Dtbatta anti Vratteltingsi in VarTianunt.

1. THE KING'S SPEECH. His Majesty took his seat on the Throne at. half-past two o'clock on Tuesday; and the Commons having been sum- moned, presented themselves, with the Speaker at their head, at the bar of the House of Lords. The King read the Speech, as it appears in the first page of our journal. His Majesty then departed ; the Commons returned to their own House, and the usual brief adjournment of both Houses took place. The Lords resumed at five o'clock. At that hour, *there were about- one hunched Peers present, chiefly on the Ministerial benches. The Act for amending Select Vestries having been read a first time—a form ob. served at thecommencement of every session, in order to vindicate their Lordships' right to discuss what public business they may deem- proper previous to the consideration of the Royal Speech—and a copy of the Speech-having been read by the Clerk, The Earl of CallitERDOWN rose to move the Address. He observed, that " the important and arduous character of the task imposed on him, would have rendered him fully sensible of his temerity in undertaking, even under ordinary cireimstances, a duty to whicli hewas, he feared, very unequal ; but at the present moment he was placed in a position of peculiar difficulty, for no Parliament had ever had more important inte- rests intrusted to their consideration, and none had ever assembled at a crisis when more momeetous topics of national interest were likely to be submitted to legislative adjustment." He proceeded to comment on the leading topic fe: the Speech—Parliamentary Reform. After briefly noticing the history of the Bill, its introduction to their Lordships'

House, and its rejection there, he said— •

Far be it from hint, one of the minority on tint occasion, to insinttate that their conduct bad not been dictated by conscientious integrity but this he would say, the result had been the most unfortunate for their Lordships and for the coun- try. Their former decision had been received by thc thinking and Intelligent pub- lic With dismay, dissatisfaction, and disappointment ; but the people. be was happy to find, fixed their confidence in the noble Earl near him,—the lung-tried, able, and consistent advocate of Reform,—well knowing, that so long as he held office he would never be foree:ful of their just and equitable rights.

The details of the measure shortly to be brought forward, instead of the Bill which had been Ihrown out, he thought it would be premature to discuss— Whatever alterations mightbe made in its minor details, there was no doubt, from the pledge of the noble Earl, that it would be at least equally efficient NI ith the Met. If it were not so, it would not satisfy tin. country ; bathe trusted at the same time that it would be such a meaettre as their Lordships might be induced to adopt,—one which in no way encroached either upon the just prerogatives of the Crown or the constitutional privileges of that branch of the Legislature. Li his opinion, a bill equally efficient with the last, so far from tending to endanger their stability, would strengthen and confirm beth. lie trusted, therefore, that they woeld not hesitate, by accepting such a measure, to confer upun the people that which the people had a sufficient right to ask—namely, the choice of and control over their own ostensible representatives, and thus annihilate for ever that corrupt system of nomination which nobody of late years had gravely attempted to justify. lie hoped they would at once assent to the future Bill, should it come before them recommended like the last; but of all things most earnestly would he Implore then, to pause before they ventured to take upon themselves the awful responsibility of defeating a secoed time the constitutional demands of their fellow-ccentrymen.

After a brief notice of the other particulars in the Speech, Lord Cam- perdown came to that part where the danger of societies whose regula- tions are opposed to the existing laws is noticed.

If such combinations should continue to exist, he had no deubt that his Ma- jesty's appeal tolls faithful subjects would not be made in vein. But at the same time, how much better would it be to inquire into and remove the cause that had led to their formation ! and if that were done, they might rest assured that the cessa- tion of the effect would be contemporaneous. Nor was it unworthy their Lordships' notice, that no act of the present Ministers had originated these associations; the most formidable of them all—that of Birmingham—was anterior in date to the noble Earl's acceptance of office. The commencement of that" Political Union" was en- tirely to be ascribed to the pertinacious refusal of the right to representation to a po- pulation of 11)0,000 persons. Nor was it less worthy of remark, that these anomalous Institutions during the discussion of the late Reform Bill were comparatively in- operative. Such evils were, in their nature, like those eruptions whirls weakness produced in the human body, and only to be remedied by reinvigorating the consee tution. He conjured their Zordships, then, to pass the Bill which was soon to he sent up to them from the Lower House, and thus confer upon the people that benefit which they had sought so long and so eagerly, and on which they had fixed their fervent and undivided affectione —he meant a House of Commons which should re- present their wants and echo their opinions.

The Address was seconded by Lord L I:TITO:MN. The noble Lord said— He was not old enough to recollect the alarm excited throughout the British com- munity at the former French Revolution; but he had reason to believe, that eel. ciety at that cent did not feel as lively apprehensions on political subjects as they en- tertained at the present crisis. The people of that day were flourishing, happy, nod united, and they looked with confidence to the vigorous government under which they lived. Now, indeed, the general state of Europe was not such we to produce anynneasiness ; but we had to fear internal danger, much more serious than any which had threatened us since the reign of Charles the First, and the Long Parliament. To that Loug Parliament the Parliatnent in which he then spoke had many points of resemblance. The Commons of England in these times had been indignant at the repeated rejection of their just demands by the Crown and a majority of the Lords. The Commons hail then to contend with the Crown, the peers, and the prelates— armed, be it remembered, with much more powerful prerogatives than were known to these modern times; they contended against those fearful odds, and he besought their Lordships to recollect and be warned in time by the result of the contest. He went on to remark on the reasons assigned for the rejection of the late Bill— Noble Lords opposite bad professed to reject the Bill on the ground that the senti- ments of the people had undergone a change upon the subject. (Cries of " No,no ! ") He begged pardon if he misrepresented their declarutions ; but he certainly under- stood that the contumelious rejection of the Reform Bill was owing to the assertion that the opinions of the people had changed. (Cries of "No, no !" repeated from the same quarter.) lie certainly did understand some at least of the noble Lords to have maintained that there was what they termed "a reaction" in the public mind, which "reaction" would be fully demonstrated so soon as they should have another opportunity of expressing their opinions. lie now challenged those noble Lords to repeat their assertion. Would they now say that the people had changed. or would they deny that they were more eager than ever fur the attain- ment of their object? That they were more determined than ever, he could abun- dantly testify; and nothing less than a similar measure would now satisfy them. He was well acquainted personally with Birmingham, and the hundreds of East Stafford, a very populous neighhourbood, also; and, as far as he could collect, the Opinions of the community in that part of England were decidedly favourable to the principles of the Bill; and their desire for its enactment was, if possible, increased.

Having noticed the objection to the Bill arising mad the fear of popu- lar influence, he asked if popular influence was likely to diminish by delaying a reform of the abuses which fostered it ? He asked if the power of the press, so terrible as an enemy, so valuable as an ally, was likely to diminish, so long as the reform of abuses was delayed ? If these evils were really an object of fear, there was but one way by which they could be got rid of—" a cordial though tardy acquiescence in the Bill proffered by Ministers to their acceptance ; otherwise no alter- native would be open but such a numerical addition to the House as all parties united in deprecating." His Lordship, after noticing the other clauses of the Speech, went on to comment on the Political Unions. With reference to political unions, and more particularly to that in his own town of Birmingham, he would merely observe, that he should always look with jealousy on the continuance of a power incompatible with ordinary civil govern- ment. It was the monstrous growth of a rank soil, which must be purified to pre- vent so dangerous a fungus from springing up in it. These societies must dissolve of their own accord, or Ministers must disaolve them; but he had no doubt wind- ever that they would at once disappear, when the people became certain of the re- covery of their rights.

He again adverted to the rejection of the Reform Bill, and the conse- quences which its rejection might entail on the Lords, lay and clerical, who had contributed to it-

. IneBurke heel observed—and Burke was the statesman's text-bOok—that thetrouse of Lords was essendalirthe feeblest estate of the realm, and without the double con- nexion with King ond CuMtnons could not exit for a single year? How then was it now with theirLardships Could they boast of that. connexion, and could they seaticlpidetta.durat)ost? Lord Bacon's still higher and more pbtlosophIcalauthoritY, some ingge,loords present plight. be aware, was ,prey. muck to tat setae acct. attendedwith a result that would ee posed it, and net with the gloomy scientions duty to eppose thin country to have confidence ie allow themselves to be drewn • would bring ;ill t7.e pa ire: which should he brought views or feelings, earnestly stul,..v• ment, it it were possible fur them to .' •

of duty. No temptation shouid • principles of Reform, or to revert to

The part of the Address to explained to be that in wi the dispute between Kin: treaty spoken of in the !o: 1- • to Parliament, it wou.d language which was only

so submitted. Ile observe.: t be , venal one; and to that :therm': ••, Earl On I, the Address was amended

The Earl of ELDON expr.:• inale by Lord Lytelton to the i:ejteted Bill. why it was alluded to at all, seeing that CI(' about it. IIe admitted that tile .11.,• se was 1,,u- sideration to any future plan of E,•::•:-1-.1 which,

and that its rejection of the was by no ine.les t

from mei-telt:leg another. admittA, 11!::t to be simply rt produce:I, noble who n,ight I,e had come to a hasty thee.' ,e 7 7 wonid still be a prole.? ote. , again rejected. Lord Efdon e.•!,, . production called the Mirk Lis:.

no less than 5-1,00W. a year of :he ; !n erotlier,cy ;

Lord Stowell, whom it called his me •,.. recee ele elee year.

The Earl of Aneaneee cxpressed Is 'Laths. n7t-:tiltling the confident expectations of Miaisters, tie Kin,.; :',;ct.lierlands :ac- cepting the terms of the treaty wliann ti llie, 1.1(1 proposed to him.

He particularly objected tel that artie:,' to confer on Bel-

gium the right of navigating ti.c, The noth:e of the arrival of Don Pedro in EuropL,—,,n rrerious to

the termination of last ses=ion—he injudicious.

The expeditious against Lisbon, as f.trtneri:." i)sinne.1. 1:e aliad ridieuleit for its weakness and inefficiency ; but the e.: -e might 1). very different if it were supported by the combined powers of Frame: and England. lint such an event, whatever might be its consequences to Pore:meal, would not be limited in its consequences to Don Pedro and Dan Miguel. It was impossible that Spaih should stiffer a French revolutionary faction to establish itself in the Peninsula ; and if its Monarch did, the whole Spanish people would rise in arms against the attempt.

The Duke of BUCKINCII1131‘ after some remarks on the speech of herd Lyttelton,—to whose allusions to the late Bill, as well as his advice to; the House, he was strongly opposel—went on to notice the Political Unions. Ile called on the House. as its first act, to ltaitt. in supporting Ministers in their endeavours to pia these soeieties down. because. until they were put down, the House of Pates must be constantly assailed by threats and intimidation. It was ileassary, lie thotethe that the Bir- mingham Union and the Bristol riots should be cleseiy examined into, with a view to discover if there were not a ooze:ex:en between them. Ile concluded by admitting the propriety m'settline the question of Reform as speedily as possible; and expressed his wish to omsider it with a vie A! to the feelings of the people, and the spread of knowledge ;111,1 vent-at:0a among them, subject always to the principles of the constitution.

Earl GREY replied at some length to the varione remarks which had fallen from the Opposition Lords. In respect to Reform— Ire trusted that everybody wonld come to tho co::siderat'on of it with n sincere desire to farm a .1:1,t opinlon, not only of the ehara..to:' of al,: ra,•.1,11ve, bin what; expediency ealled fur ; :old that, unfettered .'ayl`t•ti) wouid approuch the discussion of it firmly determines! to Is it:1 it in C:o 0 Ay all circumstances considered, he conscientiously believed would he inost n ivanta- geous to the interests of the State, atnd most t le.1,1 to the perinancni e..ment- ment and welfare of the nation.

With respect to the complaint on behalf of the Kim; of Holland. in re-

geed to the right of navigating the canals of that country, which was re- served to Belgium, be informed Lord Aberdeen'. that the stipulation on which he commented so severely was one which Belgian' hod fully pnr- chased. Lord Aberdeen spoke of the stipuletion as one that had inflamed all Holland a and in what he had said upon this subject, lie had, a course, dentonetrated great anxiety not to add to that infiannuation, AS in what he had said upon other topics he had evinced a strong desire to preserve the penec of Europe ! important, however, as the influence of the noble Earl and his opinions might be, Earl Grey did not think hint . any more likely to persuade the King of Holland that the King had a very large party here who would support him in resisting the treaty, than he thought the noble Earl likely to disturb the peace of Europe. With respect to the limitation of Holland, by whom had it been effected? Had, the present Ministers done this ? Was it not done be- fore they came into office ? Bad not the- noble Duke who was at the head of the late Administration openly declared that the two countries were ao separated that be looked upon the reunion of them as impossible. ) There was yet time to recover the ground they hail lost ; and, aware as he was tint a great portion of noble Lords opposite lived iii the hearts of their neighbours, he was unwilling to believe that they would make themselves objects of continued jea- lousy and dislike to the community at large. As to the right reverend Prelates near him, he conjured them to reflect upon the co:mew:en:es whkh had already ensued from their former opposition, and to reconsider their yoke accordingly. lie, as one or two Prelates present might be aware, was a warmly attached friend to the Church of England ; but he could not disguise from himself the lbet, that its hie- rarchy, by their late resistance to their fella w-subjects, were at ours injuring reli- gion and their own interests.

The Earl of Hennowev preresF,ed his desire to avoid the introduc- tien of topics of dispute, and ,e•, e • .:::(11 their iiiteelle•tioe ty others; He expressed himself perfectly ee:- with the epeoli an -.rich t the Address in answer to it, with one -..eptiun. With resp...t :• the new Reform • with nainc,, It w. . duty to take it into their most ! e•e, therefure, he would only expc ee :don: 7 the Throne recommended, ea t oss p' When their Lord.hips were mede n:•.•••

thoir

Bill won:ill:a foand to be such .nn

i

duty to entertein in detail, and nli1.e

its sense ts: the wee made to '

• 1,0.".:7,7 ai that 11:oy

.." s• It

With respect to another part of Lord Aberdeen's complaint, Earl Grey asked, if Lord Aberdeen or the House had forgotten the rule laid down by the last Cabinet respecting the recognition of Don Miguel ?

' The Adininistration of which Lord Aberdeen was a member—no doubt a very important one—long since proposed to recognize Don Miguel on one condition (in is mind a most unsatisfactery one). and they did not put their intentions into effect because Don Miguel had not fulfilled it. The Government, of which Lord Aberdeen was a member, could not, anxious as they were, recognize Don Miguel, because he had not fultilled the condition of his recognition; and yet Lord Aber- deen blames the present Administration for not having recognized that individual, though that very condition was, as he well knew, as yet unfulfilled." flaying noticed, in addition to the non-fultihnent of the conditions imposed upon him by the late Administration, the numerous and conti- nuous injuries offered to subjects of England by Don Miguel, Lord Grey proceeded to advert to what had fallen front the Duke of Buckingham respecting the riots at Bristol, the Birmingham Unions, and the neces- sity of putting down all Unions— He hoped to show that Ministers had not neglected their duty with respect to the riots at Bristol, and such political combinations as were incompatible with a regular government, and contrary to the law of the land. But while he stated this, their Lordships need not be told that this was net the first time they bad heard of political unions, nor need they be told that such combinations were not so easily " put down" as the Duke of Buckingham's declaration would imply. He went on to remark, that unions, similar to those now in existence, had been common as for back as the termination of the American War; and that at the outset of the former French Revolution, no means were found effectual to put down similar unions, but by such infringements on the Constitution as few would now think of having recourse to. It should be borne in mind, when they were discussing the propriety of sup- pressing illegal combinations, that the existence of political unions was by no means imputable to the present Government. As the Earl of Camperdown had observed, the most formidable and influential of these associatiens, the Birmingham Union, was in active being before the present Ministers acceded to office. If, therefore, it was a crime in the present Government not to "put the Birmingham Union down," what should be said to the Administration which permitted it to grow up ?

Respecting the slanderous publications, of which so heavy a complaint had been made by the Earl of Eldon, he observed—

It might be that every word in a publication was written in a bad spirit,—that it was a tissue of falsehnod.—that it was a libel ; but stilt it was to be considered whether prosecution would be the most efficient antidote,—whether, for instance, it would be wise to bring a matter before a jury which, if unsuccessful in obtaining a verdict, would only aggravate the mischief, or, to speak more strictly, create a mis- chief where it did not exist.

With respect to the Black List, it was such a tissue of blunders and falsehood, that it was impossible that any man of sense could for a mo- ment be misled by any thing at once so stupid and incredible.

This speech closed the debate in the House of Lords.

The Commons reassembled at four. Soon after, the Royal Speech was read by the Clerk at the table, and Lord CAVENDISH rose to move the Address. He offered his thanks to Ministers for calling Parliament together at so early a period : the eyes of the country were intensely turned towards their nets,' anti if ever there was a necessity for an early assembling, it was at the present time.

He rejoiced to find that on the subject of Reform, the words of his Majesty's Speech were plain and explicit ; and he was rejoiced to bear that his Majesty's tie. vernment had determined to introduce, without delay, a measure on that subject because every circumstance which had occurred during the last six weeks. instead of shaking the opinion he entertained of the necessity of adjusting the question of Reform, had, on the contrary, convinced him that some speedy enactment far that purpose was become absolutely indispensable. The present was not the proper oc- casion for him to enter into a discussion on the principles of the me: sun which would shortly demand their serious deliberation ; and therefore he woe' d oaly now say that be entertaiued the most complete confidence, that when the n easti:e was introduced, it would be found to be such as the emergency of the timis re mired, and such as would produce satisfaction and contentment in tile cauntry.

He proceeded to notice the other points of the Speech, briefly com- menting on each. He concluded by congratulating the House on one which he considered to be in many respects as important as any that went before it—that which respected the African slave trade—

Whatever difference of opinion might arise with respect to other points of the Speech, he felt assured that this at least would meet what universal approbation. He was sure that the whole country would rejoice at the success which had attended Ministers in their endeavours to put a stop to this most nefarious traffic.

The Address was seconded by Sir FREDERICK VINCENT. To the ques- tion of reaction, about which so much was said during last Session, Sir Frederick briefly adverted— At the only county election which bad taken place riurinz the recess, the Reform zandidate had been returned by an imposing majority ; and at every public meeting, with the exception of the Edinburgh meeting, an unenimons and undiminished de- sire e-as expressed for the success of the Reform measure. But he did not think it necessary to look to the result of public meetings to arrive at the conviction that the opinion of the people in favour of Reform remained unchanged. He derived that conviction from the conduct of the Anti-Reformers themselves, who had not thought it advisable to get up any public meetings on the subject, and still more frcm the fact that they had not thought it advisable to attend those meetings which had been called together by Reformers. The House, no doubt, would recollect, that when Toryism was in the zenith of its power, the Tories lost no opportunity of ob- taining the expression of the opinion of large bodies of the people, and their having abstained from so doing at the present period. satisfied him not only that no change had taken place in the minds of the people on the subject of Reform, but that the gentlemen opposite were perfectly convinced of that fact. He remarked on the municipal police of the country, and particularly of Bristol— The events which bad occurred at Bristol, and the atrocities which had been there committed by a mere handful of persons, who set at defiance the constituted authorities of the place, must have convinced every one that there was some radical defect in the municipal police of the country ; and he learned with satisfaction that Ministers contemplated measures for preventing the recurrence in future of such disgraceful scenes. It was far from his wish to enter at present into the causes of these occurrences ; but he must protest against it being supposed that they were brought about by the friends of Reform. It was the misfortune of all large com- munities to contain some evil-disposed persons, who let slip no opportunity of temporary excitement to urge on the populace to riot and plunder. But the promptitude with which Government had sent down a commission to Bristol, was a sufficient earnest of their determination to oppose such illegal conduct.

Mr. CROKER excepted to the epithets "manly and straightforward" ep?lied to the King's Speech by Sir Frederick Vincent. He denied that they were applicable to a document which, in alluding to Reform, gave nee: the slightest hint whether it was to be one which would satisfy the clamour for" the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill," or one !a which, by proper modifications, Ministers might expect to conciliate those who had oppcsed the last measure introduced by them. If it were of the former character, he could tell Ministers that their an- ticipations of a speedy and satisfactory settlement were most Quixotic— they might speed as they saw fit, but satisfaction would not keep them company. The measure might please Ministers and their followers, but it would neither please those who wish to preserve the institutions of the country, nor the Reformers, who merely accepted the Bill as a

stepping-stone to further concessions. To Sir Frederick's argument against the Tories, that they did not dare to present themselves at public

meetings, Mr. Croker said— Could the Tories, if they had gone to public meetings, have hoped to obtain a hearing? On the contrary, would they not have been accused of volunteering a species of inflammation in the public mind ; and would not their adversaries, as had been done in the case of Bristol, have shifted the blame from the shoulders of the malefactors to those of the injuredparty ? When the honourable member would procure for the Tories what they had here, a clear stage and a fair hearing, he was ready to go with him to any ordeal, and there to give the reasons of the faith that was in him. After almost the second city in the empire had been burnt by a handful of miserable wretches on such a pretence, it ivas at least inconsistent to blame the Tories for not attending public meetings, and adducing that as a proof that they were ashamed of the state of public feeling towards them.

He concurred in the propriety of the Parliament meeting at as early a day as possible, when so many important subjects called for delibera- tion ; but what was the merit of Ministers on that point ?

Their master told them that they should meet in the first weelc of December: He told them so before the cholera appeared—before the Unions had assumed a dangerous position—before Bristol was burned—before the whole frame of society was in a state, if not of dissolution, at least of precariousness. Their master saim, " We told you on the day of the prorogation, that Parliament would (he would not answer that the word was not should ') meet in the first week in December." And It had met.

He afterwards adverted to the Irish tithe question. It was, he said, a new thing for him to learn that there was any general or sys tematic oppo- sition to the collection of tithes in Ireland. The same principle, he con- tended, was involved in the tithe question as the Reform question ; no moderate measure would satisfy the clamorous in either case. Nothing short of the abolition of tithes AVOUld satisfy those who were opposed to tithes ; and to this lie never could consent. Were abolition to be con- sented to, it was not present church property alone that would suffer— All property which hail ever belonged to the church would share the Caine nem-, the Abbey of Woburn, for instance. He alluded to this abbey, not from any per- sonal reasons, but because it had been refeired to under similar circumstances by

Mr. Burke. •

Mr. STaxT..ny rose, chiefly in consequence of being alluded to by Mr. Croker as entertaining different sentiments from his colleagues on the subject of Irish tithes— He agreed with Mr. Croker that the complaints respecting the tithe system of Ireland, and the cry which was raised from one end of the kingdom to the other in favour of Referin, ought to be viewed in the same light, and he was disposed to missile the same course in both cases. Whilst, on the one hand, Ministers were de- termined to employ all the means at their disposal, and if these should be found in- sufficient, to apply to Parliament for further powers to put down illegal combina- tions, they were not so presumptuous as to resist the equitable claims or to attempt to stifle the voice of a whole people. Mr. Croker said, " make no concession." Whatever justice and reason might demand, then, they were to steel their hearts, and concede nothing, lest it might be supposed that they yielded to Mtimi- dation. He would say, " take care to make concession in tinie—listen to the first murmur of the coming storm." The wise policy was to satisfy the legal demands of the people in the first instance. That was, in a free Government, not merely a safe, but the only means of preventing unjust demands. Ou that ground he would meet Mr. Croker on the question of tithes.

Of the system of tithes generally, and without reference to the peculiar circumstances of Ireland, Mr. Stanley asked—

Would any man say that it was not fraught with great mischief, particularly o pro- dare country was in a state of excitement from other causes ?—TVElS it likely duce a friendly and amicable feeliug between the clergy and their parishioners ? Would any one deny that that feeling was more embittered where the people who paid tithes differed in their religious creed from the clergy who received them ? Would the right honourable gentleman tell him what motive induced Sir, Goulburn to introduce a modification of the tithe system in Ireland under the title of the Tithe Composition Act ? He believed that if that measure had been introduced at an earlier period, and more widely extended, it would have removed the grievance. That it had not, was but one proof more of the dangers of delay.

Sir CHARLES WETHERELL felt impelled to speak from the allusions to Bristol. He entreated gentlemen on both sides to honour him with their attention.

He felt called upon to come forward on that occasion for three reasons,—in the first place, from the consideration of the duty he owed to the public; in the second place, from the consideration Of the duty he owed to that House ; audio the third place, from the consideration of the duty he owed to himself.

After adverting to the numerous "false, base, scandalous, unworthy, and immoral charges" that had been brought against him by the press,

and particularly by the Times, the Courier, and the Globe, respecting his journey to Bristol and his conduct there, he proceeded to give the correct narrative of the transactions before and during the riots, in which he

had borne a share.

A deputationfrom Bristol, consisting of the Sheriff and One of the Aldermen, had. waited on him, and had stated thet his person, if in the exercise of his official duties' he made a public entry into the city, would not, under the circumstances of the period,be safe. He inquired whether the magistrates could not furnish a consta- bulary force adequate to the maintenance of the public peace. In the opinion of the deputation they could not. In consequence he desired the deputation to wait on the Secretary for the Home Departmeut ; and that the communication with the noble Lord might be perfectly freeand unrestrained, he absented himself from the interview. The deputation did so, and it was agreed that military assistance should be furnished. Lord Melbourne subsequently requested his attendance at the Home Office, and he did attend. In the first instance information ems conveyed to Go- vernment that military assistance was requisite; on the second occasion, it was arranged that every thing should go on as usual. If Government thought that mili- tary operation was necessary, or that it was necessary to suspend the usual gaol de- livery, there existed two opportunities for declaring their opinion—one in his ab- sence, the other in his presence. He had in his own mind weighed the question whether by any mode the public Ceremonial of his entry might be dispensed withe but became to the conclusion that that was impossible.

The commencement of Sir Charles's speech was rather of a grave cast,

but the cheers of the Opposition seem to have speedily restored to the learned gentleman his usual flow of spirits. He went on to notice the

newspaper attacks, amidst roars of laughter from all sides of the

House— The charges were not merely kept up in the daily prints of London for a fortnight —not merely diffused throughout this country through the veins and arteries of the public press—but at last echoed in Paris by one of the prints there. Not only did the Times, the Globe and the Courier trumpet forth the calumny, but there was a replication of the mites on the banks of the Seine. The morning calumny of the Times was not eclipsed by the evening irradiation of the Sun. The Courier took every opportunity of adding its comments upon his conduct in terms the most as- tringent and personally offensive,—whatever, in short, malignity could devise. The Paris paper proclaimed that the Recorder had been condemned by the coteries—to what coteries the Parisian journalist alluded, he could not divine. Of course the current of slander in Ireland kept pace with the rest. Undoubtedly it had done so. This must be considered a little provoking to any man—it was rather too much to put up with; but, notwithstanding, he should have deemed himself unlit to occupy the situation he did, if be had entered into any expostulation with the gentlemen of the press. Had he entered into any such expostulation, he should have felt that he had degraded his character as a gentleman and the commission which he had the honour to hold. As a member of Parliament, he had exercised the right which he Indubitably possessed to oppose the Reform Bill, whenever he deemed it open to objection. He would not descend to enter Into a controversy with those numerous —he might almost say unnumbered agents of slander (so multitudinous were they), by whore he had been assailed. Had he attempted such a thing, there was not a

member--;not a solitary fragment of the Radical rress to which he would not have been obliged to send a letter, telling " Mr. Editor " that he had been rather un- garded in opening his columns to calumnies. Had he transmitted a circular of that kind, he feared he could nut have so fashioned his address as to combine civility with truth.

Sir Charles further stated, that he did not retire until the Chief Magistrate's feather-bed had been used to barricade the 1611110W of the room in which be was ; and that this took place on the Saturday night, and consequently before the serious portion of the riots began. He went on to ask— To what charges of dereliction of daty—to what personal insults would he not have been subjected by the many.tengned, foul-w au thed. venomous press of Eng- land, if he had abstained from going'th thistol in consequence of the representations as to the probability of his suffering from popular violence ? NVould not the Unions —the Political Unions, as they were called—have loudly declared that he had basely and falsely imputed to them the fabrication of tumults that had never been contem- plated ? Would they not have prononocad it the falsehood of an Anti-Reformer,— —the invention of his baseness ; and would they not have afterwards stigmatized him as a coward ?

Sir Charles remarked on the omission of his name, and the names of the Magistrates, in the Special Commission appointed to try the rioters—

He had put in his claim to be include in it as a matter of right to the Secretary for the Home Department, and he bad also submitted it in writing to the Lord Chan- cellor. In his case there could be no appeal to the argvm,atum ad verecundiam. Government could not place the omission to the account of personal silence. His position was different from what it would have been had he been disclaiming aright. Be would maintain that he had a right to be there, and he would advance the same claim in behalf of the Corporation. He would not charge the Government with being influenced by the wish personally to degrade himself or the Magistracy, but he would say that they had committed a grievous error in not including every person in the Commission who was entitled to assist at the gaol delivery, pursuant to the provisions of the city charter.

He concluded by denouncing the Bristol Union (whose opinions, he said, had unduly influenced Ministers) as an illegal association—the Birmingham Union par excellence as an illegal association—and all other Unions illegal, and fit subjects for immediate suppression.

Mr. LAMB admitted the correctness of Sir Charles Wetherell's de- scription of the two interviews which the Bristol Magistrates and Sir Charles had with his Majesty's Government ; with one addition—the Government were never asked for an opinion on the propriety or the impropriety of the Recorder's visit to Bristol. With respect to the charges against Sir Charles, neither he nor any member of the Govern- ment either sanctioned or encouraged them. With respect to the omis- sion of Sir Charles's name and the names of the Magistrates in the com- mission, Mr. Lamb said, the mere claim of right made by them, when no right existed, was a sufficient reason for the omission. It might be true, that ordinary precedents required the _insertion ; but there was a prece- dent its 1766 of a special commission, in the issue of which both the Recorder and the Magistrates were interested, and their names were omitted in that commission, as they had been in the present one. The commission of 1789 was drawn up by John Dunning—an authority which Sir Charles would not readily dispute.

Sir ROBERT PEEL entered into a long argument to show the danger which must ensue from Parliament's being called together on a shorter notice than twents--one days. He admitted that, by an net passed in 1797, for the express purpose of remedying the inconvenience arising out of the necessity of three vircelr,s' notice, a fort::!ght's notice waa made legal ; and that, in one instance previous to the late one only a fort- night's notice had been given ; but he contended, that though lawful, as it had beesi acted on in only one instance during thirty-four years, the acting upon it in the present case went to establish a dangerous pre- cedent. Sir Robert proceeded to criticise the Speech. He complained of its noticing cholera a subject which doctors only could worthily dis- cuss,—while it omitted Back and East India Charters. He expressed his fears of the contemplated changes in the tithe system ; which he wished at the same time might be brought forward as speedily as pos- sible. If they were not, he was strongly inclined to believe, that the disposition which prompted the resistance to tithes at present, would only receive additional strength from the words of the Speech. He went on to notice the foreign relations of the country. He asked whether great inconvenience did not arise from having Portugal excommunicated from the kingdoms of Europe ? He thought the only question for Mi- nisters to put was, whether the people of Portugal paid to Don Miguel a willing obedience : that question once answered in the affirmative, their recognition ought to follow. Sir Robert next noticed the clause in the Address respecting the treaties mitered into with Holland and Belgium ; to which he offered the same objection as had been made by the Earl of Harrowby. On the clause referring to improvements in the municipal police of the country, Sir Robert admitted, that in respect of that police, there existed great room and reason for amendment : at the same time, there would be great difficulty in preventing the police of a provincial town from being influenced by party and election feelings, or its efforts directed to their maintenance, instead of the public peace. He came, at length, to the subject of Reform. He could freely join in the wish of the Address for a satisfactory settlement of that question, for he was free to give to these words what interpretation he thoeght fit. But if by "satisfactory settlement" was meant what the Re:ormers included under that phrase, he despaired of witnessing it.

"We are at Issue as to the causes of the unsatisfactory state of the country. The advocates of Reform say that it is attributable to as, who oppose their favou- rite Bill. On the other hand, I tell you that it is to your measures, and to your measures alone, that it is owing ; for you cannot shake the foundations of the an- cient institutions of a country without producing discontent, which will long sur- vive the introduction of the measure Which gave it existence. In the Speech from. th: Throne, what do I read ? The admission of combination against property, of distress, of suspended confidence, of embarrassed commerce. of interrupted, of paralysed industry. I find in the Speech the admission of a spirit of violence and outrage, which must be controlled by the power of the law, but which has hitherto only been repressed by the power of the ,worci. Do I hear any thing of economy, of reduction of taxation, of reduction of estimates Nothing like it. Do I com- plain of this ? Am I of opinion that the estimates which will shortly be proposed or our consideration are greater than the emerjencies of the State require ? No; but I have no hope that true economy will ever spring from Reform, or at least from that Reform which introduces chances into our system, tending to unsettle all the principles of government. I hear sarcasms front various quarters of the past measures of Tory Governments, hear inVitations to us to attend public meetings, and to express oar opinions on the great tpstion which now agitates all bosoms,— in the presence, I suppose, of the 1500100 philosophers of Birmingham. Alas, what rt mockery of freedom of opinion and discussion is there I Has there ever been in the whole history of the last century any period in which such effectual practical restrictions were imposed on the freedom of speech, as have been jar- posed on it since the agitation of the question of Reform ? Relieve me, Sir, there are greater tyrannies than those of individual despots. Who can deny their exist- ence? Who can doubt their galling and oppressive character, who has seen the bitter and unrelenting animosity with which the populace have pursued many of those great and illustrious characters who acted the part of good subjects and honest men in the House of Lords, without the least suspicion of unworthy mo- tives ? Can it be denied that it was not safe for them to travel home to their country- seats, after the conscientious votes which they had given in defence of the true in_ terests of the people of England ?

Sir Robert adverted to the progress of the first French Revolutions and to the suppression of all freedom of opinion in those who opposed its progress.

" The blame of opposing its progress was then thrown on priests and aristocrats. Here it is the Borougdnnongers wino are made responsible for the very calamities which they are aiming to avert. What a system of government can that be in which you deny to your opponents the free exercise of judgment and of speech ? You cannot propose changes, extensive as those of your Reform Bill, without e.x- pecting, if you are reasonable men, that they will encounter opposition. You may denounce that opposition—you may visit it with confiscation, exile, and death; but so long as honour and courage exist among in:.m—antl in English bosoms I trust these qualities will find an eternal spring—you will not, you cannot, deter us from the expression of our honest opinions."

Sir Robert was loudly cheered in various parts of his speech, and sat down amidst long and loud cheers from his own side of the House.

Lord ALT110nP observed, that under the present circumstances of the country, no man could for a moment doubt the propriety of a speedy as- sembling of Parliament : the law permitted the notice, and the exigency of the time justified the applications of the law. The East India turd the Bank charters were not mentioned ins the Speech, because it was not meant to consider either this session. A Committee would, in the course of the session, be appointed to consider the latter ; and the Com- mittee which had already sat on the former would be renewed. The notice of the intended amelioration of the tithe system in Ireland was called for by the novelty as well as magnitude of the question. When Sir Robert Peel spoke of the state of France in 1793, and of England in 1831, as parallel, Ile forgot, that in the former instance, a constitu- tion was to be formed ; in the latter, a constitution was merely to be restored. It was not true that there was the slightest wish on the part cf the Reformers to put down discussion. Clamour was inevitable ia an assembly where a small minority obstinately persisted in opposing a large majority ; but that clamour afforded no proof of a desire to put down discussion—it indicated merely that the question had been dis- cussed, and required decision. Lord Althorp concluded by expressing his full hope and confidence, that the measure of Reform to be brought for- ward would be such as would give satisfaction to the country.

Ile was the more confident on this subject, from what Inc already knew of the pub- lic opinion on the question of Reform. He had reason to hope that it would be such as a (mid effectually calm and set at rest the excitement which existed in the public n:iiiiig.diaud ,at.id would give full satisfaction to the great majority of tire f

e people o

I

Mr. HUNT moved an amendment to the Address,—condemning the repeal of the Bank Restriction Act, the passing of the Small Note Act, the alterations in the Prohibitory and Navigation Laws, and also advis- ing an adjournment of the House until Ministers had time to prepare an address embodying these particulars. Nobody seconded Mr. Hunt's amendment.

Mr. TREVOR deprecated the blame cast on the Bishops for rejecting the former Bill.

Mr. SII.V.T spoke against Political Unimas, and especially tine iris'a Poiltical Union, and against Dr. Doyle's attack on the tithe laws. Mr. WEYLANO thought the sufferings of the labouring classes should have occupied the place of Reform in the Royal Speech. Mr. SHEIL defended Dr. Doyle, and deprecated the distinctions of Ca- tholic and Protestant, which Mr. Shaw attempted again to introduce in Ireland.

After a few words from Sir Jonen DOYLE and Sir CHARLES FORBES, the Address was agreed to, with a verbal correction corresponding to that adopted in the House of Lords on the suggestion of Lord Harrowby.

The Commons Address was the subject of a further conversation on the bringing up of the report on Wednesday.

Mr. Iluem expressed his regret that any mention should have been made of Holland and Belgium, or that England should ever have meddled with the question of their differences. The Fettlement come to had equally dissatislied both parties ; it had been' productive of expense in the maintenance of fleets for its enforcement, which might otherwise have been spared. Our interference had served no views but those of the Holy Alliance, of which England might be now said to have become a member. He regretted also that tile Speech did not advert to the ,general and undisputed distress of the country, with a view to the removal of its cause—excessive taxation.

Lord PALMERSTON wished to defer till a more convenient period the defence of our interference in the affairs of the Netherlands ; when he would be prepared to show that it was essential to the preservation of the peace of Europe. The result had placed Holland in a more secure position than it had occupied at any period of its previous history ; while it gave to Belgium the king and the form of govermnent which the people ha& deliberately declared for.

Mr. Dawsox complained of the omission in the Speech of all notice of

the acts of incendiarism which were so prevalent, and which placed the country in a more uncertain condition in respect to property than it had been in since 1641. lie adverted to the formation, by Mr. O'Connell, of an Irish Union ; which he declared to be no other than a revival of the Catholic Association, of whose dregs it was composed.

Ile was sorry to say—but he was obliged to say it—that there was in fact no re- sponsible Government in England or Ireland. Ministers were only the servants of the niob and the press, and until they had ascertained the sentiments of those two powerful engines, no person in that House could receive any satisfactory explana- tions from them. He was sorry to see Ministers of the Crown pernIthacedinttorusosimo: of certain persons to beard them in their official ante-chatubers : he apothecaries and tailors, who had forced themselves into the presence of the Premier, and of the noble Secretary of State for the Home Department, from whose edeittrieerreoisitin.y of nature and independence of character he expected something very Mr. CUT', AN FERGUSSON spoke of Political Unions as petty republics, incompatible with the existence of a regular government ; he particu- larly alluded to the Leeds Union, and a London Unions (he did not say which), that had adopted as a principle, that hereditary distinctions— without which monarchy could not exist—were unnatural. He regretted the mournful silence observed by the Speech in respect to Poland; from which he augured, that that unhappy country was considered to have fallen no more to rise.

Lord SA NDON (who spoke from the Ministerial side of the House, and was vehemently cheered by that side), while he admitted that the call for Reform was as great as ever, contended that it was unnecessary, in order to satisfy the country, to thrust down its throat a bill the same or very similar to the last. If the concurrence of the Upper House could be procured to the leading principles of the measure, attempts to over- come resistance to the details ought not to be made. He drew a distinc- tion between the sentiments of the people, as expressed at public meet- ings, and in private. In private, all that he had conversed with ex- pressed themselves ready to accept of a safe and moderate Reform. They did not wish any particular bill to be forced on the Lords ; if the Lords would only recognize the principle of the last Bill, they would be satis- lied. He believed that the Lords were now disposed to abandon the power of nominating members in the House of Commons, and that a bill for that purpose would receive their concurrence.

, Mr. Huarr, referring to what had fallen from Mr. Fergusson, observed that Ministers kept their places by means of the Unions. Sir Francis Burdett had lately got up one expressly for their support.

Sir Fnalacts Bunosora defended Unions. He was a member of one, and he defied any one to point out a single illegal act committed by it ; as little did he believe that any other Union contemplated a violation of the law. Exceptions had been taken to a theoretical declaration that distinctions of rank were unnatural. "Will any mall," asked Sir Fran- cis, "say they are not ?" He went on to observe that so sure as the morning mist is dissolved by the sun, so sure would those Unions melt away before the accomplished Reform—a desire of whirls had alone pro- duced them. Sir Francis explained the relation in which he stood to- wards the National Union. A resolution declaring it permanent had been negatived at the public meeting ; it had notwithstanding been re- ported that its permanence was still contemplated ; it was also reported that it had offiffed a vote of thanks to the King Of France for the late creation of thirty-six Peers. He disapproved of both these resolutions, and so expressed himself. He was told that neither had been enter- tained : before, however, he determined on remaining Chairman of the Union, he had called for a public contradiction of the reports that lied gone abroad. Thus the matter at present stood. Sir Francis adverted . to the singniar doctrines of Mr. Dawson, that a Minister was to be cent- . snred fin- permitting a deputation of respectable men to pass Ids thresh- old, or to address him on a siihjeet of high national importance. Ile also noticed the complaint of Sir Robert Peel on the previous evening. of the shortness of the notice under which Parliament had met. The complaint, he said, was founded on a mere cavil. The country was most impatient for the speeds, assembling of Parliament, and it was just that the voice of the country should be heard, even if it were deceived in attributing to the delay what the delay had not occasioned. He de- fended the Speech from the charge of vagueness. He thought it spoke very plainly on the subject of Reform ; and had it spoken on no other, that was quite enough—the introduction of other topics at such a time was the only mistake.

Mr. CI:U*1.AR Fancrussmo desired that his condemnation of Unions might be considered as zipplicable only to those that were inchtded in the toso!amotioo.

Sir Ronairr PEEL repeated at some lengths Lis objection to the short notice under which Parliament had met on the present occasion. Sh- Robert took advantage of the opportunity, to ask Lord Pahnerston, uhetluer t7a: United States had acquiesced in the adjudication of the Eing of Holland respecting the North-east boundary ; and whether any measnre :vas in contemplation for the settlement of Greece ?

Lord P.smnms.ros said, the adjudication of the North-east boundary :meld be sn!,m:tted to Congress at its next meeting, when the deter- mination of the American Government would be known. Whenever a

Mr. Ewatta denied, in opposition to what had been advanced by Lord Sandon, that the opinion of the people of Liverpool was different in private from what they had repeatedly expressed in public. Their only objection to the late Bill was, that it contained one or two provisions that were net liberal enough—so much for their disposition to be con- tent with a measure of less extended Reform.

The report, which had beest brought up by Lard CAVENDISH, was then agreed to. The Address was presented to the King, by the Speaker,- attended by a number of the members, on Thursday; anti was received by his Majesty with the usual expressions of gratification.

In the House of Lords, the Address was also brought under notice a second time on Thursday, by Lord ELLE:if:ORM:GU, in respect of the omission in it of all mention of the East India Company's Charter. On this subject he remarked that the number and weight of the duties attached to the office of President of the Board of Control, which, with the leisure possessed by that officer, no m an could adequately discharge, might account for the omission; Lut as we were now commencing the session of 1832, and as the Charter terminated in 1834, he feared if from the omission it were intended that no step for its consideration should he taken this year, that consideration must be more hurried than it ought to be when it became necessary. He noticed the history of the Com- mittee on East India Affairs, and the arrival since it ceased of many persons from India who possessed valuable information. If no motion for its speedy reappointment should be made by Ministers, Lord Ellen- borough said he would bring forward one, in order that this informa- tion might be made available.

Earl GREY admitted, that the omission alluded to in the Speech arose from the intention of Ministers not to submit to Parliament, during the present session' any motion for the renewal of the Charter ; but he pledged himself that ample time should be given next sessions for the discussion. The reappointment of the Committee Ministers intended to take into early consideration. In answer to a question respecting illegal political societies, put by the Earl of WINCUILSEA, Earl GREY said, the law as it stood was sufficient for all the objects contemplated in the Speech, and no new powers would be applied for by Ministers.

2. THE REFORM Bmit. Previous to the discussion on the Address on Tuesday, Lord John RUSSELL gave notice, that he would on Monday introduce a bill for the purpose of amending the state of the representa- tion in England and Wales. The announcementcalled forth a very loud chema The Marquis of CHANDOS gave notice of his intention to move the introductioa of the 501. tenant-at-will clause, proposed and carried by him last session.

Mr. Cnomut—" Does the noble Lord intend to communicate any in- formation with reference to the question of Reform, in addition to what is already on the table of the House ?"

Lord J. Russnat.—" No additional information."

The great petition from the county of York was presented by Lord ALT1101:P on Wednesday. The numerous skins of parchment of which it was composed formed a large bale, which was rolled into the House by Lord Monte:not and several other members, soon after the Speaker took the chair. Lord AI:1110;1P did not attempt the serious task of attempt- ing to present it—he contented himself with pointing it out to the no- tice of the Speaker and the House, while he explained and recommended its prayer, that in the new measure of Reform no departure should take place from the principles of the last. In this prayer, Lord Althorp said, he perfectly concurred. He added-

" I eertaiffiy should be sorry to see any measure relating to Reform presented or proposed which did depart from the principles of the Bill under our consideration during last s,ssiou; and when the ,day comes for my noble friend to propose the Bill of which he has given notice, the House will bud, that. whatever improvements may have been made in time details of the measure, his Majesty's Ministers have re- deemed their pledge of abiding by the principles contained in the last Reform Bill.'

Lord MORPETII stated, that the petition had been agreed toaitua county meeting held immediately after the rejection of the last B it was circulated in the county for five or six days, in the course of which it received upwards of 140,000 signatures. No man signed it who was not of legal age, and who could not write his own name.

Mr. HUNT allowed that the people were as eager as ever for Reform, but denied that they were eager for the Ministerial Bill. At Leeds, where he was present at epublic meeting, not above a dozen of hands were held up for it ; he wished to know how many signatures the peti- tion got there ?

Lord MORPETH—" Twenty-two thousand." (Cheers.)

Other petitions, with similar prayers, were presented on the same evening—from Wakefield town, with 2,700 signatures; from Northal- lerton, with 1,800 signatures. Mr. CHOICER said this was a town seventeen miles long ; he could call its exclusion from Schedule B, no other than a job.

Lord Aaanoini—" It will be admitted that the job will not benefit this side of the House at any rate."

Mr. CROKER—" There are jobs against interest as well as for it."

3. TAXES ON KNOWI.E.ilum—Petitions were presented on Wednesday evenin2; for the repeal of the Newspaper-tax ; which were supported by

Mr. Is Colonel TORMENS, and Sir F. Bt: DDLT T. Lord ALTHORP declined giving any information respecting his intentions in regard to this tax, until the period for discussing the Stamp-duties arrived.

4- RENEWED RILLS AND NOTICES OF MOTION. Mr. J. CAMPBELL has reintroduced his General Registry Bill, which, in its present form, will inelmie Yorkshire ; and the other Law Amendment bills which were stopped in then progress by the termination of last session. They were severally read a first time on Wednesdays and a second time on Friday to 2'9 j5,2'7/1G.

Lord Mamnovincnt has given notice of motion for a Committee on the Irish Tithe system, for Thursday next.

Mr. PERCEVAL has given notice of a motion for a general fast, for Tuesday next.

Mr. ISranocoabx—a Bill for Regulating Sciesols of Anatomy, the same day.

Mr. Saxontnao—Select Committee to inquire into the state of Tithe decision bad been come to respecting Greece, the result would be cons- property in Ireland. municated : the stale of that country was now under consideration. Colonel Ton:casts—Bill for Repealing certain Taxes on Industry, and

imposing a modified Property-tax in their stead, 25th January.

Colonel TWilLENS—Bill for Gradual Abolition of the Corns Importa- tion-duties, 17th February.

Mn. S ann.—Address for a return of the annual value of the Irish Sees ; to submit certain resolutions respecting the Irish Church, 20th instant.

Lord Jonio Rossr.ma--Eita von AMENDING ran REPRESENTATION OP ENGLAND AND WALES, Monday next.

5. NEW MEMBER.S. The following new members have taken their

seats since Parliament met.

Sir John Owen, for Pembroke County.

Lord Ashley, for Dorsetshire. Mr. Francis Russell, for Tavistock.

Mr. Townley, for Cambridge County. Lord Viscount Sandon, for Liverpool.

0. ELECTION Parrrioxs. Petitions have been presented against the re- turns for Drogheda, Wallingford, Dorsetshire, Forfarshire; all of which are ordered to be taken into consideration on Monday the 26th instant.

7. . PRIVATE EILT.S. By the standing orders, no petition for a private bill can be received after the 17th February ; no private bill can be read a first, time after the 28th March ; nor can any be reported after the 28th May next.