A foreign ship must discharge her whole cargo_in the first Colonial port in which she broke bulk ; but a British ship was permitted to discharge part of her cargo there, a further part in another port, and so on. This advantage alone would keep the trade, which was essentially a c'astiog- trade, in the hands of the British. With respect to our North Ameri- can colonists, it must be remembered that whatever benefit they derived from the system now to be abolished, was derived at the expense of the West Indies. He admitted the danger of smuggling in the article of tea, under the existing duty levied in the Canadas ; but he expected that the Canadian Legislature, when it should meet, would reduce the duty which now so strongly tempted the smuggler. He admitted that he had changed his plan ; but, as he had before explained, be could not seek information among commercial men until the measure was actually brought forward, lest undue expectation should be raised ; and no false shame should ever withhold him from correcting an error as soon as he discovered it. He congratulated the country that a right understanding on these subjects had gained ground, and that the com- mercial classes had come to a due sense of the impolicy of high pro- hibitory duties. Persons connected with fisheries had expressed their approbation of the measure ; and the only opposition with which it had met was from the provision-merchants of the South of Ireland. With respect to the sugar-duties, to which Mr. Goulburn had alluded, he was averse from making matters of that kind a subject for barter betwixt one party and another.

Mr. CoLounouN denied that the measure, of which he did not dis- approve so far as it went, would place the East and West Indies upon the same footing— The right honourable gentleman had said on a former night, that one of the most important articles of consumption in the Colonies, particularly for the Negro population, was fish ; and yet upon this article he found a duty proposed of 25 per cent. Then upon beef and pork there was to be a duty of 15 per cent., and upon flour of 10 per cent. Now he could not imagine what local advantage any one of the Colonies could derive from any one of these duties. The Canadas would certainly not be benefited by the duty of 10 per cent. on Soar, whilst the West Indies would be severely prejudiced by it. Then there were the articles of white and yellowpine and of shingles, most extensively used in building in the West India islands, which were to be charged with a duty of 15 per cent. Phase articles came from America; and, he would ask, what part of Great Britain, or what interest in it, could be in the least bene- fited by such a duty ? Now, to show the disparity between the duties proposed to be levied upon the same articles in the East and West Indies respectively, woollen manufactures were to be charged with a duty of 2 per cent. in the East Indies and of 7 per cent. in the West Indies; cotton manufactures 31 per cent, in the East Indies and 7 per cent. in the West Indies ; articles in linen, silk, glass, and leather, were to be admitted in the East Indies without any discriminating duty whatever, whilst in the West Indies they were to be charged with a duty of 7per cent. And yet they were told that this measure would place the East and West Indies on an equal footing—would open for the lest time the pure principles of free trade, as the honourable Member for Wigan had said the other night; an assertion which he maintained to be ut- terly inapplicable and incorrect.

Mr. Hums was surprised at the alarm manifested by Mr. Gonlburn at effect being given to views which had been expounded by his late colleague, Mr. Huskisson. He called upon Government, however, to abolish altogether the Imperial customs department in the West Indies. The time was coming when all prohibitive and protective duties should be done away with, and the customs looked to only as a means of revenue. The total amount of customs levied in the Colonies was S55,000/. ; and not only did no part of this sum find its way into the treasury of this country, but about 14,0001. further was obliged to be contributed towards maintaining the necessary establishment for col- lecting the duties. The only loss in abolishing the duties altogether would he the loss of patronage to Government. Mr. Hume vindicated the fairness of the Committee on Import-duties, which had been attacked by Lord Ashburton in the House of Lords. For many years be had had the satisfaction of acting with Lord Ashburton, who, when Mr. Alexander Baring, was one of the most able and ardent of the advo- cates of free trade in the House of Commons. He recollected when Lord Ashburton presented the celebrated petition from the City of London : that petition asked neither more nor less than was now asked, or than was the tendency of the evidence taken before the Com- mittee of last session, which recommended no more than Lord Ash- burton himself moved for. He was sorry the noble lord had altered his opinions : he had not altered his. With respect to the constitution of the Committee, he had consulted Sir George Clerk, and seven of its members had been taken from each side of the House. Lord Ashburton said that evidence of a contrary nature to that received had been ten- dered and refused : Mr. Hume demanded to know the name of any witness who had offered evidence and been repulsed.

Mr. BERRIES drew a distinction between Mr. Huskisson's substitu- don of a protective system of customs for a prohibitory system, and the indiscriminate promotion of free trade. He complained that the Im- port-duties Committee had gone beyond the object for which the House consented to its appointment ; for Mr. Hume then explained that the Committee was merely to classify existing duties, and to exhibit their state to the country. Mr. Herries also objected that the evidence was ex parte. Still, he admitted, the Committee did real service. And he had no objection to offer to the present resolutions ; except to the proposed mode of levying the duty on tea.

Lord Joint RUSSELL concurred in Mr. Herries's definition of Mr. linskisson's policy ; and was glad to see that that policy had made such advance in public opinion. He was quite willing to concede the credit of originating that policy to the other side of the House, so that their schemes were earned out. Lord John vindicated the evidence taken before the Committee, and especially that of Par. J. D. Hume. But whatever the evidence or the conclusions of the Committee, Govern- ment were bound to take advantage of any useful information or sur gestions from any quarter, and, after duly sifting, to take the responsi- bility of any measures which they might adopt- " On all these subjects, be our opinions right or wrong, there is a general agreement in the Cabinet; on all these subjects the Cabinet is prepared to act unanimously, whenever they think right to do so with a view to the advantage of all the interests to which they refer. It will not shrink from any responsi- bility that may belong to it. Whether the measures we bring forward are useful measures for the country, it will be for this House, the other House of Parliament, and the country in general, to consider : but this at least I may say, that we are not insensible to the immense importance of this subject, and that, in bringing forward this question now, we are bringing forward that which is, es coneessu, an undeniable good ; that we will endeavour, in every measure we submit, to take that which is supported by the greatest weight of argument and confirmed by the longest expenence : and if we are not mistaken in our views, we think that, by carrying on a policy of this kind, with due delibera- tion and at proper times, we shall render this country very at benefit ; and if we fail, we shall have the consolation at least of thinking that our plans were taken with an honest intention of promoting the commerce, the industry, and the fortunes of this mighty empire." (Much cheering.) Mr. VILLIERS approved of the measure before the House, although imperfect in its character and not directly interesting to the people of this country, because of the principle to which it gave practical effect. While combating Mr. Herries's objections to the Committee, he ac- knowledged that he had spoken of the Members and the witnesses "with that caution and respect that became a man of sense and honour; for he felt that against their objects or their motives he could allege nothing ; thus distinguishing himself from speakers in another place, who had thought it right to impugn the conduct and motives of mem- bers of that Committee." The evidence did not derive its importance from particular witnesses, or particular opinions, but from facts taken from official documents, and explained by competent and experiencild persons- " The real importance, then, which attaches to the report of this Committee arises from the startling facts which it has elicited in the exposition of the sub- ject ; and there is no delay—no members being appointed of what is called env larged experience or high commercial character—that could vary in the least, if they were indefinitely to postpone their report, the facts which result from comparing the taxes which are imposed for revenue and for protection,—or, in other words, the taxes imposed to swell the incomes or secure the profits of particular classes at the expense of the community. It is the enormous burden imposed upon the people by enhancing the price of the necessaries of life, that startles and surprises the community in this respect—endangers those that are interested in maintaining the Corn-laws, and induces them to call the Com- mittee partial and one-sided."

Mr. BINGHAM BARING, referring to whit Mr. Villiers had said in allusion to Lord Ashburton's remarks on the Import-duties Committee, declared that Mr. Villiers's language was as inconsiderate and rash as the propositions which emanated from the Committee, of which he was a member.

Mr. VILLIERS held his observations to be justified by those to which he had alluded, and which he had " no hesitation in designating as personal, offensive, and unfounded."

Mr. B. BARING retorted, that Mr. Villiers's observations were " charac- terized by that flippancy which so prominently marked every thing which he said and did." (Loud cries of " Order, order i") Mr. VILLIERS quoted Lord Ashburton's remarks, to the effect that the conduct of the Committee savoured more of fraud, trick, and con- trivance, than any thing he had ever witnessed. It was for the House to determine whether that was proper language to use with reference to its Committee. As for the personally offensive language of Mr. Baring, he should, in that House, treat it with the utmost contempt.

After some more desultory conversation, Mr. BERNAL, the Chairman, advi,ed the two Members to make mutual concessions and retractations. The House called loudly upon Mr. BARING to begin; and he expressed himself willing to apologize if Mr. Villiers would recall his offensive expressions.

Mr. VILLIERS was willing to do so if the words were offensive to Mr. Baring. What he had said bad been drawn from him by the remarks of Lord Ashburton, of which Mr. Baring did not seem to be aware ; but which, it was established by a correspondence between that noble- man and Mr. Hume, had not been disavowed by Lord Ashburton himself.

Mr. B. BARING felt convinced that the words had not been used— that they were abhorrent from his father's feelings: there was some mistake on the subject. He hoped that what he had already said in the way of explanation would be, considered satisfactory by the House and by Mr. Villiers. Here the matter dropped. After some further debate, Mr. Labou.- chere's resolutions were agreed to. In answer to Mr. GEORGE Pausiut, Mr. LABOUCHERE said that it was not his intention that the bill founded upon the resolutions should come in force until the 1st January 1842.

NEW POOR-LAW AMENDMENT Brix.

Before going into Committee on this bill, on Monday, Mr. Wmirr made some remarks on the manner in which the Poor-law was enforced in the city of London. He read extracts from the dietary tables of the City Workhouses : the paupers there had beer allowed them every day, meat three times a week, sugar to the women, and the like. The allow- ance was altogether abundant ; not mere so than he thought it should be, but still quite sufficient. But why should such a dietary be framed for the poor of the city of London, while so different a plan was acted on with respect to the rural districts ? Mr. Wakley spoke with warmth on the general question of the bill, and expressed it as his opinion that the Poor-law Commissioners ought to be made to answer at the bar of the House for this violation of uniformity in the administration of the law. Lord Jona RUSSELL objected to the attempt to force on a general dis- cussion, when there was an understanding that the bill was postponed till after Easter. The House then went into Committee pro forma ; the amendments already agreed to were ordered to be inserted in the bill, which was to be reprinted; the bill was reported; and the further con- sideratioa of the report was postponed till Monday the 3d May.

MINISTER OF EDUCATION.

On Tuesday, Mr. EWART moved for an address to the Crown praying for the appointment of a Minister of Education, one of whose feuc-

tions it should be to lay annually before Parliament returns showing the progress of education in the United Kingdom. He made a state- ment of the practice of foreign countries in this respect, and pointed out the advantage which England would derive from imitating the better systems of her Continental neighbours— There was hardly a foreign country in which there was not a Minister of Public Instruction, who annually made his report to the Government. This was particularly the case in Prussia. In France also, there was a report drawn up every year by M. Salvandy, the Minister of Public Instruction, which was presented to the Crown and published. He, however, would recommend that the annual statement in this country should be made to the representatives of the people. In the United States also, where there existed a strong feeling against the principle of centralization, a general report on the subject of edu- cation iu that country was annually laid before Congress. There would be great advantages also in having a Minister of the Crown in that House, to whom questions could be put on the subject of education. Mr. Ewan contrasted the annual grant of 30,0001. for education with the large sum annually voted for the purpose in France— He would transfer the inspection and control of the present schools of art and design from the Board of Trade to the Minister of Education. Another important part of the duties of this Minister would be the formation of public libraries. Such institutions were hardly known in our provincial towns; whereas in France, and the other parts of the Continent, there was hardly a moderate-sized town which had not its public library for all who chose to attend. In Germany there were from eighty to ninety public libraries of this kind ; and even in Russia they .were to be met with in most large towns.

Correspondence with foreign countries, on educational matters and the training of schoolmasters, might also be intrusted to the Education Minister.

Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN seconded the motion ; and read extracts from various official reports to show the existing deficiency of education in various parts of the country— The first to which he would refer was the report of Mr. Tremenheere, who was sent down to the mining districts of South Wales for the purpose of ascer- taining what was the state of education in the district in which the Chartist insurrection had taken place last year. It appeared that in the five parishes adjoining Merthyr Tydvil there was a population of 85,000. Now, in calcu- lating the number of children who ought to be receiving instruction in any given population, it was usual to assume that all between the ages of five and fifteen should be in attendance at school. The children between these ages constitute about one-fourth of the population. In several of the United States of America more than one-fourth of the population are found to be in attendance at school. Mr. Tremenheere, however, assumes that only one-fifth of the population, or the children between the ages of five and thirteen, ought to be at school. On this computation, there ought to have been 17,000 children under instruction in the population of these five parishes. The whole number of children found to be in attendance upon day and dame schools was only 3,308. Yet in this district the wages of labour arc peculiarly high. • • Another interesting document to which he would refer was the Second Report of the Register-General of Births, Deaths, and Marriages ; by which it appears, that out of 121,083 couples who were married in the year 1838, 90,587 men and 58,959 women could not sign their names, L e. thirty-three per cent. of the men and forty-nine per cent. of the females were unable to write. Again, it appears from the Gaol Reports, that more than one-third of all the prisoners in the gaols of England cannot even read. He had added together the summaries of the abstracts of the Education Returns for the Three Kingdoms, and be found that, whilst upon the supposition that one-fifth of the population ought to be in attendance at school, the number receiving instruction ought to be 4,961,344, these returns show that not more than 2,713,300 children were under educa- tion."

Sir GEORGE GREY opposed the motion ; which, he said, was calculated to revive discussions that had happily subsided. Reports were now in preparation by the Privy Council Committee on Education : they would be laid before the House after Easter, and would afford a much better opportunity than the present for the discussion of the question. Under these circumstances, he hoped the motion would not be pressed igasi division. It was withdrawn.

ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IN IRELAND.

In the House of Lords, on Monday, the Earl of CEARLEVILLE moved for a copy of the criminal calendar for King's County at the Lent As- sizes in 1841, and the rule of court on that calendar. King's County, which was formerly remarkable for the good disposition and quiet de- meanour of its inhabitants, has within the last four or five years been the scene of a series of frightful outrages— Within four years there bad occurred there the murder of Mr. Frayer, the attempt to murder Mr. Stone, the attempt to murder Mr. Drought, the attempt to murder the Reverend Mr. Dunn, the attempt to murder Mrs. Smith, the murder of the Earl of Norbury, the attempt to murder Mr. Sherri, the attempt to murder Mr. Biddulph, and the attempt to murder the Heverend Mr. Gresham ; the last two gentlemen being Magistrates for the county. With the exception of the case of Mr. Biddulph, no information could be got by the Magistrates to enable them to bring any one to trial, or to apprehend any of those who were the guilty perpetrators of these crime-.

This change in the character of the county Lord Charleville attri- buted to a discontinuance of the practice which Government formerly used; of setting aside persons from the jury panel. In Mr. Biddulph's ease, which was described by Mr. Moore, the Solicitor-General, as one of an atrocious kind, the Irish Executive used every exertion to bring Colgan and Doherty, the two men charged with the attempt, to an ac- count : but all such exertions were vain, unless the jury who were to try the cause were above suspicion. On the trial of these two men the Sheriff delivered in a panel of fifty names ; eleven did not answer to their names. The'prisoners refused to join in the challenges, and they peremptorily challenged twenty-seven. The remaining twelve were sworn of the Jary ; the Crown, in accordance with the practice that had been adopted since the Marquis of Normanby had been in Ireland, not setting aside a single man. Lord Charleville quoted the evidence given by Chief Justice Bushe and Mr. Barrington, a Crown solicitor, before the Lords Committee on the state of Ireland in 1839, to show that it was becoming more common for justice to fail in consequence of juries refusing to agree to a verdict. Mr. Barrington was asked-

' "Do the prisoners to be tried generally challenge the most respectable per- sons on the Jury, or are they challenged from some private reason ?" His re- ply was, " Indeed, I think the prisoner knows very little about the challenge : it is generally the attorney; and be endeavours to get either timid or weak men on ; and any strong-minded man he will put by if he can." And then when be was asked further, "Do they generally try to strike off the persons in the better grade of life, and therefore probably better-informed ?" he re- plied, " Yes ; the object is generally to strike off the respectable men, and to

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get the bottom of the panel the publicans, or some of their own rank in Mr. Biddulph's case was especially one in which it was advisable to exclude from the jury-box every person connected with the agrarian outrage : but what would the House think when he mentioned a fact sworn to before the Committee on the state of Ireland, that there were three persons on that jury, of whom one had filled the office of County

Delegate of the Ribandmeu—a very high office, another had been a committee-man of the Riband Society, and the third had been a parish

master. [Lord Normanby asked for the names.] Lord Normanby might ascertain their names from the Stipendiary Magistrate. Another person on the Jury bad committed himself to a very strong expression of opinion before the trial. This was not a singular instance— There was a dreadful murder last year in the county of Armagh. A man named Hughes was brought to trial for the murder of Mr. Boyd. A person

named Collins was sworn on the jury, having previously stated that no evi-

dence however strong should induce loin to convict the prisoner, unless he had also the testimony of an approver—well knowing that there could be no such tes- timony produced. The jury were locked up; ten Protestants and one Roman Catholic were in favour of a verdict of guilty, and the twelfth assigned no other reason for dissenting from them except that he chose to remain there and be eaten by rats rather than give a verdict of guilty.

In the trial of a Protestant named Gray, at Monaghan, on a charge of murder in cold blood for evidence given against him on a trial,—a crime

not of an agrarian character,—the Crown, which had refrained in other cases, exercised the right of challenge to a considerable extent : the pri- soner gave peremptory challenge to seven persons, and the Crown to ten. He should not, however, complain of this change of system, if', even at the eleventh hour, the Government had become convinced of its error. After the trial of Mr. Biddulph, eight of the persons, Catho- lics, issued an address vindicating their conduct, in which they declared that the evidence did not bear out the assertion of the Solicitor-General that there was a conspiracy throughout the county against life and pro- perty, and that certain persons were " thirsting for the blood of the Irish peasantry." The four Protestant jurors demanded an explanation : the others merely replied by saying that they did not allude to their fellow-jurymen. Such were the men who were intrusted to investigate the case. Lord Charleville concluded by recommending that the system of the Sheriff of Longford should be imitated : he always placed "strong men" upon the jury panels.

The Marquis of NORbIANBY objected to the production of papers re- lating to a trial which was still undecided. And Lord Charleville was ill-informed upon the facts of the case to which he specially alluded.

Mr. Biddulph had expressed himself perfectly satisfied with the con- stitution of the Jury ; and in place of there being only 50, there

were 123 names on the jury panel ; and Mr. Biddulph had observed

of the list, that if 50 or 60 were struck off, there would still remain enough to constitute a very respectable and impartial tribunal. He only objected to one person, a Mr. Corballis, and to him only on the ground.

of personal dislike—an objection which of course could not be enter- tained. Lord Charleville now said that there were three Ribandmen on the Jury ; but in a letter which he wrote to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ire- land in March last, he only mentioned one : the Dublin papers said that that person's name was Egan ; but there was no such name on the jury- list. The Crown Solicitor who conducted that prosecution, had de- clared to him that he never knew a case which was conducted with greater concurrence between the Attorney-General and the prosecutor ; and he said also that not a single person m as included in the jury-list who was known to be in connexion with the Riband society. The trial at Armagh, to which Lord Charleville had alluded,

had been conducted in precisely the same manner as the trial of Mr.

Gray at Monaghan, which had been mentioned by Lord Charleville with approbation. He had received the particulars from Mr. Hamilton,

the Crown solicitor on that circuit : in both counties, he said, he had consulted with those who acted for the next of kin on the interests of the prosecution, and in both counties he showed them the list of jurors. Lord Charleville said that he believed that there was one publican on the list at Monaghan : there happened to be five. The reason of the Crown solicitor's challenging them was, that Gray had objected to seven

persons who came from the same place with them, and the Solicitor- General had put them all aside. Lord Normanby quoted a letter which Lord Charleville had written to the Lord-Lieutenant on the subject of

Mr. Biddulph's case, in which he said he could not but "deeply lament the solemn mockery of justice in the Criminal Court at Tullamore " ; and, asserting that one of the Jury was a Rihaudman, be remarked that he was possibly the very person that ' ordered' Mr. Biddulph's murder." Ile then said—" When I allude to the support which you

have given to these prosecutions, I am bound to admit that your conduct stands out in bold relief to the conduct of your predecessor, Lord Nor- manby in the case of Lord Norbury." Lord Normanby referred to the great pains which Government had taken to bring the murderer of

Lord Norbury to light ; and he expressed surprise that Lord Charleville, if lie had any thing to allege on that score, had not produced it before

the Committee of 1839, when it might have been investigated. Lord Charleville had said that the present system of juries had originated while he (Lord Normanby) was in Ireland— Ile was most ready to admit it. He believed that that system, if properly understood, and as it had been ably explained by the honourable and learned

gentleman who was the Attorney-General for Ireland under the then Irish

Government, would prove to be this, that there should no longer exist on the part of the Crown solicitor an arbitrary right of challenge of jurymen, to be exercised merely on account of any person's religious or political opinions : at

the same time, it excluded from the jury -box persons who were members of any political society whatever ; also persons locally connected, and who might

therefore be presumed to be liable to peculiar excitement, and be unfitted to try any case arising within their locality ; and it likewise excluded publicans. These exclusions the Crown solicitor was imperatively directed to make, leaving

him also the power of exercising a discretion in excluding other persons upon

just and proper grounds; but as a check to the due exercise of this discretion, he was required to make a statement to the law-officer of the Crown at the conclusion of the circuit, what those grounds of exclusion were. Now that, in his opinion, was the proper footing upon which juries ought to be placed in Ireland. They ought not to be composed of so many Protestants and so many Roman Catholics; for such distinctions ought no longer to exist. The law had now placed them on a footing of equality ; and the moment it did so, such dis- tinctions ought to have ceased. To show that crimes of violence had diminished in Ireland under the new system, Lord Normanby produced a return for the four years ending 1840, which showed a progressive decrease in the number of such crimes from 2,801 in 1837, to 1,757 in 1840.

Lord GLENGALL said, that in respect to minor offences it was very possible to obtain verdicts ; but in cases involving capital punishment there was great difficulty in procuring evidence or the verdict of a jury— On this point it was impossible to have stronger proof than was afforded by the number of rewards for information offered by the Irish Government. From the 1st January 1837 to the 1st January 1840, the lush Government had offered 814 rewards for the detection of crime : while of that number only twenty-five had been claimed and paid. During the same period, the officers of the Constabulary had offered 1,446 rewards, in addition to those offered by the Government; and of these only fourteen had been paid; thus showing 2,221 cases of crime unaccounted fur, undetected, and unpunished. After some further remarks from Lord NORMANBY and Lord CHARLIE- VILLE—who complained that his offers of assistance as a Magistrate, in investigating the case of Mr. Biddulph, had been slighted—the motion was withdrawn.

MISCELLANEOUS.

CARE AND ACCESSIBILITY OF PUBLIC BUILDINGS. Mr. Hume moved, on Tuesday, in the House of Commons, for a Select Committee to inquire into the present condition of national monuments and works of art in Westminster Abbey, St. Paul's Cathedral. and in other public edifices, with a view to their protection, and to affording facilities to the public for their inspection. The motion was secondei by Mr. Macias:woe, and unopposed by Mr. LABOUCH ERE ; and so it passed.

THE CAROLINE AFFAIR. On Tuesday, Mr. Hume, at the request of Lord PALMERSTON, postponed his motion for the production of the correspondence between the British and American Governments relative to the destruction bf the Caroline. Lord P A I.M E P. STON said that both Governments were most anxious to bring this matter to a satisfactory settlement ; and he was apprehensive that Mr. Hume's motion, if agreed to, might throw difficulties iu the way of that settlement.

NEW SOUTH WALES. Mr. Gmrre gave notica, on Tuesday, that on the 22d instant he should renew his motion relating to the land-fund and gaol-expenditure of New South Wales.

ADJOURNMENT OF PARLIAMENT. On Tuesday, the House of COM- mons adjourned for the Easter holy days to the 20th instant, and the House of Lords to the 22 d.