10 AUGUST 1839, Page 2

Debates anti Vroctebinas in iparliament.

A D3IINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IN IRELAND.

Lord BROUGH A )1 brought this subject before the House of Lords on Tuesday. He commenced his speech by earnestly disclaiming all per- sonal or party views, any desire to attack the Government or indivi- duals, or any motive save that of discharging an imperative public duty— If," he said, "from the experience which your Lordships have had of me, whether as practising before you as a minister of justice at your bar, or whe- ther as presiding, as far as any Peer can preside, over your Judicial delibera- tions as a court of justice ; if the whole teuour of my not short public life of thirty years and upwards, in which constantly, and it is perhaps rather to be reckoned my good fortune than any merit, I have held—perhaps by.accident- I will only say without deviation, or elm tip, or shadow of turning—ni the same course and been guided by the same political principles ; if this gives no pledge that I am here only to discharge a public and indispensable duty, then what pledge can I give you—what other pledge—what more sacred pledge can I give? Only this, that your Lordships shall see how I perform the duty which I have undertaken ; mitt then, whosoever of the accusers unty be disappointed, or whosoever of tliiise who are put upon their defence may be disappointed, or whatever party feeling may be thwarted, or party objects frustrated, by the mode in which I shall -discharge my duty, I shall at least be able to appeal to your Lordships lin- acipiittance of making myself on this occasion- what I never have made myself betiwe, an eogine of party or of personal attack.

Without further preface, he would " proceed at once into the heart of

this great subject.' And first, as to the difficulty experienced in Ire- land of procuring witnesses to come ihrward with evidence on trials. In England, on all ordinary occasions, there was no such difficulty ; for rather than forfeit their recognizances, witnesses appeared when called upon. In Ireland, they suffered their recormizances to be estreated ; the form of levying the penalty is gone through, but in ninety-nine cases out of it hundred it was a mere form, and no fine was or could be actually levied ; andthen, instead of being confined until they gave tes- timony, or until their punishment had been sufficiently heavy to deter others from committing the same offence, they were let out of prison after twelve or fifteen days' restraint ; thus the punishment was as no- minal as the estreat and the levy. Now, the proposition he should submit to their Lordships was, that if the recognizances of a witness were estreated, and the fine could pot be levied, he should suffer the punishment awarded by law—imprisonment for double default. Secondly, as to the Crown's right of challenging jurors on criminal prosecutions. Here, at the outset, he was compelled to speak in the teeth of a distinct, unhesitating, and astonishing statement, put on record by a high Irish law authority, (the Master of the Rolls in Ire- land,) who had declared in a written document, that a right was never claimed in Ireland which every criminal judge knows perfectly well is claimed and does exist. Ile referred to the following " instruction " to the conductors of Crown prosecutions, dated the 24th of February 1836, and issued by Sir Michael O'Loghlen, then Attorney-General for Ire- land—

"I wish that the right exercised by the Crown, of setting aside a juror, should in no case be exercised on account of the religious or political opinions of the juror, and that you should not in any case object to a juror unless he is in some way connected with the case on which he is called to serve, or is from some ascertained cause unfit to serve. You will be pleased to make a note in each case of the name of the person set aside, and of the cause."

When Sir Michael O'Loghlen was examined before the Committee, Lord Brougham gave him every opportunity of explaining this " in- struction ;" but lie believed the entire Committee were of opinion that his Honour gave nothing like a distinct, intelligible, consistent inter- pretation of it- " He said he did not conceive that persons who happened to be no relations of

the parties in the case were never to be laid aside. He thought they might be set aside for other reasons. His instructions were clear and precise as confining the ground of setting aside to one cause, but he admitted that parties might be set aside for other causes. I gave him the case of a person grossly ignorant, utterly incapable of understanding the case. I put the instance of a person, no relation whatever to the party accused, but connected with him by similarity of conduct, having been himself notorious for the commission of similar offences, and for doing those things which lead to the commission of the same offence; and he at once said no, -he would not prevent such person from being challenged. Contrary to his own instruction, he said that such person might be made to stand aside. I put another case of a notoriously bad life and con- versation, and various similar cases; in every one of which Sir Michael O'Loghlen said he never meant his instructions to apply to them, but that all such persons ought to stand aside. So much for the order ; but what was the construction put upon it by those were to carry it into execution ? What was the practice under it? I will cite the evidence of one connected with the ad- ministration of justice in Ireland—the evidence of one of those Crown so- licitors by whom the criminal trials are numaged—I mean Mr. Keinmis._„. novice in the office of Crown prosecutions, but one who for thirty-eight v long has presided over that department. Mr. liemmis being examined-Ili-7 that he would ilot feel justified in setting aside any man except for the gr'sug- specified. This was the extraordinary dilemma in which things werejil 'e Attorney-General, who gave the instructions, put upon them one acme-- struction ; the Crown Solicitor, who received them, put another, and a diamets' catty opposite construction, on which Ile acted; tbr there litre nomeans-ei correcting the erroneous interpretations of the Crown Solicitor, either '44' clearness or the instructions themselves, or Iry any supplementary commeattalp which the Attorney -General might have a lii irded him. The consequence 4 all this was bail, I will not say fittal, to the administration of justice."

There was but one witness who declared that the effect of this naofte of challenge WRS be and he was Mr. Cahill, appointed a Crown prosecutor in 1836. Mr. Cahill might. he a very able solicitor and very worthy man, but Lord Brougham had less respect for him in the cape, city of a witness, than in any other capacity in w hick he could possibly meet Mr. Cahill. [Lord Brougham referred to the examination of this gentleman beibre the Committee, and read it long extract from his ti-i. dence, commenting upon it as lie went along. It appeared that My Cahill was exceedingly- reluctant to admit that he had been a ineink; of the General Association ; and there was a good deal of fencing or this point between the witness and the Committee. The witness could not be brought to speak distinctly on tin question.] This was the man who alone differed from the general testimony as to the evil effect a the new inode of challenge. Mr. Perrin, another Attorney-General, had given different instructions. He said, " let no man be set aside hy the Crown against whom there is not a substantive ground of objection.' That was the true ground ; that was the rational ground. That it would be equally agreeable to all parties, was not, however, so clear. It was not that which would give Sir Michael O'Loghlen tlw best own. tunity of saying to his sect and party- " See what I have done for you. I have tied the hands of the prosecutor is • all cases, so that he can never challenge a man on account of his religion or bit politics; though the case may be a religious question, and though a man toy he steeped in the rancour of religious and sectarian controversy, and involli in every species of faction; though justice cannot be effectually secured witboat setting such men from serving on juries ; notwithstanding such argument', I have desired that no political or religious objection should ever be taken." "This Mr. O'Loghlen might tell to the Catholics of Ireland—to the agitators of Ireland ; but this air. Perrin could not tell, for his instructions were wholly different from those which appeared under the ri2gime of Mr. O'Loghlen." He now came to the two last, but incomparably the most important heads of the resolution be intended to submit to the I louse. The first related to the cominet of the Executive Government in Ireland towards the Judges, in the consideration, or what ought he the cmisideration, of sentences with a view to remission or connnutation. On this point Lord Brougham spoke at great length. He rested his case against the Government ahnost entirely on their treatment of Chief Justice Doherty—. "It appears that my right honourable friend the Chief Justice of the Con. mon Pleas in Ireland, having for some reason or other, and 1 shall presently have occasion to show your Lordships how much, ffillen into discredit with the Executive Government of Ireland, a memorandum was matle on paper by a clerk under the 'Irish Government, which memorandum must be supposed to hare . been made under the authority of the Executive, or of one or other thew her of the Executive, Mr it is not likely that it should be done em tnerotnoto of elerk—(" Hear, bear !" from Lord Lytollotrs0 ; and which memorandum was acted on. The memorandum was to this effect, that im ease of a prisoner tried before the Chief Justice Doherty, or hi which the Chief Justice presided over the trial and pronounced the sentence, when it m.e to be con- sidered by the Executive Government, should ever he sent to the ChiefJustim for his advice or inffirmation with respect to it.' I have adniinistered iustits; I have sat in a high station ; I have assisted your Lordships in the adnonistra- tion of those high judicial functions which belong to you; I have passed my life in courts of justice; I know the venerable and reverend Judges of the pre- sent time, and many of the grave men who preceded them ; I know the tech. lags of those distinguished persons, from unreserved intercourse : but I protest, I do not believe that any one of those venerable persons, the heads and sages of the law in this country, could have brought himself to believe in the possibility of the existence of the minute which nave mentioned. I will ven- ture to add, that if the statement had been made to those venerable person', they would have answered with one voice, ' It must be a mistake—carelessneu, error, misunderstanding, could alone give rise to such lines beii g. traced on any paper. Depend upon it it is all wrong, error, or mere fabrication and imagi- nation.' But it may he said that because this outrageous in,: ruction existed, it was not a consequence that any one WILS founil acting on ? How stands the fact? how far does it show this minute to have been a niece baseless fa- brication of imagination ? So far from unit being acted on, it appeared tint in the course of the last two or three years no fewer than seven-and-twenty eases were tried before the Chief Justice, and in which he pronounced sentence; and every one of those seven-and-twenty cases was referred, not to the Chief Jus- tice, as the evidence on oath shows, but, because of and in olaslience to tbis memorandum, either to the Attorney-General, the Crown counsel, the prosecu- tors nominee—holding office during pleasure, or, as more frequently happened, as happened in nine eases out of ten, to the Crown solicitors—( Load (.Oppose lion elwerg)—to the attorneys-at-law practising to the Lord Chief Justice, the second Common Law Judge of the realm."

Several of these cases were mentioned by Lord Brougham ; but he relied chiefly on that of Gaghan, sentenced by Chief Jastice Doherty to seven years' transportation for a most violent outrage upon four policemen in revenge for evidence they had given on it prosecution. This man had been pardoned under the following circumstances. Soon after sentence was passed upon him, he made an application for a com- mutation of punishment. The memorial was properly sent to the Judge, with a request for his notes of the trial, and his opinion. The Judge said, no ground existed for altering the sentence ; and the reply to the application was, that the law must take its course. Soon after- wards, another application came, not from the prisoner, but his brother, a Roman Catholic priest. This memorial was couched in the most insolent language towards the Judge ; who was charged with corruption and injustice. A letter, written by a clerk, but signed by Mr. Drum- mond, was sent to Chief Justice Doherty, again calling his attention to the case ; but by mistake, as it turned out, the priest's insolent memo- rial was enclosed in this letter. The Judge thought it right to take a copy of the memorial, which, Mr. Drummond said, was to have been sent back to the priest with a reprimand, and a direction to expunge the offensive passages. The memorial having been returned, was sent to the priest; who declared that he was very sorry to have offended the

GOvernment ; for, said he, with delightful nvete, " It is not only my duty but my interest not to offend a. Government from whom I am asking a favour ; " but not one tittle of sorrow did. this man express tbr he outrageous attack upon the Judge. Nevertheless, in a letter after- !wards sent to the Judge, this reply of thepriest was described as a bumble and contrite expression of sorrow for .his offence. Cliief Justice Doherty informed the Government that he little regarded the memorial of the Priest, hut he complained that the Government should hove made such a document the gruund of reL:olisidering. the ease. In reply came a initiate of the Lord-Ide.utenant himself, stating that tlot memorial was not the ground of reconsidering the ease, but verbal communicatimis front persons not named. Now, though of course there could have been no intention to state what was false, this statement „,,,,, proved before the Committee to by tint rut. The priest's lo ter, and tltot :done, was the ground of reconsidering the ease. A letter signed by Mr. Drummond was sent to Chief Justice Doherty, coot:doing a reprimand for his having kept a eopy of the priest's slandertots meinorial,--a very dal offence, Lord Brougham thought, though Sir 3lichael O'LogilleU was staggered by its enormity. Lord Brougham then went very minutely into the cases. of two .inei-1 named Connor and Archibald Sly, great irregularity in the 1110de of proceeding had been and showed that

sanctioned by the Irish Government.

The last point to which Lord Brougham directed attention, was the exercise attic prerogative of mercy. lie quoted the opinions of Stan- ford, Bracton, Lord Coke, and Sergeant 1 fawkins, to show that old mid modem lawyers concurred in the general rule, that only those offenders should be spared by the Crown whose cases, could they IIII.Vt? 110011 foreseen, the law itself' would have heeli willing to except front its penal- ties, Now, how had this rule liven observed by the Marquis of Nor- nruiby ? During his progress 240 persons were disci targed. Of these, 232 were discharged on the spot by the Lord-laentenant ; five after- wards, on inquiry being made ; and subsequently three more. The course of proceeding appeared to be this— hit Excellency came into a town, and he was immediately tel by the populace to the gaol. He entered the prison : the prisoners were paraded be- fore him, or rather, ft certain proportion of the prisoners were so paraded ; and theu, such as the gaoler recommended to him Nrefe liberated, anti very often without any further inquiry, and no account being given of them. Th-ere was a remarkable instance of this in the ease of the prisoners at Clonmel. It ap- peared that fifty-seven persons were drawn up in the prison-yard and re- ceived their pardun, 11 hile there w,•re two hundred other prisoners in the gaol who were not drawn up. Every thing seemed to depend on the quiet comluet of the prisoners, and what the gaoler thought of them, Mr lie inade I he selection ; and it' he made a lio-ourable report of them 1 hey were suic to he liberated. While the Lord-Lieutenant was in this prism., Mr. White, the May■Ir Or tin' tom, was them also, and he was a Might nut' of the county, residitig near lion- mel; hut it did not a wear that his Exeellency put a single question to him on the subject, nor was hits opinion taken as to the liberation of any oh' these pri- soners, but his Lordship depended entirely int the statement of the gaoler; even the opinion of the chaplain was hardly taken. The gaoler said Ilea he inter- fered in one case where lie found that t wo men were about tic he di,eliarged, when the chaplain told hint that they were 111 1111$011 fire itilil.

1 l'OelollS case of

manslaughter which almost amounted to murder. lie said that lie men- tioned this immediately to his Excellency, who therefore refuseil to grant their pardons and liberation.

Attempts had been made to show that some of the persons liberated had been recommitted for subsequent offences, —

He did not care much for this, as he took a much higher objection to the proceeding—as he did not think this was the way in which the administration of justice should he dealt with. It :limo:trod, however, that of the lifty-seven pri- soners discharged at Minitel, only two had been meommitted, and one of them for a very serious charge, fur which lie was convicted and sentenced to transportation; but out of the nineteen persoos lilwrated in Westmeath, six had been recommitted for other (deuces, and sent baek to gaol, and two of them had been sentenced to transportation. This proportion of six out of nineteen in one ease, and only two in the other, furnished the strongest evidence of the want of care in the proceedings. Thus, the fifty. seven prisoners at Clonmel might be very good subjects for mercy while the nineteen might be very had persnos; but there was the same want o,f caution and inquiry in both cases, No Judge was examined, no committing Magistrate was questioned, and no one was examined w110 knew any thing either oh' the committals or the trials. His Excellency spent two hours in Clomni.l gaol ; and the gaoler said that he was snoring about from place to platy fin more than half' that time, so that he must have had less than one hour to devote to the investigation of these various eases. This, then, was the time given for the examination of the fifty-seven eases, which was something. less than a minute fin- each. There were some of these cases of a very heavy nature. One matt had been nineteen moths in prison for receiving stolen goods, and another for manslaughter; and all these men were liberated merely because the gaoler said they behaved well and were quiet men. An appeal had been made to the Jury and the Judge, from those who had tried the cause—to whom ? Not to the Attorney-General, not even to the Crown Solicitors, the attornies at law ; but to the least aud the lowest officers of the law, the gaoler and his turnkey : and the only questions put even to them related to the prisoners behaviour in gaol-

" Ay, and with a full knowledge of what must always lie the fact, that the man who had been oftenest in gaol would find the most favour in the eyes of his gaoler, because it wits often the man who had never beIhre been restrained ill Ins person who was much less pat but under his confinement then he who had often been confined ; as the wild bird would flap his wings against his cage, when the tame bird, which had been born and hatched in slavery, would never assail the wires with a feather of his pillions—so he who had often been in gaol, who had been a constant inmate of prisons, was just the very man whom the gaoler would be likely to point out to the Executive 119 deserving of mercy." 7 But such conduct as this had been sanctioned : the liberation of pai- 1 sours on the mere haphazard of a Lord-Lieutenant going to one gaol i rather than another in his tour through the country, had been approved t of by the Government at home-

lie would any nothing to the recent adoption of these acts before the in- quiry had commenced; he would say nothing as to the justice of the deliberate, calm, and legislative act of a grave and authoritative body of the national . Senate—he meant the Commons of England in Parliament assembled—an act iwhereby, having heard that an inquiry was about to he instituted which had not emmneneed—wherebv, having themselves demanded information (he spoke from the Votes) touchaig the subject of that inquiry—whereby, having A- ttained that information on promise, but without one tittle of it yet before hem—whereby, on the eve of' that inquiry, on the ground that they bad not proceeded to such inquiry, and that theirlordships had not yet proceeded to its with a full knowledge that no living man could divine what might or might nct be the result ef that inquirj• when eel lel inks], either by their Lordships or by themselves—that grave aml v,•tedable body of Representatives of England and Ireland it i, I . though by it narrow inajte"t!., made up of the ItepresentatlVeS of Ireland chiefly, (be \N.:1,, 11111.1)1U11 11111 t., 11.1 %V the 111:1j01'1t,y, 6,•(•:111.0 the

Iirpresentativ ts tint England, gloryiag in tlt•lr loud publish, the names

of those who 'Noted, and had so afforded hint the means of (Usti-dotting his praise,) come It) resehition that, b •cause tlm imptiry• %%a, pending—hecintse it hilt not in fact commenced—hi-eau Itt.y wi•re ml Ill. ,.,tioraitt id: I lit• result, and, in fact, la cause they could no. :lit be sm being t.. llm tlic of pro- phecy, whielt they 11111 Dot 5e1i11 to ! le, in :aver i),),5a1, • —tbey bad, therefore, al lettermt might he thu iv !! .0•S111.1.1 :111 1!,11111/2, 10.0n11'iliCell. a vcr- diet of ocquittal and approval.

Hut this was not all. Tile after the dissolution of the hist the Lord-Lieutenant, (though tl, •

far his Excellent.). xv.N Excellency to be guided by tit, 1,,,, guided him, and 1,, pi ill ml,' their entire approval. Ilere 1, t Ii, I. all that the Lord-Lim:tenant tenant had amonioced to their • I.ord Nortinteby's footsteps. 7: not his indispeesolde dal). to livino th: to.,1 ter I.-Core l', I ask. their Lordships to apply an i ivy i i inetly to I mischief ?—.

" It AV11S 111,01 t toly'llcetary, my T sltool,1 j r-,evere, liking as I do, that tlw higher-I of all the fit te.i imis f'rowit. the tito,:t important of

ail the ofliees of the Om-oilmen', the ut !ilditi motion of justice and every

thing that lipped :tins to it ; and a, I do, i list if no step It talwn, anth, tlet promptly, tt,. express your Lordship,' opinion as ttl the tam mode in which the lxyclitiv!. (;overninent might to those high and pal-Amount duties, you wall again and again see 'lost .111mT, hIt NI hich Int:rev will mit be exer- eised according to t•Ailblisliell proi•apli. s and Fixed

limits, restrained by sonic sentimen:, of j a si ice a, will as of the it ili•rference of personal aml by a judicious distinction of individual proof—yon will again and :1,e/in see instance: ef that whielt Ireland has lately .-xltihited- of mercy changed into a mere pa, 'm' its soleirm duty, and of that pageant showing Ulla justice as having changed places—niercy blind, while justice weeps."

As long as the administration orjust lee m as correct, i)uire, and Mflexi- ble—as long as that grent power. ticit proligions ('lamp, that solar belt, continued firm ...nil remitted ilsl tli mt.fl. ',,di the impulses Ii' which

the emistitution eottld it.' wuijl i I,.• utterly disregarded-

" Dive the croerit all possOde d • ir • te contt he imagined— give it an ohse,ptioo, Deo— ,,f t a vi•na i tm,i. 'it' Earit:, and ready on all .t.a•,-.10:1, to .wersl,p11, nitinds ;hi l'eopl, 's freedom—and

ant ready feral.: 10 iiiiF•11 from !lc' King's Coort it Witolsm- It the King's

(-lima at "M'est mite.ter then, I know, in that tem,de of i' I shall find th.• imperishahle I lIIi Ii in if' the Mimi. let III, r came from another quorter—let there Iss a l ,,i.i ITuti ig House l'arliament where the Ilepre,iiiitatives do not kmes• their own ininds—lvlicr • ilie day by a

narrow inajiiritv thee vote one wav. mid arather dav anotlier ii iv that the constitution :11111 be no Innotir eipilp•iiseil, but the pincer 1.i-I entirely

with the !louse nf Lords, :toil the free e onset of the count .'v lte ronverted entirely into an aristocratic go.) ailment ; still, against all I fiat a corrupt court or a dominating aristocracy could do. I still should feel that I !night flee to the Judges for a rei'age either I., pit, ti' the stibject or to seeme the CrOW1.1 against all assail outs. Or if the danger shoold conic —lboitgli I i r,,tittly do not think I shall liv,i to see it—from a fierce ileum wracy ; if the prt,,,,iire should be from tbe lower rc5ions p clii ii ; if Ilia "to ra-teotts timOit ti he should break in upon anil threaten to iliiiTslt the wall nr trio cointitillion, then I would oppose, as an impregnahl.i bulwark. the jinlivial sy,tein of the country, against which, as against a rock, all the surges of papitlar fury ntirltt -11,11, and rush in vain •, and then it would be tlrit to the a l■noti,trotion jo,tice, with Ivhich this I louse is in the most spivioil manner c num led by the Istitution of the country-, that I should look to make lily all against Koch attacks, aml to that in all the perils aml dangers of the eoitotry I would conlid,• for the best siumort of the constitution. .1.!ol, my !mills, as often as you pereelve any attempt made to break down this lieu .!,-trahle 1.111w:irk, though it might be slowly and •,nianleilly, and though it iolght not be with design, (which I do not impute in this instance, though of Iuii ti lion irking train feeliogs of a kind nature there is ample evidem•e,) ()Pen will it be yonr duty to oppose such inroads at the outset, and to apply i remedy, by the atlopiion of that soutal principle which the exh,encies of the coe dernantl. With these views and on these grounds it is 'that have deemed it niy duty In presS your Lordships to liclopt these resnlutions, which I submit to our attention and calm consideration, and which, 011 behalf of the constit til Ititi and of the litte Edith- nibtration of justice, I implore your Lordships to agree to."

Lord lirongliam then moved the following resolutions-

- 1. 'not ,,bet, persons bound iwer 10 give e, ;oleo., it iiipi os noni.e, shall not appear, Or S11:111 ',TOW to lie sworn, it i, oecessary for the due admhsistration of cri- nitwit instke intl 01,), sboubt nut o,ily ity ...tn.:ding their leeo;nizatiCes

in tt L er Nvrit lel the day . by ti. !Tome `-'t -.rotary to I it all to t ' dyed his 't,.retofore ltieli had of ol in as it it, and ‘,1,ting

The resolutions having been read,

The Marquis of NORMANBY rose. He began his reply to Lord Brougham ty complaining of the manner in which this motion had been pressed forward. Lord Brougham had declared that his resolutions would not be criminatory, and might be agreed to without the perusal of a line of the evidence given before the Committee. He left the House to decide,• after hearing the noble and learned lord's speech, 'whether nn ex- amination of the evidence was not necessary to come to a satisfactory vote on this motion. The resolutions were only given to the House on Friday, and the motion was brought in on Tuesday. How was there time to procure the necessary papers from Dublin ? With respect to that part of the resolutions which related to legal technicalities, tbe House would see it was natural that he should hurry over them, as those would follow him in the debate better able to deal with such points ; but he must stop to express his indignation at the manner in which Lord Brougham had spoken of one of the greatest ornaments of the Irish bar—Sir Michael O'Loghlen. It was alleged that Mr. Cahill was the only person who had testified to the beneficial working of the rule respecting the setting aside of jurors introduced by Sir Michael ; but Mr. Tickell, leader on the Home Circuit, bad 'expressed a similar opi- nion. The charge brought against him by Lord Brougham was that of disrespectful behaviour to the Judges; but the whole evidence was confined to the difference between the Lord-Lieutenant and Chief Justice Doherty. With respect to Gaghan's case, he still thought that his own and Sir Michael O'Loghlen's construction was right, and that the sentence was properly remitted. In the other cases mentioned by Lord Brougham, he acted on advice from the Law Officers of the Crown, and in some in- stances in concurrence with the opinions of the Judges. But all these cases had been discussed in Parliament two years ago. With respect to the prerogative of mercy, he utterly denied that it had been capri- ciously exercised—that particular towns had been selected, and no exa- mination of facts and circumstances made. He knew that the principle on which he acted in Ireland was inapplicable in England— The great majority of the offences committed in Ireland arose out of per- sonal conflicts, ehaneemedley end thetion fights, waylaying, and assaults not of an aggravated description ; the punishment for all of which was much more severe in Ireland than in this country. When he saw a disposition on the part of the people who were pardoned to attend to the admonitions of Government, and when he sew a dimunition of offences produced, anti of offences of this sort, he thought it judicious to apply a more general system of clemency than could be applied in England. If he saw a thief hi gaol, and knew him to be well-conducted while there, he would not, therefore, say that be would not return to his evil habits when he was let loose, but it was, he thought, very different with persons who were imprisoned for being engaged in chance- medley or faction lights„ and if the disposition of such a man were good in gaol, he thought he might be tidily trusted with liberty. He did think that this was a very fair experiment to try how far, by such means, he could pro- mote the tranquillity of the country and encourage kindly feelings amongst different persons in that rank of life. And he contended that the experiment had been successful. He had proof of this in the improved condition of the country. He referred the House to the statements, not only of Mr. Cahill, but of Mr. How- ley, Sir W. Packe, Mr. Price, Mr. Hurley, Mr. Hobson, Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Tompkins, and the late Lord Clements; which proved, that in those ports of the country through which he had passed, and had liberated many offenders, a better feeling towards the Government and the local authorities had sprung up, and crimes had been diminished. These wit- nesses were either Magistrates, local Inspectors of Police, Crown pro- secutors, or Assistant 'Barristers, and therefore competent to speak on the subject. He was glad to know that his motives had not been im- pugned; and he could not think he had exercised the prerogative of mercy very injudiciously, when it appeared that the offences to which that exercise of mercy had been chiefly applied, were those which had been most materially diminished.

Lord MELnounsta and Lord WHARNCLIFFE rose together ; the latter gave way, and Lord Minalounsig addressed the House. He said he would detain their Lordships but a few minutet, for he was "entirely ignorant" of the evidence, with which Lord Wharncliffe was perfectly acquainted. He had remarked that Lord Brougham referred to his former political career, as offering a guarantee that, in bringing forward this motion, he could not be actuated by any personal or party feelings ; and if that .were not sufficient, he would show by his speech that such motives had no influence upon him- " Now, what considerations my noble and learned friend's past political life and conduct may excite itt your f,erdships' minds, I do not pretend to say—(A laugh); but with respect to the otlicrg t etran tee which my noble diel learned friend offered, namely, the manner in which he should discharge his duty this evening, I think this will most certainly fail of its effect. I do think, that upon the whole, a more violent, a more bitter, a more inveterate, a more intemperate, and a more eriminating speech, was never heard in this house ; a speech crimi- natory not only of my noble friend lately at the head of the Government of Izeland, but of many persons who are not here present, and who are ac- cused of conduct in every respect and in the highest degree criminal, and upon

which unquestiouably, true, a charge would rest of the greatest public de • linquency:" And this attack was made before time had been allowed to read the

evidence, or to make inquiries into many circumstances connected with this subject. As to the first three resolutions, they affirmed mere truisms, or directed that to be done, which was now the usual practice. Ile conceived that they could only have been proposed with a criminatory intent. He (lid not see how he could meet the motion otherwisethan by moving the previous question ; for some of the resolutions involved doctrines simply elementary, and disputed by nobody. The charge against Government was, that !II-y adproved of Lord Normanby's con- duct; which they certainly iL and as an answer to Lord Brougham's condemnation of that emelueI, he could adduce a declaration from a very great authority, which lie found in the third volume of a work entitled " The Speeches V Henry Lord Bronyham," printed in 1 Sf3S-

" I do not know who was the editor of the puli ' lication but I find that there

ia a favourable explanatory remark before each speech. The passage to which I would call your Lordships' attention is as follows: 4 Lord- Wellesley, who nobly signalized his entry into public life as a disciple of Grattan, believe the passing of the Catholic Emancipation by his brother, rendered himself the more dear to his countrymen dewing his first Lord-Lientenancy by holding the balance even between conflicting sects, and its leis second Lord-Lieutenancy, bg wing that the fact and the law were made to correspond, and by giving to the Roman Catholics the full share of those advantages to which th-e-1-..y law become eligible. Lord Anglesey had promised the same liberal malt' lightened policy ; and now Lord Normanby, who was equally distinguiehe“.°' his conduct in public life and his talents as a private gentleman and alite,,: man—[" How kind " said Lord Alelbourne]—was now pursuing manly and honest policy by which lie had most jingly endeared hiumielfg Irish people.' I wish to quote this for no more than it is worth hear P and a laugh.) But I think it affords a pretty strong 'need 4 appQ tion to the general government of my noble friend—fully as strong as letter of Lord John Russell, going to the same points, written within a yeud it—that of my noble and learned friend being propounded in 1837,turiti; letter of my noble friend the Home Secretary in 1836."

Now, what right bad Lord Brougham to pass this eulogiain Government at a time when he was fully aware of the very facts had now brought against ':.hem ? (Cries of " No, no I")

"My noble and learned friend concluded his able and powerful speech stitgi splendid eulogium upon the virtue of justice ; certainly a most splendid , gyric, though I think. I have heard some of it before ; at least, he me in mind, whets speaking of a corrupt House of Commons and ee„,;; Ministry,. and with the aid "of justice overcoming them all—he certainly me in mend of Sheridan's remarks on the importance and efficiency of% liberty of the press. But it was none the worse for that. (A /oup/i.) certainly this passage was n very splendid one, and I am willing to do be justice; but at the same time, 1 must say that people, when they talk emu, praise of justice, sometimes exercise the least ; and this I think is remsigei apparent in this very instance, when in the same breath with which my und learned friend pronounces his euloginm on justice, Ile proposes am% which violates every substantial element of it."

Lord WHARNCLIFFE thought that, on the whole, the House oughtt, " pass the resolutions ; for though he felt that the wording was strteg, Lord Normanby's conduct had certainly been indiscreet.

Lord PLUNKET admitted, that though great improvements had lift • made in the criminal law and in the mode of administering It, further improvements might be made. But Lord Brougham minuted defects in the law with a charge against the Government. Ile did es see how the law could be mended by passing the resolutions; sedan, the administration of the law, he denied that the established peck, had been departed from, except in such a way as to promote the easel the law, the protection of life and property, the punishment of mirth. meals, and the diminution of offences. He maintained especially, the the new rule respecting the challenging of jurors had worked most le neficially. There was now greater confidence in the impartiality! the courts of justice, and the reluctance of juries to convict undouNei criminals had almost disappeared. With respect to the consultation . Judges before remission of sentences, that practice had not been formly adhered to ; and lie considered that, by adopting Lord Bengt* resolutions, a novel and unconstitutional restriction would be libel upon the Crown's prerogative of mercy. He could bear testimoal himself to the success of the experiment of releasing offenders frop prison. Ireland now afforded a rational prospect of increased.tae quillity. Ile would only make one remark on the case of Gag*, about which so much had been said. He was competent to make the remark, for he had read the evidence. How many of their Lordship • bad read it ? Not twenty, lie was sure. Well, the case was sisqj this. A man had been convicted of the sense offence with aid ‘' Gni= was charged, but pardoned on the recommendation of Judge ' Moore ; and the Attorney-General did not think it right that Gagla should be punished when the other man was set free.

The Earl of Bonus/ rejoiced that so much truth had been elieitt, with respect to the state of his unhappy country. The evidence giva to the Committee was most valuable. Magna eat veritas et provalebii,

Lord HATinurrox defended Lord Normanby's administration ; didy on the ground that its influence on the people of Ireland had been ei. cellent, and that the improvement was especially visible in the treats degree of respect paid to the law and to the courts ofjustice. He eon. tended that upon Lord Brougham's principle it would be almost imp sible to get a jury in Ireland. Lord Brougham would exclude persoci who had any political or religious feeling in reference to the cause 10 be tried-

" This principle, as applied to Ireland, was most important, because billet country polities and religion were so much connected with each other, &nit almost invariably happened that the parties on the one side or the other Hat

either exclusively Protestants or exclusively Rinnan Catholics. Therefer,if the Crown Solicitor were instructed to set aside all persons who were connected either by political or religions feeling with the case to be tried, the molt would almost inevitably be that the one political or religious party would Is altogether excluded."

Lord STUART 1)0 DRUBS remarked, that when ninety-four Orange.

men engaged in illegal processions land been released from prison, so complaint was made of the abuse of the prerogative of mercy ; bet when mercy was extended to Munster as well as Ulster, an outcry vas raised, lie refused to consider the question before the House as one of law; it was one of state policy, and should be so viewed by Perlis- ment.

Lord BROUGHAM replied, in a speech which occupied an hour skit half in the delivery : it was one of his most brilliant and effective dis- plays; but the reports in the daily papers are so meagre, that it isle possible to give even an outline of it. He concluded by sayine- Ile had never joined any party, but lee maintained his own indepentreetprie.

elides. Ile would not enter into an inquiry as to which was preferable ais party, Whig or Tory ; beat this he would say, that the latter never attempted by any 'indite means to conceal their real objects need principles, and had nem endeavoured, by a bedchamber intrigue, to support thew own position ; butted always stripped off every rag of the clothing of duplicity, and had stoodin their naked simplicity and character.

The House divided—

For the resolutions SG For the previous question 52

■■••

Majority against Ministers 34

In the House of Commons, on Wednesday, the order of the day .to considering the Lords' amendments to the Irish Municipal Bill havml! been read, Lord JOHN RUSSEL/. took the opportunity of referring t Lord 13roughain's fourth resolution ; which he read to the House, an then said—

He did not then wish to enter upon any argument on time matter contain ma that resolution; but, as it involved a question affecting the office Okla

a to hold, he' wished at once to say, that it went to impose a ha thtraolyr different from that which he had hitherto followed, and that it alsci;Ot-ins'tinientionto Make any alteration in the former practice. (Cheers.) constitutionally enacted by the Legislature, declaring that geseloauwrrisetbee fortilh in the resolution which he had read was in future to be followed, he should, of course obey that law; but he viewed it, in the mean time, at an improper interference with the prerogative of the Crown, which he did

not think should be sanctioned.

The subject of Tuesday's debate was revived in the House of Lords on Thursday, on a motion by Lord DUNCANNON for the second reading of the Irish Unlawful Oaths Bill. Lord WHARNCLIFFE delivered a

long speech i to convince the House that Ribbonism existed to an alarm- ing extent n Ireland—that the country gentlemen of Ireland were sur- rounded by a conspiracy which entirely took from them the power of

beneficial action. Lord Wharncliffe relied, chiefly on, the evidence of per. Rowan, a Stipendiary Magistrate, for proof of the existence of

the Ribbon conspiracy.

Lord NORMANDY read many extracts from the evidence of other wit- nesses, and several letters, with the view of damaging Ali:. Rowtm's tes- timony. Ile maintained that that gentleman had doled in making out tha alarming ease he had stated to the Committee. The Marquis of WESTMEATH defended Mr. Rowan ; whose testimony bad been confirmed by other witnesses. As for Ribbonism, " he be- lieved the thing was going on under very able heads."

Lord Lunoilst was surprised to hear so much of Ribbonism in Par. limed. He had just conic front Armagh, the alleged head-quarters of the conspirators ; and there, people were very calm, comfortable, pros- perous, and improving in every respect.

The Duke of WeLLINGTON was entirely satisfied with his vote for

the Committee, and his support of Lord Brougham's resolutions—having had, too, the satisfaction of hearing that magnificent speech which pro- ceeded the moving of these resolutions. That was a speech which novercould be forgotten, and must have its effect on the admiuistration ofjustice in Ireland.

The Duke of Rumatoxn bore testimony to the fairness with which the proceedings in the Committee had been conducted. For his own part, he had acted with a single view to the pertbrmance of his duty. Ministers knew that he never opposed, when he could conscientiously support them.

- 'Lord Bernewrost disbelieved the ex:stence of any very formida-

ble conspiracy in Ireland ; and he referred to parts of the evidence, plainly showing that many witnesses, who gave alarming. testimony, were

persons in great distress, who wanted money for their information. He maintained that the Irish Government had used every possible exertion In discover and punish these secret conspirators.

Lord BROUGHAM thought there could be no doubt that the appoint- tent of the Committee was a wise proceeding- ' The result had proved highly important ; and although he did not go the full extent of the opinion of' some noble lords as to the proof of the extent and object of' secret societies, still he did not even know, till the appointment of the Committee, that there did exist such a dangerous weapon to be snatched up at any moment ; and he had never thought that Ireland was in such a state at present as it was found on this inquiry to be.

. Lord PLUNKET said, that since 1798, when the Society of United

Irishmen was established, there had never ceased to be secret societies in Ireland.

• Lord MELBOURNE presumed that he had heard the evidence on Ribbonism thirty and fully ; and he concluded that with respect to secret societies the Committee was a complete failure. Nothing had been proved which had not been notorious for years.

Lord RODEN thought that Mr. Rowan had been treated with unde- served severity. That gentleman had been selected by Major War-

burton, Chief of the Police, us able to give valuable information ; and he forward as an unwilling witness. Lord Roden thanked the

Duke of Wellington for his assistance in obtaining the Committee ; and now, on the termination of the inquiry, he would only say that he trusted his object—the benefit of his country—would be secured.

The Unlawful Oaths Bill, which had been lost sight of in the long discussion of which the above is but an outline, was read a second time without a division.

Lam Mueireteae BILL.

This bill was read a third time, and passed, after a brief discussion ; in the course of which nothing remarkable occurred. Seine discussion arose in the Commons on Wednesday relative to the amendments of the Lords in this meaatire ; one of which, reinoving powers of taxation from the Town-Cuancils to the Grand Juries, was declared by the Speaker to be a breach of the Commons' privileges; but the bill not being a money-bill, the amendment would not necessarily be fatal to the measure, for the Lords might recede from their amendment. On Lord Joon RussEta:s motion, it was agreed that the vhole of the Lords' amendments should be considered on Friday.

MR. ROWLAND HILL'S POSTAGE PLAN.

Lord ASHRURTON, on Monday, preSented petitions to the House of Lords in favour of cheap postage ; and ' Lord MELISOURNE then rose to DlOve the second reading of the Postage Bill. Ile explained the chief provisions of the measure ; which, he said, were extremely simple. They invested the Treasury with Power to alter the present rates of mstage, to regulate the privilege of franking, and to reconstruct the whole of the existing system. The general object for which these powers were required, was to establish a Tenny postage for all letters under a certain weight. Lord Melbourne dwelt upon the universally acknowledged benefits of cheap communi- cation by post, and quoted opinions in tivour of the plan which Minus. .ters had adopted. With respect to the revenue, he did not think that 'any near estimate could be formed of the loss which the diminution of the postage-charges would occasion. That some deficiency would arise, he did not doubt; and therefore the House of Commons had been Ca.. lied upon to pledge themselves to make good the loss. He regretted that, for the last two years, there had been an excess of expenditure over Income; but he did not think that increase or diminution of reve- nue to the extent of some 300,000/. or 400,000/. in such an immense sum as was annually received from taxes in this country, afforded mat- ter either for congratulation or despondency. He confessed that, look- ing to the state of' affairs abroad and at home, he had no sanguine ex- pectation that the expenditure could soon be diminished. The Govern- ment was called upon not only to maintain the integrity of the empire, and preserve order at home, but to find money for a great variety of projects ; some reasonable—all plausible. If he could address "Members of the other House, he would entreat them to be very careful about these matters, and consider the financial state of the country. With these opinious, he might be asked how he could bring forward a measure which must materially affect the national finances ? He felt the objec- tion very strongly ; and his answer was, that the general demand of cheap postage from all classes and parties was very difficult to withstand. In fact, Members in another place, who acted with noble lords opposite, were compelled to make it an "open question ;" and thus it appeared that there were open questions on both sides. To be sure, gentlemen op- posed to the Government would not call it an open question—they said it was "not a party question," and Members might vote upon it in conformity with the wishes and feelings of their constituents. He moved the second reading of this bill, in the full reliance that the country would not ask for a measure for which they were not prepared to pay the full price, or of which they were Lot ready to take the full consequences.

The Duke of WELLINGTON said, that he felt extreme reluctance in giving the vote he was about to give and in tendering the advice which he should feel it his duty to offer to the House. He thoneht that if any plan of the kind was to be adopted, Mr. Rowland Hill's, if adopted exactly as proposed, was most likely to be successful ; but he did not anticipate any great increase of literary correspondence ; and his owa experience enabled hiimi to state that the correspondence of soldiers was remarkably small, although they had, iii fact, only to pay one penny for each letter. In one Highland regiment of lam men, who were supposed to be much attached to their homes, only sixty .three or sixty-four letters were written ia six or seven months. The Duke

gave other reasons for his belief that the increase of letters would not be very great, and then proceeded to state his opinion that there was no sufficient guarantee that the deficiency in the revenue would be

made up. tie referred to official accounts, which showed that the deficiency in questimi was considerable. But nevertheless, and though,

for the reasa!is given, he did it with much reluctance, he earnestly recom- mended the !louse to pass this bill. It was a measure must anxiouslk looked for by the country ; and though on several parts of the bill there might be, and there was, much and increasing doubt, their Lord- ships must remember that they could not touch one clause without violating the conventional rules subsisting between the two Houses.

It must ale 3 be remembered that the Government, supported by the House of' Commons, could destroy the whole revenue of the Post- office, which' it was their Lordship: to preserve. Under these circumstances, he should vote for the bill himself, aud he recommended the House to do likewise.

The Earl of Illroa considered the measure objectionable in the highest degree, both as to the mode in which it waa preposed to carry out its oLject, and the circumstances of the time at which it was brought

f'orw'ard. Ile was quite certain that neither Lord .Melbourne nor Mr. Spring Rice had the slightest conception of the manner ia which this

bill was to be brought into practical operation. Lord Ripon then di- rected his attention to the state of the revenue and expenditure, and especially to the cost of the war in A sia-

" They were engaged in one of thn most gigantic operations that had ever been undertaken in India. They were carrying on a war for an ob- ject of donhaltil hundreds of miles from their fun ml without any bask for their operations execpt the river Indus ; which were two vomit vice, the one gov,lated Ity a man of great taleat, hit in a very feeble state of heallb, and not deriving his aut!immri!y ii, reenter Itoroditary succession—the other govertnal by a titan bound to ii it it military right of traversing Isis ter- ritory, but who could shut them omit (it-morrow, and if the necessity of the ease arose woubl !nil SerlIple to 110 vu,, for Indian potemates Were not greatly troubled with se...aides. Vsmdow them were the natiVC3 of Sinae, notoriously hi t Ii o ii, mill %vim had not permitted us tO traverse their territory to make au attack upon .Vgliallistan. It was very likely we might succeed in e..maldidlimig Shah soimiali upon the m immune, and drive 1),,.,t to seek a, precarious sithistenve ill :mother country, lint the would only begin when that saccis: was cumuli te. It did not apptar to him that they could economize in this pataiettlar with respoA to th., aumunt of their naval

mid military resources. lint was this the only sottree of it What

was the state of Pm i? were they not in eifcct at wii . with that country? They were told in the beginning or time session, that a state of things bad arisen there which it was hopait would pa,,s away, and that amicable relations would be established. It what was the i:tel The Persian Ambassador had been dismissed, and time tmvo emintries w.•re at war : and Ile ha,: 119 diilictilty in say- ing, that, in his It:noble jtvignient, thcre had gee:il degreemit negligence 011 time VIII or ; i hnliell•I'S 011 time part of Sir John ; who placed himself in such 11 visition with re;2,aird to Persia, that destroyed the original basis of fidelity awl amity and good un-

derstanding that prevailed, and thrtw Persia hito the ming. of Russia. Could

they, lookin; at these cirettinstanca.s, say that it was ptcper to reduce their met vim! or military establishments ? They were also engaged in increasing their distant poisessions, in establishing new colonies in New Zealand and in New South \Vales. They bail taken upon themselves, also, to become the p‘oysosuesld- sors of' a fortress on the lied Sea in au extraordinary lumpier, which he not describe, but which was described in the papers that hail !wen laid before the House. A iii again, how thi they stand with regard to tioncla ? The noble viscount hall himsell'ailtuitted—and he was the best jadgo—that thete Was 110 tillS011 to eXilell a decrease of e7,:peus.. in this quarter. There semis also

the North-eastern boundary quests:int, irk might come before them at any

11101!1:11t, and which ivas a most co:mil:ea; ci yte:t ion. lie mentioned these facts to show that there was no reo,,oi to smyose that the state of the aspen- ditere wouhl admit of any material diatinatMa.

As to additional taxMion, put his finger on items on which he could carry additional to %mite! in the House of Commons to the extent of a million and a halt: 'Ile present, therefore, was riot the time to press this scheme.

Lord Bnoccuaet remarked, that the Earl of Itipon had delivered an excellent speech about India, It 'inject Singh, Dost 3Iahommed, and Shah Soojah ; lie had, indeed, touched almost every question except the Egyptian question.

Lord BROUGHAM bad said to a friend, while Lord Ripon was speak- ing, " He ought not to omit the Egyptian qttestion and the Poor-law question." However, Lord Brougham admitted that all Lord Ripon's remarks had a connexion with the financial part of the question before the House. Lord Brougham then complimented Lord Melbourne on the calm and rational statement he had made—a statement calculated to prevent disappointment should the first year's experience of cheap postage result in a deficiency of revenue. As to the amount of the deficiency, he calculated that it would be nearer 200,000/. than 1,500,00A, and he llisagreeil with Lord Ripon, that a revenue of 48,000,000/. NVil3 in jeopardy bec:eise 200,0001. was likely to be lost. Lord Brougham replied to several objections to the measure ; and showed by an induction of facts, that when the price of an article was re- duced to a penny, the demand for it mere ised prodigiously ; whereas a slight advance on that price had the coetrary effect. Even when the cost of the Speeeeter was raised one halfpenny, that celobrated publica- tion, supported by Addison, could not be maintained. He would say one word with respect to Canada, referred to by the Duke of Welling- ton and Lord Ripon— The noble duke sidd (lett Canada cost a million, and seemed surprised. that Uinta not eost more : he seemed to expect it would have cost two millions. Lord Brought n thought a million quite enough for Canada. It was dear for the moficv. Quite enough had been paid for Cambia, and he hoped in G'oil -wc shoidJ Nye to b • %vbs.'', and not pay mire millions in the same way. If this system w, at on, he was quit, sure it %vould op, it the eyes of the most stubborn

nuheliev, s i n t lu uselvssic ss of co1mii;i1 possessions. However, it was int-

possibli miy ,me. to fei I or confidence Emu be did in the gallant general now goy., u:ag that eolouy, and he tro,t,-! the accounts 11.011111101CC 11112Xt year would show Batt thvir pny cleats hal been made once fOr an.

Lord A sin:el:Toe1iIl il) doubt of tho eroat beectit to the community from the operation of the measure before the Honse ; but he should be most agreeably disappoionel, if, of the, pre- fig Post-Mike revenue, one- half, or even one-third remained. The revenue would be benefited in- directly, but in the article of paper lint to the extent supposed ; for an immense eumber of letters new seat by private conveyance would then

go by 1)o,1. and the in the miming of letters written and of the quantity -t" eeper used would not be so very great. Lord Ashburton proceeded to remark upon the state of the revenue. He did think, that with the present excess of expenditure over income, to add another million ate! a hall' to the deficiency, showed a reckles.sness and careless- ness of it.. ditty in Parliament, which must shock the sober and sensible part of tie- country. If we desired real ;cid substantial power and re- spect ale, el, the finances, must be placed is good condition ; but no- thing cIrcH It could be done with the Bank in a state of confusion and the finale.... glib: grassed. However, thit 101 before the House would be of gene r: ;el vantage. The objections to it might be easily obviated ; and he oeiep I, that witve it became n ..,:sary to lay on a fresh tax, the peopl.- tint nvITyt the benefit the.) had reedved.

Lord I: :t:IIutt feit it neevssiiry to 011...w, that ia the vote he was

about to „is,-ii,!1.• 1,1:1, lIe NI as not tI ig ineousi -tently with pre- M.. Howland :fill had al lirst propounded his plan it, (a,e 111,e;y io iderease the rev, ti of the 1).i:4-office, which,

Mr. Ilill it ought to be by two millions; but Lord

Lichfield ',el rejeoed this tot inn, find hail always maintained that by the adopt i,v; of 2,1e. Hill's !•elt.me the revenue would sustain a con-

siderable s. 11,. youbl support the bill before the House, for it was

based it ttthv tiditit grounds from i.e.: e on which Mr. Hill based his ori. . Iii. lie asseeted to it 0., the simple ground, that the detunhil for it throi;;;;; the enure ry eniversal —that after it had been proved that a is,,,,,iderable loss to tile revenue ULUSt accrue, peti- tions from all parts of the country and all classes were presented in its favour.

The bill was read a seciatel time, without ,t division.

Tue. SHANNON 13thre Lord DUNCANNON, on Thursday, moved the second reading of this bill.

The Duke of Wetragxegos said, he did not mean to oppose the mea- sure, which he believed would be of great utility ; but he protested against the immense issue of Exchequer Bills. Would it not be pos- sible to spread this large sum of 580,000/. over a larger space of time ?

The Marquis of Lo ssoows e; said, that only 60,000/. would he wanted in the course of the next yeer ; and as the work would extend over five or six years, the issue of Exchequer Bills 'would be accordingly.

Lord Er.i.ngnonotaitt said, there ought to be a distiact authority to the Treasury to issue money on the reinlisilion of the Commissioners ; and the money ought to be lodged in the Bank of Ireland.

Lord Des:cannon would take care that a clause should be introduced to effect that object.

Lord ELIA:gnome-go remarked that the expense to be borne by the counties was divided into el"il parts, of which four only were to be borne by the city of Limerick. The city of Limerick, which was seated on the river Shannon, and which would derive more benefit from the proposed improvemewe than all the counties put together, was to pay only four parts out of 21-6 of the expense. " It is," said Lord Ellen- borough, "the grossest job I ever heard of." (Laughter.)

Lord Duscaxgoe observed, that the parties amongst whom the ex- pense was to be thistt Rimed were satisfied with the proportions taken ; and if they were, he did not see how it could be called a job.

Lord lingzennabo and the Duke of Rice mono supported the bill ; though the Hake of Richmond said, he pre:ie.:red to see improvements of the kind carried on by indiyidttah3.

The Marquis or Les:owe-en remind:el Lord ELLENDOROECM, that the city of Limerick had already contributed largely to the improve- ment of the Shannon.

Bill read a second time ; to be " committed" on Monday.

Tian Ponguouteset SLAVE-TRADE.

On Thursday, the Duke of Auovig. read to the Lords her Majesty's most gracious answer to the address for the suppression of traffic in slaves. The Queen said she had directed such orders to be given to her cruisers as would be most efficacious in stopping the slave-trade.

On the same evening, Lord Paroinnerox obtained leave from the COMMORS to introduce a TIM bill to seppross the slave-trade carried on by Portugal. Two objections raised by the Lords to– the forme? h;i1 had been obviated. The House would now proceed on a cotton tion from the Crown—her Majesty's reply to the Lord's address% the preamble had been altered so as to make it strictly Parliaments; e- He very much regretted that the previous bill had passed that sub silentio, as it appeared that explanation of its real nature vast; quired. Lord Palmerston then proceeded to explain the chief prugigi of his measure ; which he said, was absolutely necessary to s, all increasing traffic, in slaves, carried on under the Portuguese flaw— Dr. Lusitionerox, in supporting the motion, expressed his regrewsg, Lord Pahnerston's speech had been delivered to a very thin House, Captain Pneing.1,, Sir THOMAS ACLAND, and. Mr. PHILIP 11 • Y., Oak

spoke in fitvour of the bill.

The Standing Orders were suspended, and. the bill was hnuudiatel) brought in, and read a first time.

Isettnase, OF THE ARMY : STATE OF elm COUNTRY. [Want of time and room prevented us front giving in our last Sake day's Postscript any account of the speeches which followed Mr. Then amendment to Lord John Russell's motion on the previous evek for going into a Committee of Supply with a view to vote MAU, to crease the Army. We shall now in part supply the deficiency; An especially Mr. CHARLES Ilum.na's striking remarks on Chartism,t, which no justice has been done in any report yet published.] Mr. !ILIUM'S resolution set forth, that removal of the just causes of - dissatisfaction among the people, would be a better mode of deeig with the existing discontents, than au augmentation of military forte',

sepport of his motion, Mr. Hum s; argued, that the miser) widen ;

content of the people were owing chiefly to tlte neglect of their rules, and to bad laws. He denied that discontent would be removed by mais force. He could not refuse Lord Joint Russell the additional strength he required, but he called upon the House to pledge itself to take the grievances of the people into serious consideration.

Mr. THOMAS Aggwoon seconded the amendment. Ile said the pegg

well knew that both parties in the I lintse were mutually contaminated 13oth Whigs and Tories were damned to equal intiony in the Alit eye. The consequences Of their present proceeding's would be visit& at the next election ; when, instead of being in a majority of five, the Whigs would be in a minority of fifty.

Mr. WARD Could not entirely C011Clir in :11r. Hume's motion. He

could not help expressing admiration or the good temper, forbearance, and firmness manifested in Lord John Russell's treatment of the Chartists. lIe hoped Mr. Hume would not press his motion; though,

if he did, Mr. Ward, who could not gainsay the sentiments the resoletion con w tained, ould reluctantly give hint his vote.

Captain Botwegto hoped that Lord .Tolin Russell had exaggernted the

existing discontent and (Rs:di:Mimi. There was no evidence of general combination and organization anumg the Chartists ; and he gave his vote in favour of increasing the Army, because the present military force was insufficient for the performance or duties other than that of keeping t down Chartists.

Mr. Cnertuis 1311.toot thought it unadvisable to divide the Bowen ; Mr thime's amendment ; thought if it were pressed to a division he like Mr. Ward, must support tlte amendment. It was desirable that the country should SLY, that whatever itill'erenee in political opinions

existed among Members, all were equally determined to suppress die order. In his opinion, the friends of popular rights and opponents of coercion were called upon to acknowledge with the warmest approba- tion the course pursued by Government in the present state of affairs. It had always huh tin been the practice of the Government of thh country, to avail itself of emergencies like the present to call for powers encroaching on the liberties of the people—to take advantage of the alarm and irritation of the middle classes to enable it to enforce the severest penalties of our most arbitrary statutes—to invent constructive treasons, and to stretch to the utmost the vagne provisions of our low of libel. From such a course the present Government had entirely ale stained; and their wise policy had been attended with the best success. But he agreed with Mr. I fume, that Parliament would llaVe done Mita small part of' its duty when it had provided the means of putting down the present disturbances—

He saw the follies of the Chartists, and lie apprehended no lasting mischief

from it movements° ill-directed and all the present. But the danger, which lie did not apprehend from Chartism, he did apprehend from the causti of Chartism, which seemed to him to be permanent, and to be inherent in the altered state of society, and chnracter of the English people. They must not shut their eyes to the limn that ti icy had now to deal with a people kir otherwise discontented, and far otherwise capable of manifesting that discontent, thin previous Governments have ever had to cope with. They were now ace to face with the first generation of working nten in England on whom education had begun to tell pretty generally : the men now in the prime or manhood ire the first working men %idiom Lancaster, and Bell, and the Dissenters, and the Church, have taught to read and write. It was indeed a miserable modicum of education : was just enough to leave the people open to bad doctrine; but still it gave power and permanence to the doctrilies that circulate among them. The -first effects of this ellange 'night be observed hi the rise of a presi addressed to and supported by the working classes. This hits taken place during the last eight or nine years. Formerly Cobbett wrote weekly essys, and other demagogues wrote occasional pamphlets, which had a large hut tem- porary circulation and cifat. But now, there is established an immense weekly press, containing the same attractions of general news as other newsmen, which ltiintses its view of passing occurrences from one end of the island to the other. This is a press, not occasional, but pernetnent—not dependent on the popularity of gparticular writer, or the expenditiffe by which the enthusiasm of' a particular individual or hotly of men elves its product gratuitous cireulatioho, but on the superior lucrativeness of thing particular kind of press, and on the general appetite for news. This is the largest, and it is, with two or three exceptions, the most lucrative press in England. The conductors cater fr the appetite of' its readers; and it finds the food most agrecable to their pain e in dwelling on the sufferimr which is unhoppily the lot of the massesougt otTering visionary prospects relief from the application of those doctrines of social and pont ieal equality, which are consonant to men's first rude notimnae equiV. In this press, thus advocating these doctrines, in the consonanceottbese doctranes to the spirit of an age, and in the suffering of the maases, mit in use in old times, put down these doctrines or thishepit..(e!susg.1111'luerlillislesrlY1,1inclewitetTs perennial source of Chartism. You cannot, by t outbreak took place, and a few people had been cut down, and one or two lcade clapped in gaol for two or three years, and a violent newspaper ruined by prose

ferment vanished at the first improvement of trade, told the cations, tlte passing ed to think of Parliamentary Reform, or the other topies of the day. fie°111tocwe,aastler sitch an occurrence, that press would still exist -.as long as the present the most profitable market for the newspaper, so long working classes

trill newspapers be addressed to them ; and so long will il be the interest of tbo, „or,papers to address to them the doctrines most palatable to them. They might impose on that press a nunnu.mtary silence or hypocrisy : they might awe it into either suppresshug or mislaying those doctrines ; but in that n-re-ss will the spirit or Chartism live. Like other party doctrines, it will bide 1061101mM the vicissitudes or patkat „went, ; and as our Whig and Tory have each repeatedly survived defiles MIM A99 I r11ed to have :utmost

parties ihilated them, and bowing their heads to the storm for a wilile, haie on favourable chance again emerged into action, and retrieved theie

atlniell first Wanes, so they might depend upon it that these doctrines, which are but the expression Of that alienation from the present political institu- tions whieh exist among

the working classes, not only here hut through-

out civilized Europe, will survive any momentary diseouragement, will again fiud partisans and their organs, and, biding their t hoe, will sooner or later find the moment of StleteSS ill some of those conflicts of Classes Or Of 1111t1011S, which the chapter or accidents is pretty sure to furnish.

awl] as any man the triumph of such doctrimou, he wished Dreading as

that he could trust in SOIlle panacea lin• ullaying discontent awl uuverting dan- ger. He wished he could think that they could avert it by some simple and ode chem., in the representative system, or by some puusilde economy, or by the circulation of one-pound. notes.* But his only hope was in vvorking gra- dually and effectually on the minds of the masses, and reconciling. their affec- tions to the institutions of the country by the %vhole CilarSe of legislation through a long period of year. Ile ironic1 attempt to conciiiate the people by a gradual bat constant extension of political privileges ; hy a geiwral sy:tem of education, that .:Inaild teach them what Governmeut can, :Ind What it cannot do for the people; by every dewier for yxtending their am useinents and human- izing their feelings :‘ by removing every unwise restriction that our laws im- pose on C1111/10V111,91t, and by openin,g new fields of enterprise to the people ; in the tone of legislation iis ,houll cooviwe the people and by such clyinges of the entire sympathy of their rulers. Ile mull ilot ::-‘,. hi: w;,v io s:tfety in any specific; but he thought it might be seemed by the eombilnition or many remedial measures. At auy rate, the at tempt inwt be made. All other goes- Cons sink into insignificance hy the side or t he great pri.him of tile means of reconciling ill,' :ifteet ions of the masses to the social institutions of the coun- try, and the inlirests of civilization :Lod order. Sir Rontare Piat. enforced the necessity of increasing. the Army, in the present state of affairs abroad and at home. Ile relied outtah on the natural good sense of the working clasFes, which Neould ensible them to see the wickedness of violent et %ousels.

ML WARBURTON attributed to the state of' parties in Parliament the inability to carry any measure bettelicial to the people.

Mr. O'CONNELL earnestly advised the I louse to bestow some consi- deration on the necessities and wishes of the people.

Mr. Vod.onat reminded those who vomplained of the threatening attitude of th2 working classes, that Parlisitu mt h 11 noif)rouly refused to concede reforms to judgment and argument, which they yielded to tumult and terror.

Mr. SanmEritmo argued that remedial measures should precede those of severity and repression.

Lord JouN Ilt-ssEht, replied; aml Mr. Hunt; withdrew his motion. DEPOSITS ON RAILWAYS.

Sir JOIDi CAMPBELL, on Thursday, moved im amendment to the Ninth Standing Order, which deeltres that before a railway bill is brought in, lot per cent, on the shares subscribed for shall be paid into the Court of Exchequer. Sir John said that this percentage was un- necessarily Iftrge, and prevented the commeneentent M. itsefal %under- takings. For instance, the parties engaged in a most important rail- way—that front Edinburgh to Newcostle—roinol it a most serious matter to deposit 10 per cent. on the capital roodred to carry out due line. The regulation was a bar to the progress of' the undertaking, and he would therefbre move that, live per. emit. elicit he paid by way of deposit before the bill was brim ,:ht in, and five per cent. more before the undertaking was commenced.

Mr. Portrrr 'Clionsos opposed the motion. The regulation which Sir John Campbell wished to alter had been adopted on the recommen- dation of' a S,!leet Committee, who had minutely inyestiwated the sub- ject. Of course Sir John Campbell knew the conditiOn of his own constituents; but he thought it rather too much for him to come down to the House and declare that the inhabitants of the capital of Scotland were no poor, so miserable, so badly oil', tint they motif I nm lay down ten per cent. of the cost of a railway. front which they expected so Much benefit. Sir John Campbell should hare asked. the House to re- peal the Standing Order in regarfl to Edinburgh alone : tint would have been an intelligible cumin°. Lk had sot forty-.,.even dars on the Committee or the Manchester, Stone, and Rugby Extension 'line, and had heard no complaint of the amount of the deposit. It was neces- sary that the deposit should he at least ten per cent, to secure the public from the constant annoyance of solieitors and emrincers, with their endless schemes, which interfered with property and kept people in constant alarm and uncertainty. Mr. O'CONNELL., Mr. lIptof:, Mr. W. 0. STANLEY, and Mr. MAC- AULAY, SUpported the 1110ti011. Mr. Itontncr Si nuART said, this was a question of great importance, and he would N.ote with the Attorney- General—

The President of the Board of Trade had endeovisured with great fact to stir up the pride or Scotland by an allusion to flair poverty. The " pride and Poverty " of Scotland was proverbial. in thi: e:t-e, however, he would sink the pride, and freely admit tho poverty, beeau;e, utiles; t ho motion were carried, he feared that every intended line or railway in !:eot land would lie stopped. The motion would fix the deposit fifty per cent, higher th.tn was paid under

tc out system, and also in :addition to that, hefiwe a ,tono or the work could laid, fifty per cent, additional must be paid up ; an that Inifore the land of any proprietor could be taken, the whole sum must. be pail for which the House had stipulated. Mr. WARBURTON, for the benefit of bom; ,tile undertakings, would vote against the reduction of the deposit. Mr. Funsirmho opposed the motion, for the same reason. Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET thought it unfair to alter a regulation agreed to when the House was full, now that three-fourths of the Members had left town. Sir ItontfuT buans, on general priuciples, and with reference to this particular ease, would resist the attempt to repeal the Standing Order.

a Au ironical allusion to Mr. Timmas ATTWOWS panacea.

Mr. EASTROPE would only occupy the attention of the House for ; few ntiuntes- Ile understood, front Idiot haul talcen place in the debate, that a contem- plated line of railroad from Newcastle to Edinburgh had la u retarded by the Standnig Orders, which required a dejoisit of ten per cent. ni, rue the hill could be introduced to (Ira 11011se, alIll 1.9111111 itt Ile raid owing to the poverty of the people of Scotland. The I...ow:ode .Nlenther for I laddington rtutinitted that the poverty of the people of Scotland w as so well kihiwn and complete, that that was the reason why that railway could not Inc tin...vied with. If that Were frIle, Ile begged 10 asl: 1111W it was that it large .riloo of the capital embarked in railroads in this country was invested hy ,o•lem-a. and that some of their largest subscribers ivere inhallitants of F. bina.r ti, Glasgow, Aberdeen, and other groat towns of Stadium!? 'file fact was, that this rail- road, if forwarded at pres,mt, must be ibrwaroled by gamblers, who would pos-

sess no ultimate interest in the concern. The S otelm were a very iell anti a

%Try wary people. They did 1101" ellIllark their money with Ia In: '-I the probability of a return ; and if they could g,t. other Imo mle to make the first

investment. they would to permit them. 'mowing I hat although the undertaking might. not he worth it: .1 Intadred pm. emit., it might be worth

seventy per cent. It' the I loti,e agreed to this uuuiil iituu, raill'Oa again fall into the hands of gamblers ; a Committee would again be calbal for by the honourable ,Nlember for liridport, :old the .1ttorney-lietteral would find tt his

duty to prosecute those concerned. 'rine honour:kW ;lie! .‘lemober for

tin city of said he should siipport the motion—h,a.ause he thought the pr/se.it ride prevented the progress of railways in I vil:1111: 11' WI: it f0 time 1:11inV1.91■19, and sagacity of his 'immovable and learned fri,m.1, wlm •mlmer the car-

rying of tlm mullion would answer his expectations. Persoas capital, in :my

countrY% of enilmrking their 111011,'Y would look to the practieal result, and not he gmlided by the monomial .:f hp -its they might

have to inake, but Is their expectation of an advaiititg 'outs return. If the

concern :domed IL fair pro.peef Wo:11,1 mt it Want or sub-

scrilicrs to provide the necessary capital ; and it' not, it was not consonant with

the diameter of the Ihmse to St'11:1110S; amid heIn is sure it %vas

not for tbe henefit, of the country th ,1 they he with.

Ir. T110i1NELN 1:11eW of 111:1111 fralldS with respeu.t t o Into sub-

mitted to (7oininitlyes of due ; butt Ile hal always (Imided the poliev of requiring deposits of' 14.91 per cent, on railway bills. Ile helti in his hand a list of' thirty-four railways in operation, and of these twenty-four were :it a discount. Were the shares sohl at de market I:rive:the loss 011 them would he three millions.

Sir.lonx C.1)1191E1.1. Still belieYed th.lt the seviirity lie priYacised would he ample, and no community need he alarmed by the uotecess of his

mutt in i The lulls,.

Vor Jolin Campbell's antentlinent Against it Majority 17 NEW SOVT11 1VALES.

:111*. LAn.017,'IlE111.:, ttui .11011aay, 111.)Ved tho or tile New

South A% al.24 11111.

.'uo motion ; :qr. Cit. to; to; II;-t.t.En said, ho am not

. Now swan

lout, haviut:* r..u.eived a petition front th,

wales and N-an Dien..n.., Lana roe a mon. ith n.ai i.••• he thootrht it right to call atteotion to the ,u-s:eau e %Io- nics. Ile dill not ohj,..et to the present iii II, whiell sl A:Hy- fo con-

tinue the existing form of government for another vo ....Anse it re- serve(' to the 1.,e;fi-dittitre the right of conferring miiin ■InL the power of controlling their own government at a fin : which control they would, he thougitt, be fitted in a CA.' mean

wItile, the present mmagentent of the aliairs of •,-, '.• ti • most ttn•atisfactory-

Let tilt. I 10;1:e coli-d]..r tint ilmonat of r..ventic inhabitanta of tho, by t;uattinnm tad the cap oises cif tin goverivi mt. The re- venue so raised was; the largest in the world in prop irti ii tim th . population, and the exp ti liture the most extrayigiun iota most pr The popti-

lation VW :4111111 WA.; \V:1, 1)10,0.,1'S 1.1:14 50,009 ; total, 1:0,01.). In i:437, 111, ordinary revemme of New tI .111 Wales (exclu. sive or the hootn..wenoo w to l tin; land-rov,,no • 127,066/.; giving a total revolt,' of 311.5,itil. The ordinary rev,... ni Vi..1 Laud was 100,00mV., and the lainl-revenne 25,11rii.; told, 1'25,11 ; , I';at the total re- venue of both colonic: showed an annual inco.a.• i me....;...!y hr dr a million ster- ling. The total land- a year, :Ind on:-.11itiml.1:1..yhr';:■.,:;m:r111:."Ai2,0"11;.,1::■::til'm al 51: i otrto of 1:-,0,010, wit... roof were 'I'I I III.' taxation OR

tile inhabitants of these rolcolies was myre than 21. :I:. 9 heal. It had been generally held that the p ayle of Great liritain Iriand cimilye•I the privi-

lege of being the most severely taxed nation in existence but the House

consider that the population of Great Ilritaiii and Ireland, if taken at twenty- six minima:, the amount of tax would hardly lw 2/. u head ; ;old it is to be

consi.tered.....,lde:, 1;mi the G.werontelt of a.dralia let I na iaterest of a na-

45

ciples expressed by Mr. Buller, and would run ahnost any hazard ra- ther than continue a system which compelled Englishmen to live under a Government over which they had no control. But Mr. Buller ad- nutted, that every year brought the Australian colonists nearer to the enjoyment of the privileges which he wished to bestow upon them. He had always doubted the policy of making New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land convict colonies, and had now the satisfaction to state that " Government had taken decided steps to put an end to that system "—

Measures hail been adopted by his noble friends at the head of the Home and Colonial Departments tbr the purpose of putting a stop to transportation. This year the number of convicts to be sent to New South Wales will not ex- ceed half the usual number ; and they will be sent on to Norfolk Island, where the system recommended by the Transportation Committee will be introduced. Directions bad also been sent out to the Governor to put a stop to the assign- ments of convicts for domestic servants and for labourers also, so soon as that could be accomplished without injury to the colonists. Such toting the ease, his honourable friend would at once perceive that he must agree with him in the principle of encouraging the emigration of free labourers, as the °illy source of making up for the deficiency ot convict labour, which those measures to which be had just adverted must necessarily produce ; and as the means of enabling those colonies to continue in that course of prosperity which they had long enjoyed, and which he confidently expected would continue. The population of New South Wales at this time was 100,000, and last year 10,000 emigrants were sent out there. It could not be doubted that their arrival would produce a most beneficial effect, not only in affording an additional supply of labour, but by the infusion of good moral habits ; and although he admitted that the reveuu.2 of the colony was not in so flourishing a condition in regard to expenditure as could be wished, the Goverment had resolved to continue emigration on the same scale, and to send out other 10,000 emigrants under the auspices of Government.

Mr. WARD said, he should direct his observations to a point which had not been discussed by Mr. Buller, the appropriation of the Laud Fund— He had seen a Treasury Minute, by which, instead of appropriating the proceeds of that fund to the purposes of emigration, it was declared that there should be no such application of it until the difference between the revenue and expenditure was covered. Ills right honourable friend the Under-Secre- tary for the Colonies had stated that htst year 10,000 had been sent out, and that it was intended to send out an equal number under the auspices of Government during the present year. But how was that to be done? How was it to be reconciled with the treasury Minute ? Where were the means to come from, considering the different appropriation which had been ordered of the proceeds of the Land Fund?

It was denied that any pledge had been given on the subject of the Land Fund; but surely Mr. Labouchere must recollect the impression which the speeches on his (Mr. Ward's) resolutions respecting the dis- posal of waste laud in the Colonies must have produced on the country at large. He begged to say, that a system of jobbing with the produce of land, was as bad as jobbing with the land itself; and he cautioned Mr. Labouchere against the consequences of tampering with the Land Fund. It would be doing Sir George Gipps a service to point out to him the fixed and definite oljects for which the Land Fund was to be applied. He would not oppose the present bill, but •

He hoped Mr. Labouchere would agree in the propriety of endeavouring to infuse as much pure blood as possible into a state of society so peculiarly con- stituted, and where they had been obliged to propose by the present bill to alter the laws in relation to emancipists serving on Juries. The whole taxa- tion was produced by the body of consumers. -In 1821, the revenue was only 49,0001.; m 1837 it was 226,9004 ; and in 1838, only 202,0001. They had, therefore, arrived at a point at which it was impossible to carry taxation further ; and the only way to make up the deficiency was to pour in a fresh population, and they would then get over the dilliculties which they now experienced, lie had felt it his duty to press this subject on the consideration of the House, and hoped to hear en explanation of time manner by which the ten thousand emi- grants were to be sent out, and that the Treasury Minute would not be carried into effect without receiving more consideration than had yet been given to it.

Lord Howlett was not aware of the existence of the Treasury Minute till the last -week, but he found it in accordance with the prin- ciples he had maintained iu a previous discussion on the subject—

It states that the best and wisest appropriation of time Laud Fund is the en- couragement of emigration; but before the proceeds of the sale of land can be applied for that purpose, it is necessary that the expenses, which cannot be charged on this country, must be provided for, and a police force was of that description. It had been said that the necessity for that force had been im- posed upon them by this country. That was true ; but it should be remem- bered that convict labour was the great source of wealth to the colony ; and if they had the advantage on the one side, it was but fair that they should pay the expenses of the establishment necessary to keep those persona in order. It certainly would have been more advisable if the colonists would have raised funds for these purposes by means of local rates ; but if they refused to art thus wisely, it was BO reason for throwing their expenses upon the Mother-country. As to the emigration of 10,000 persons this year, although there might be a temporary deficiency of funds arising from the land revenue, yet there was a moral certainty of its being made good at no very distant period.

The bill was read a third time. On the question that it do pass—

Mr. CHARLES BULLER admitted that Lord Howick had pointed out some verbal inaccuracies in his statement ; but still the expenditure of the colony, he must think, was enormous.

Lord Howlers said that errors of several thousands of pounds were mildly characterized by the term "verbal inaccuracies." Bill passed. MrSeeILLANE0178.

HILL COOLIES. In reply to a question from Sir JAMES GRAHAM, Mr. LABOUCHERE said he had received communicatiens from two pro- prietors of estates in Demerara relative to the Hill Coolies, which with other papers would shortly be laid before the House.

Mums ON NECESSARIES. When Mr. F. T. 'Remo moved the order of the day for a Committee of Supply, Mr. JOIIN Fietiams rose and moved resolutions declaring that taxes on the necessaries of life were impolitic and injurious, especially to the working classes ; that justice and humanity required that they should be abolished, to- gether with the Corn-laws; and that the revenue in future should be raised by an equitable assessment on property. Mr. ridden delivered a long speech in support of his resolutions Mr. WILLIAM WILLIAMS seconded the motion ; which Mr. THOMAS Arrw000 supported. Mr. SPRING RICE briefly opposed it ; and the resolutions were negatived, by 68 to 15.

MISCELLANEOUS ESTIMATES. Numerous sums were voted vIth little discussion in a Committee of Supply. Among them aas sum of 23,000/. as compensation to citizens of the United States (St slaves wrecked on the Bahamas in the American ships Comet sad Encomium, which the Collector of the Bahamas had illegally seized. Anemeaterv Cowen Time bill for regulating the Admiralty earat was read a third time ; the House, rejecting a motion by Mr. Runk, reduce the salary of the Judge from 4,000/. to 3,000/. a year, by a at, jority of 47 to 16; and another by the sante Member to exclude the Judge from sitting in future Parliaments, by a vote of 41 to 20. The bill passed.

THE LONDON AND BLACKWALL RAILWAY BILL was read a third filo by the Lords on Tuesday, and passed.

PROVINCIAL POLICE. The Country and District Constables Bill eps read a second time on Tuesday ; and, on Wednesday, went through Ike Committee of the Commons.

The bill was recommitted on Thursday, and all the clauses agreed. a motion by Mr. EWART, to restrict its operation to 1841, having bee, rejected by 77 to 21.

THE BIRMINGHAM POLICE BILL was read a second time on day, by by a vote of 74 to 20; after strenuous opposition from Mr. Am wool) and Mr. SCHOLEFIELIL Toe METROPOLITAN POLICE COURTS Bata. was read a third time,* passed, on Tuesday.

Tut; POOR-RATES COLLECTION BILL went through the Comutitteeon Wednesday.

NEW WRIT. On the motion of Mr. Fox MAULE, a new writval ordered for Perth, in the room of Mr. Arthur Kinnaird, who had ae cepted the Chiltern Hundreds.

Tuts LOWER CANADA GOVERNMENT BILL. The anmendmnents Of the Lords were agreed to without discussion.

THE BANK OF IRELAND BILL was read a second time on Thursday; -. to be committed on Wednesday, when a discussion will take place, Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice that he should use the forms of the House to defeat this hill.

POOR-LAW CONTINUANCE BILL. Lord JOHN Russel. having moved the order of the day for receiving the report on this bill, Mr. Duni proposed to introduce a clause authorizing the Guardiaus of the Not to give relief out of the workhouse to able-bodied persons and widow who married before the new poor-law was passed. Captain IIAMILTOI;. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, Lord ELIOT, Sir ROBERT PRICE, Lord Matta; and Mr. 13naeis.ros opposed the clause : Lord GRANVILLE Somensee Mr. WAKLEY' Mr. ESTCOURT, and Mr. J. A. Wools wished it to hells truduced. Clause rejected, by 77 to 42.

A clause proposed by Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET, which limited the relief to widows, was rejected, by 64 to 43.

Mr. Tuomes Duecomins moved to insert a clause to prevent female paupers of sixty-five and upwards from being kept to hard work— If such a clause were by any honourable Member considered unnecessaryth would only mention that the"Overseers of the Holborn Union Workbetaisat visiting that estaaishment not long since, found upwards of testy female paupers, many of them eighty years of age, and none (d. them less Clete :hap five, working eleven hours a day picking wool, and having nothing but wain' to drink. In short, the condition of these poor old women was worse than thit of the must notorious and most inlinnous felons confined in our gaols. Motion rejected, WilhOUI i division. The report Wits received.