10 FEBRUARY 1838, Page 2

ClrbatcS anti 43rorretring4 Ill Varliament.


In the House of Lords, on Monday, the order of the day having been read for going intoCommittee on the Canada Bill, Mr. Roebuck, on the motion of Lord BROUGHAM, was called to the bar, and pro- ceeded to address the House in opposition to the bill. He began by stating the line of argument he intended to take. It was his aim to prove that the measure was both unjust and impolitic : in the first place unjust,-hecause:it punished the House of Assembly of Lower Canada, whose conduct had been uniformly just, firm, and temperate, while it sanctioned the proceedings of the English Government, which had been marked by fully, rashness, violence, procrastination, igno- nnce, petulance; in the second place, impolitic, because it proposed an inefficient and dangerous mode of dealing with the question of govern- ing Canada, in preference to means tar more efficacious, more peaceful, regular, and constitutional. Having thus indicated the scope of Mr. Roebuck's argument, which our limits will not allow us to follow through its closely-linked chain, we proceed to extract some of the snore striking passages, from the report of his speech in the Times. Referring to the demand of the Assembly for an elective Legislative Council, he drew a contrast between the mushroom aristocracy created by act ot' Parliament in the colony, and the British House of Peers- " It may be thought, my Lords. that I have a delicate teek to perform, while I defend this dematel for an elective Coneetcil before your Lordships. Many it friends of your Letelehipe' lloulo have endeavoured, by a fumed atialogy, to persuade the people of E uglatid i hat the Legbilative Council, being a second cliambel, Is the House of Lords ot Omelet. I, however, will not pay you the ill compliment to make any such comparison. al) opinions respecting any species of irresponeible legislative boy ale well kite, ti, and !wed not here be repeated ; but whatever be those opinions, I never for an instant was so blind as not to see the enormues MIT .reace that exiats between an aristocraey preperly so called, and a body or meu selected by one will, at ilaZiati almost. hum attempt the people. and endowed with legislative Inactions. An mime. (racy is a social dietinction ; it is the groeth of ages; it results from ancient nue Coital peculiaritiee ; it caunot be brought Mu exietence at a moment, or at the will til any team Power may create a legisito is e body, and give them exclusive privileges; but power cannel casette an nristocracy. Wealtil may MOM a wall, but no extent of riches can produce soddenly an avenue of full-groon treel. The Inet is the long product or natural cauees—the growth of ages, and tiot Ille work of an hoar. Your Lordships aro what you are, unit by euy one mates still; is Metal' has not made, neither cau it unmake you. The inetitutiou or ads House is sanctitmed hey time and by opinion; it is sup- ported by the reepect always paid to antiquity, and by large territmild se flue. Strip the Peers of their possessions—etrip teem of the prestige which attends them in consequetwe of their ancient teems a—reduce each one of y on to the position or ate obscure, pater, nameless, iudividual—then homy you stobienly called together by an Act of P:11 1111111P111, in direct opposition to the People's wislies—then. my Lords, hut not till then, skill the cum parison hold betweeu this Muse atid the Legisl dive Council ef Lower teatimes Y ottr Lordships' strongest support is the tiatiuuttal ovi Men; but

the national opiuiou is against this hudy of hungry irrespoositse, nameless. 4egifita. tore.- Autt the llouatt of Amembly only speak.s illeentheuistkouitlifewe of its constituents when it memo' le, that iu place of this unknown and antrust.torthy body. tlwy should be favoured us ill, a respectable and worthy baud of legislature, supported by the apt es) bation of the nation et large. This is. my Lards, their view. tool to me it appears as wise mud prudent otte, M au elective Legisletive Counted. lie Canada there me nu Me- Incubi for ate aristocracy ; this is acknualedgett by all men ii Ito know that country ;

and expetietwe has shown that you cannot teree an aristocracy as you would force it cucumber. W Icy thrill cling to the dead and empty fen% tilld reject the only 'triumphs

which gist's vitatity and strength to this inetitutiou? That priuciple is elm:thin—tor this the Assembly contended; and because they took the path vehicle wisdom 'named out, we are almitt to punish them, by reducing them mut their countrymen to the con

gltion of elases. Bet, my LOPtEl. I am justified in ("us seeking excuses for my clients; al dot y reqeiren that I should hike higher emend, and nuttily assume, that miles theyelthd matt • demand for an elective Legislative Couttelis they would IlliVe LW*

trn,yed their :mil. their houour, and liucir country. You, my limbs as have already

said. stymie y our best title front the nation's alines ot your iuetittitiou (.1 bliudnese in the tuition. which I certainly lamete); but in Canada the natienal opiniou id entirely against this Legislative Council, and they who celled themselves She Repteeentativee of the People slid no more Otto what their bare duty deniatul, it when they gave expressiou to the national will."

He contended that experience justified the people of Canada in throwing aside all expectation that the Legislative Council would be effectually reformed. Under these circumstances, what was so natural as that they should turn their thoughts to the system which had worked eo well among their American neighbours ?— •• Looktue ,o the past history of the American colonies. they learned that for nearly Iwocenter out elective Councils had existed in the most flourishing sod powerful of the linglith colonies. Such being the fact, they could slut anticipate that Englith slates.

men now.a-drtes would gravely unmet that smelt en inetitutiou sag incounistent the relatIonot colony and mother country. What ! is it impossib der le, when un it ths

most extensive colonies Enelniol ever possessed lived happily aud peaceably ; ow eelle it egietea these colonies preyed, by a prodigal effusion of their blood. mid diture of their treasure in the cause of England, their attachment to her namePeenett. dominion? 'the Canadinns, therefore, without hesitation adopted this precedent. aite sought by the Rauction of antiquity to conciliate opposition. They were authcsity was disregarded when interest was endangered. Official people admire te; wisdom of ancient times and pritronize Conservative doctrinei ouly so long as thee are likely to gain more by retaining an institution than by changing it. Shots th some personal -advantage to be derived from change, and there can be found none": daring, so reckless ia their desires and attempts at alteration. The men who shrine with erected honor from remodelling the constitution of the Legislative Coulon, without trembling and without compunction, do at one fell swoop carry ofrthe entire ems st autism. They dread to touch a part, but exultingly destroy the whole. The Howe of Assetnbly Gould not foresee that inconsistency should be so rife; neither could they believe that any serious objection w °Uhl be made to the adoption Gra plan which InS for so many years existed in fell operation in our most favoured colonies. It soe. however. that it was unjustifiable in the Assembly to use their constitutioAl potter to obtain an organic reform. What, my Lords, do I hear this dangerous argurneut nese by men of sceculled Couservative opinions ? The wildest fenatic for revolutionary change never propounded a more destructive principle. W hat is the meaning of this statement ? This if it mean any thing--you are not to seek great reforms by peacerte meaus. All changes that are trifling. and not likely to agitate the %etude Way og society—these you may pursue by quiet and legal means; but when you seek such extensive reforms as to excite all minds, to raise up a hope or fear in every heart—ehee the angry passions are most excitable—then you are to forego methods of peace and modes of constitutional action. If you are determined on reform. it believes you M seek it by arms, by violence. Ara there counsels wise, In these times of recipeatid general, and very dangerous excitement ? Is it not far more prudent to accestom mm %%holly to such peaceful modes of action—to dissuade them from ever looking to the adoption of violent and physical means for nttainiug great moral ends? Such, hom ever, is not the advice or the creel of those who tell us that organic changes are not to be sought by coast it utionul means. They u Ito blame the Assembly for adoptiug the peaceful means within their power, are the most vehement mud successful preachen of violence and rebellion. A nation suffering under abuses will not fail, will not cease to try to get rid of them. 'rile desire and t he hope of reform you cannot prevent : his the height of wiekedness and folly to three these desires into dangerous courses—to bid men be hopeless of relief from moral power."

Repeatedly had the Canadians been deceived by Ministers at horns and Governors in the colony; but from the Liberal Ministers now in office they expected better treatment. They were bitterly distil). pointed. What was the grand determination of these Ministers, after protracted deliberatien and inquiry?—

" 'They flatly refused to amend the Legislative Council by the mode of electioa. They gravely asserted that the Legislative Council required reform ; and they them upon determined to seize upon the money of the colony lying in the provincial tree. sury, anti to apply it as they thought lit. I lere %ens the first the most flagrant, vim lent breech or the constitmion—a breach too of selemn promises made in acts of Par liament—promisee made expressly to our North American Colonies, and expressly ft this very 'winter applicat bin of the provincial funds. We never, even before our et. perience gathered In the American Itevoltitiunolo red to try so bold an experiment epos the patience and forbearance of any colony. here was collected together. under aets passed itt reliance upon England's honour, money the produce of three year's tate. (ion. Safe, as the peeple of Canada believed, because guatrded by the authority, aad satuction. avid guarantee of thie country, they elept secure ,ulthough their treasure vas in the hands of others. because they believed those ethane honest as well as powerful

and because they had our pledged faith ard honour that ue would never appropriate it u it hotit their approval. Alas. alas, for England's bottom 1—alas, for our charsetet for common prudence, for common honesty I W hen use passed those fatal resolutions,

t. set ;I dangerous and fatal example of disregard or public faith and of public morals. We shook all men's faith ill ilitt most solemn eompacts, and taught our subjects to be.

live, that whatever we had the power we liblOUMI act as if we had the right to do ; that %se placed ourselves above all moral rules, and decided man our proceedings solely with reference tu our (mu immediate power and expediency."

The course of Government seemed calculated to drive the Assembly to resistance-

" The Assembly met in August 1837; nod to their astonishment they found tla Gos erten asking them for motley, threatening t hens with the Resolutions of the Patin. meet if they refused it; and at the same time they discovered that he had dune nothing to sullen the rigour of this pi oceeding be fillfillieg the promise or reforming the Legie fat ice Council. Their ensure to this demand was Perim rn the promise of reform, tritl then ask us for money ; until that promise is fulfilled, we cannot entertain your demand.' Had Om promise been fulfilled in its true spire. I am prepared to prove by ea Mem, at your bar, that it W d the 'Mention of Ilte Assembly to have voted the sup. plies. I will adduce this ea 'deuce ; nod your Lordships shall judge, whether they who threugh negligence, or some worse reasons, did tea obey the commands of Parliament, ate the person.: who cught to he tirellSefl in this matter—obether the accused ore not the innocent --whether the accusers be not the offending tierties. 1 here solemnly charge the SI itt later of the Crum n, the Secretary for the Colonies, Lord Glenelg. man being tue author of all the ealaniities which have resulted from this fatal betrayal of Into die y. W limber it was indolence, ince 'tacit y, heedlessness, neglect , or intentioual die regard of duty, it is nut or me to inanire. I see lite result. I know the cattse ; and I i I On you, tny Lords, it you seek to punish the guilty—if you desire to make answer- able these alto hare disturbed the peace of the etnpire—liave led to lite slaughter at her

peacehil subjects—have introdticed the horrors mid calamities of war into the peaceful vale. or Canada—look for t he culprit, not tau the te her side of the Baulk, but among y ourselves. Cell on the Minister of the Crosse to arise or this charge; and do not,I entivat you, add to the misery already exidine, by allowing this dreadful measure new upou your table to become law, and thus render confusion and dismemberment of the empire almost hies it able. I. hi the entity. spare the innocent. 'Throw out this bill, ta Melt Is au injestice to my clients, end bid the Minister of the Crown make his deieure upon these grave and solemn chat ges. Some of you, my Lords, may smile at this idea ; but be aesured that posterite it the our's% at large will affirm the kith:nicht %stitch I have ventured to pronnutice."

Something. however, it was said, must be done. He allowed it; but the admission made nothing in tavour of the bill, for that ren- dered bad worse. Immediate action wits quired—a- " Tett suspend the constitution or 1:ower Canada till the year 1840, and in the mean Time on send a dictator. 'no wow jute item...timely arises—in what better cow deem do y on suppose you us ill be its Cite year 1810 than 113W ? What do you suppose mill take place vs lint the constitution revives.? Will nut the same difficulties %latch tons beset and obstruct it rev ive also ? Butt suit intend to provide against them. lla whet minutia? and why art' those means net at °lice Adopted ? Why do you out now amend the coustittation. in place of destroy into it ? You know 'the whole case— more information cannot be olditined. Why them delay to act ? Why, because they olio have the post or have not the courage to ewe the real difficulties of the question. T leis seeding out a dictator, this tom/mars heel...nettle of the constitution, is a part of the old system which has produced t he present crisis 'The gteat object of a Minis-

terial endeavour@ seems to be to stove off a &Meetly. Man elle. to grail tilt lt, requires courege. requires knots ledge ; and outing.. and knowledge are qualities, lin fortunately. white are far to rare in the tube, 01 menkintl. At this moment the hi sisters of the Crown are reduced to this thlemma—either they know what ought to be done, or they do not. If they do knee w hat ought to be done, there is no need of delay ; if they du nut know, they never mill."

It would be fur more prudent as well as honourable, to state at once. what was to be done— "lake your metteures like bold, like honest men tell us what they are; establish your sy stem of colonial rule—that system to vs Ill, sou determine to adhere, and at once home that machine of colonial government et hich you beliete to lie the best one IM this, and there is no need to suspend the mitigate' ion ta C mettle. Change it, if you so deter mine but do su at once, sued do not fly to ettleerfuge. Ito not come Ss ith fey pocrnica pretetices of sorrow—hollow lamentations oser t he necessity u hich compels you to act, anti under till' guise or sham liberality perpet rite Iles crying outrage 'limiest commas sense and common honesty. If yea juiced permanently to tlestroy the represeutattr government uf Louer Cattiatla, say no tel mice and do it avowerby and openly; eltdOO, nut, I retreat of )011, adopt the poor, the panty serene, el say hug that you seepenates only• If you do not intend to destroy, hut to amend it. let us at once know what hv proposed amendments are. For your own sakes, hot the sake of that connexion betegen g th'country Rod the colony which all in this House and most of M., in the other linusceof Parliament prize so highly. I beeeech )oti, my Lords, to ;Moil this manly. thus honest crease: for depend on me when I tell you, that the moment this bill b e e- am I a law, all hope of uuy peaceful maintenance of that connexion ma:, at once and sver be discurded. I know the people of whom I am speakijog ; I know the circum. stances by which they are surrounded and without hesitation I nowt, that they will deem this measure one of grrat, of unmitigated injustice : they w ill consider it part of a system and that system they w ill believe to have for its object the establishment of seek • colonial dominion as will leave them but the shadow of freedom." It was said that the Canadians were drive., not persuaded, by Papineau and his friends, the feudal seigneurs. This he Intel ly denied-- . Let soy acigneur change Ills present politic*, and take part eith the ppressors of Canada ; let the of the parish reach the same doctrine; and then 'et theee two venous combined go to a political election against aLibrat candidate, anti I will abide by the result. The seigneur anti the priest will fail. Why do I assert this ? Because keesperinont has heen tried, and failed. Well known instances meet suggest them. Lives to every one conversant with the affairs of that country. But if this be so what becomes of the essertious concerning the ignorauce of the Canadian peop'e ? Do you usually flud an ignorant anti dependent peasantry turning a deaf ear. and refusing ebedieuce to the commands of their territorial lords anti their prieethood combined ? Newer : such a phenomenon was never seen. But iu America, w here the farmer is his awn rooster, living in great plenty anti comfort, and surrounded by circumstances which daily call for great activity of iniud, of great iogenuity. under novel difficulties which task his sogacity in thisppplicat ion of means to eluld—the farmer. I say, who is thus sheeted acquires habits ur independent thought and action ; he listens to him who Osseo armed with reams and with facts, and despises any attempt which would sub- jeet hire blindly to authority. Talk not to me of reading aud writing as the Only Morton of education ; I have seen many a farmer who knew nothing if scholastic lesmine, yet was' tAl well read in the book or nature and experience, whose jgment was hr more sone and accurate, valour sagacity was far mom acute, anti whose m hid was mush more thoroughly guarded agnima *lie tis,aults of prejudice and suet stition. than those of many alearned, but still ignorant bookworm, whose ouly knowledge was the pretended science of the schools." There was a whisper and a suggestion in the other House of Par- liament, by which he understood that the electoral franchise in Lower Canada would be restricted— There will he some plan devised to narrow the coustituency of that country ; and the Ignorant meddlers in pelitics, who have hitherto tuled the destiuies of that unfor- tunate country, are Si) blind as not to see the consequence of such an attempt. You RN told, my Lord, that all the wealth of that country is in the hotels of the Engliell ; and you believe what you are told. Now, hear my version of the story. All the real Wealth of the coontry is in the hands of the agricultural community; and they. for the most part, are French ; mink. t he pretended rielics of the merchants of Montreal and Quebec, ohio ore chiefly English, is more show thou reality. Few ale rich—iew are solvent ; and the reel ramie of their furious outcry is the dread of banktuptcy in peaceful times. Create a riot, aid to be a bankrupt will not be dishonourable. Keep this country quiet ; and if they break, then men will scan closely the honesty of those who hate deluded their creditors. However, make your electoral qualification higher —try the experiment, and you will not have one Englishman in your new Parliainent. Your ouly chance is by extending the suffrage : but this does not accord %%fah notions predominant here ; anti we are all but too prone to fancy the reet of the world like ourselves in every particular. The noble lord who is about to go on thie TillS1.1011 of supposed peace will find all his plans of good ruined by the suspicion attendant on this bill. Ile is popular, it is said, in this country. I suppose that he is {mown to the people by some great !achievement in their favour—by some great service reudered them. But to the Caundinu people he is unknown, except as the dictator mho strode OM the ruins of their copstitetion, and the near connexion of one they deem their bitterest enemy, lie may surround himself with pomp anti parade; he may enact the viceroy, and play with Whin% effect or vigour he pleases the farce of mock loyalty ; but when he sends this bill as his Harbinger, be assured that he will play to empty benches; he will be nu popular favourite; and, though a star from London, the pro- vincials will not ruin niter him. Some few fools may gape and cry God bless him ; but the national feeling will be such towards him, that no man need envy him his power, even with all its Beset concomitants; nor will lie, if he have the heart of a man, long stood up against the concentrated hatred anti indignation that will on all occasions break out against him who could seize this unhallowed sceptre, and con•ent to Oily the dictator over an injured anti a helpless people. Perhaps in the day of his failure be will remember the words uttered this night."

The question recurred, what ,mist be done ?—

"Dojustice to Canada. You seek to retain your dominion ; you wish to maintain peace; you desire to have your colons a profitable possesbion. If you wish t things, reign over them with justice. Bat justice here means—grant the demands the p:•ople. What are they ? Fremlom from irresponsible rule. The interests uf Eng- land are in tide the same us these of the colony. England gains nothing by an tire. sponsible Legislative Council. Give the people a Government which shall provide for their interests and for yours, anti not for those of the hungry band who have so long preyed upon the vitals of the colony. how is this to be done? As follows. A careful and provident statesman would in all his measures respecting the present government of Canada keep a steady eye on the future destinies of the culony—wouhl be careful so to arrange his pious as to render it impossible that any junction with the U itiled States and oar present Colonies should ever take place. The present condition of those ;nominees gives you an opportunity of doing both the things which you should now seek to effect—to allay the discontents of the Lower and Upper Provinces, and - provide against the extensiuu ul the power of the United States."

Last session he propounded a plan, which had recently been again Set forth to the head of the Government, for allaying the discontents of Canada ; and he would now briefly restate it— That plan contemplated the abolition of the Legislative Council, anti the creation of a Council of Advice, to be chosen by each successive Governor. By this means responsibility would be fined upon a single person; who would have all the advantage that could be derived troin allViCe. In order to protect the general interests of the Co lonies and England's interests, it was oropused that there shotild be a General Assent My composed of persous eleetell by the various Legislatures of the ihitierent Colonies; that by a written code the powers of this hotly should be determined—one of their functions heitig to hear impeachments preferred by the Colonial Legislatures. Besides this body, it was proposed to iostii ute a superior court of judicature, to try all judicial questions between the several Colonies. and such as should arise Irom calling iii ques Von the limits of the powers exercised by the General Assembly and the several Co. lenial Legislatures. Such a machinery as this would keep your Colonies in one eons pact body—would keep them separate from the United States; aud when the time comes, which must come, in which they are to be independent of our dominion, they might Lem themselves into us Northern Confederation. balancing and controlling the powers of the United States of A mvrica. Such, my Lords, is my plan of pacineat ; to which no objection can be brought, but such as results either from misconception of the real interests of England or a too' nice perception or periamal interests. But before you decide upon this or any other plan. I would beseech you, my Louts, gravely and serimisly to inquire into the benefit which you hope to derive from opposing the general wisltes of your colonists; anti then to set against this supposed benefit the real sells which you brave, by obstinetelY opposing yourself to the just uislies of youi sub- jects. At this moment, every olif.you must feel that war with the United a.:tateo has been risked by this insane miarrel with our Colonies No greater calamity could hap- pen to mankind than such a war; and yet have we heedlessly—may I not say critni- nally?—incurreti the danger of it—and for what ? To maintain a wretched band of hungry °indult in the potisessi !!!! of ill-used as well as ill gotten power—to shelter a felepacslatieg servants from the just 111■Iiguation of their rubbed anti insulted ntaotere. This, my Lords, is the real end or all our great espense, of all our loss of money, Gine, and blood—the magnificent ot4ect for which we have stayed all improvement in Cauada —for which we now seek to outrage the feelings ot the whole continent of America—fur which we have already risked the chance of the most disastrous calamity which igno- rance anti wickedness combined could inflict on mankind! Is not this, my Lords, a Inagnineent requital for such a risk? Anti are we not, by our proceedings, exhibitiug to the world a scene humiliating to the notional character for *nee, for humour. and Vlberosity ? To you, my Lords. as the supposed guardians of our ancient honour, I appeal to save us Irons this degradation and disgrace."

Mr. Roebuck concluded by reading, in a very impressive manner, part of rt protest against the coercion of the old American Colonies, signed by the Dukes of Richmond and Devonshire, Lords Fitzvvilliam, Falkland, and Ponsonby, and other ancestors of the present Peers. He was now ready to produce the evidence which he had teLdered in his speech, if their Lordships would hear the witnesses in attendance.

Lord BROUGHAM complimented Mr. Roebuck on the distinguished ability he bad displayed in behalf of his clients ; and announced his own intention not to give any further opposition to the measure, is that stage.

In reply to a question from Lord ABERDEEN, Lord GLENELG stated, that Sir John Colborne would be empowered to carry the bill into effect before the arrival of Lord Durham in Lower Canada.

The bill went through the Committee with only an unimportant amendment ; and was ordered to be read a third time on Thursday.

On Thursday, Lord GLENELG having moved the third reading of the bill, Lord ELLENBOROUGH rose to make some observations, which illness had prevented him from offering before. He would not discuss at length the conduct of Ministers, but would content himself with expressing his entire concurrence with the observations of Lord Aberdeen and Lord Brougham. He had this strong objection to the bill—that it shut them out from the most favourable opportunity of making a manent settlement of the affairs of Lower Canada. Parliament on to legislate with reference to the latest intelligence from the colony but Lord Gosforcl's last despatches represented Lower Canada as being tranquil and loyal. To show this, he quoted passages in which the revolt was declared to be entirely put down, the inhabitants returning to their usual occupations, and seeding loyal addresses from all quarters. while the Roman Catholic clergy, headed by the Bishop of Quebec, were actively employed in strengthening the favourable disposition of the people. All these circumstances combined, Lord Gosford said assured him that no further attempt would be made to disturb public ; tranquillity. Now, Lord Ellenborough contended, this state of things l presented no obstacle to the reassembling of the Legislature of Lower I Canada. On the contrary, he thought the present an excellent oppor- tunity for laying before that body the measures for the permanent / settlement of the affairs of the colony, which Lord Glenelg had die. tinctly stated were ready ill May last. If Ministers really wished for a speedy settlement, they would take the course lie had suggested ; but if they wished to throw the question from their own shoulders on those of Lord Durham, they could not take a better course than to pass the I bill. He considered it of the greatest importance that a conciliatory settlement should be speedily effected— .-.1(

It could not he concealed that the tendency of the revolt or the disaffection .

which prevailed in these provinces, e-pecially in Lower Canada, was to create a 1 danger of the gteatest calamity which could befall this country or the human race, namely, a war between England anti the United States. Every day that a satisfactory settlement was deferred, that danger was becoming more immi- nent ; but it would be rendered most imminent by any unnecessary severity— by any attempt at injustice towards the French Canadians, which would displease even those of English origin, and excite the constant observation, if not sympathy, of the United States. Let not these feelings be agitated, or her Majesty's authority in Canada would be overturned.

Believing the measure to be both unjust and impolitic, he would say" not content" to the motion for the third reading.

Lord GI.ENELG contended that there was no possibility of effecting a satisfactory adjustment of the Canadian difficulties at the pre3ent time. He had no doubt that Lord Gosford had correctly described the actual state of Lower Canada.— At the same time, it wag impossible to doubt, after the excitement which prevailed amongst all parties, that even supposing the revolt to have closed, there was not made out a ease for the enactment uf the present measure. H they looked to the lung series of events which had occurred—die habitual '. resistance on the part of the Assembly to any wise system of legislation, if they adverted to the excited feelings of the French ;notion of the population, it wast'quite clear, that if they proposed to confer a permanent tranquillity, by appealing to the voters at the elections, they would overturn the conatitution revive.agitation, and give a free scope to the measures and devices employed to seduce the unfortunate people into the present revolt.

It wits the opinion of Ministers that the present was hot the time

when the Canadians themselves could be consulted with advantage on the subject of their future gover lllll ent ; and therefore eli interval was asked for, during which au uprol might be made to their better feelings. Lord ASHBURTON agreed with Lord dienelg, that Palliament was not in a condition to legislate permanently with resieto to Lower Canada at present. I-le approved generally of the bill ; but silagfsted, that Lord Durham ought to be empowered to continue Ow e..w.titte lki, tional Legislature of Lower CH1111,1,t. It' um his ariival in the tom/ince he should deem that course exp-dietit With respect to i 11 v hie of the Canadas. he adhered to the ripttlitni Ito held ten years -i .. , !hat it came highly important to plant e,.lonies ; Mit the great -u . toil of were exerting themselves to engross r be voinieter ye of the us' it muell overrated. Formerly, whet' Sp lin, Ptirtugal, ao 1.::ii•tattbihceee_ their colonies had been lost to other colietries, amid a rvia y ■ colonial system had taken plate, it hi en destroyed the excitt, , nimr- fence of colonies to the mother Immo my, except as hatbmir .1 mili- tary stations. Under these eireeill.,,ce,.... ir became . (1,, far the No th America i Provinces w re, with their 1 . . i no iofillibt '"41441elte illr frontier, worth defending. lo fut. the e try was placed position with regaid to the Canaries— awl the question was, whether they weie werth a war, which s o,, :,,...tebri.„ This country was always liable to lie called mem to defend the.... ....I.o.:,:n:tout,nint.; 44 whenever an outbreak or conspiracy alimild occur, we could aeat e bility avoid. It WV1 the town(' policy It this emmtry to keep if .

.::::: scantly directed to what were its sub•taiii 1 41 ,iiiitl true iweresr. opinion upon the subject V1,10 one w Melt. a. he . Lei to 'fore. he h.el

or fifteen yesto ago, and which he still fit telt elite' toned. la 1.1 would have been —mit wiser, at a time whim the moot amicable a

hem, feelings existed it the Canadians and tile parent atate, to It ,L e that as long us L.. ., .., sired the c lllll menus VI remain in force. t . • e 'At liberty to enjoy it ; 014.aa soon as they et...leered their 1,1teIrsts pi ...I hiy .ith

that connexion, we were tetchy to hold out (IIIV 11.11i114, anti part to II

every feeling of goodwIll and friendship. It was a eingular fact. 1. t one

of the Spanish or Portuguese colonies which bad em incipaterl the . • .., I.r.twnna the mother countries 11 id shown itself 1,1114111e oh MCIII0Velritrwur American colonies tinge% have been it:tamed Mimn ten or Uteri) y ea ..;er in

their allegiance to this cuuntry by the adoption of conciliatory tura • ; but

they must ultimately, according to the eternal fitness of thinga, have separated. Such a result was inevitable ; and he thought it was the part of prudence and common sense not to repeat over again the blind follies of our ancestors, by en- deavouring to avoid separation at a cost of millions of money and thousands of lives, leaving a gangrene behind, arid ultimately doing that of necessity which might be an act of grace and niegnanimity. If he were of opinion that the eolonies could be permanently held a, nppendages of this country, he would act differently ; but be thought the course he had before referred to would be more worthy of the character and the dignity of this country, and would be more Nkely to conciliate the people of the colonies. This waa his opinion respecting colonies generally ; but he was ready to admit that the time for acting upon These opinions was a time of quiet, and when they were not pressed by circum- stances ; and undoubtedly no time was less opportune than when the colony was in open rebellion, and when, therefore, they had not the means of acting on theme feelings and with those sentiments which would insure future goodwill.

The Earl of MANSFIELD said, that this country bad engaged in a Contest, of which many of them might not live to see, and none could predict, the issue. He strongly censured the conduct of Ministers. Never, during his Parliamentary experience, had charges against a Go- vernment been so forcibly urged and so feebly met. He did not wish Is speak with party violence, but he must say. that a very large pro- portion of the men of influence and property in the country had no confidence in Ministers. Under these circumstances, he thought it was the duty of Parliament to interfere with effect— When there was apparent an infirmity of purpose—when men declared they

had a certain object to accomplish, and then showed vacillatiu i

n in carrying t into effect—when they did that which had been done with respect to Canada and also to this country—then he thought the only means of extricating the nation from its present difficulty was to determine either upon bringing in a measure of conciliation and proceeding to a settlement of the dispute in the Present session, or, if war was to be continued, they ought to lay a respectful address at the foot of the Throne, declaring to her Majesty that if war should be eontinued, it ought to be continued on the extensive scale pointed out by the noble duke. This he was sure was the opinion of a niajoiny of their Lord. ahips ; and in all probability, an address of the kind he suggested was one in which the other House would agree.

He wished tosbe distinctly informed, whether Ministers did or did not contemplate a separation of the Colony from the Mother Country; and whether they would pledge themselves to follow the advice of the Duke of Wellington, and send out as large a military force to Canada as the resources of the country would allow ?

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE could not tell whence Lord Mansfield's suspicions that Ministers intended to promote the separation of the Canadas from England, had arisen. Without hesitation he would de- clare, that it was the intention of Ministers to preserve those colonies. As long as he had the honour of holding a seat in her Majesty's coun- cils, he would make every exertion in his power to prevent separation. It WAS asked whether Ministers would take the necessary means to maintain the connexion? Undoubtedly, it was the intention of the Queen's Government to use all the means in their power for that pur- pose ; and should those means prove insufficient, they would apply to Parliament for additional powers. He acknowledged that there had been apparent delay and hesitation in the conduct of the Ministers ; but their policy had been attended with the very best effects. The re- luctance to recur to harsh measures had been attended with the bene- ficial consequences of detaching the best part of the population from the agitators, and creating confidence in the just intentions of her Ma- jesty's Government. Lord Lansdowne concluded by stating, on be- half of Mr. Spring Rice, that every single word which had fallen from Mr. Roebuck respecting Mr. Spring Rice's conduct towards the depu. tation from Canada in 1834, was erroneous, and proceeded from an en- tire want of recollection of every thing that really did occur.* Were he to go into the particulars of the case, he could show that Mr. Spring Rice's statement was supported to the letter by the speeches and writ- ings of Mr. Roebuck himself.

Lord BROUGHAM was remarkably pleased and encouraged by the alter- ation in his own position. He no longer stood alone in that House to denounce the bill. He was now supported by two noble lords de- scended from the two greatest luminaries of the law that perhaps this country had ever produced—men renowned for their unextinguishable love of the liberties of their country, their adherence to its laws, and abhorrence of their violation—.

He fet that he could now no longer be denounced as the partisan of rebels or the encourager of rebellion. He had, on a former occasion, by plain implica- tion, been compared to something like Cataline—(Laughter)—accueed of hay- ing rushed out of the House, something after the manner in which that ancient senator was known to have done after delivering himself of a long, and appa- rently from its effects, a not unfelt oration against the Lord Glenelg of that day. (Great laughter.) Such comparisons were not likely to be made when he had two such companions in his opposition to the most essential part of the measure.

It bad been charged against Ministers, that.they acted with vacillo- tion and uncertainty—

Now, however, he was told that the delays which had marked this proceed-

ing, begun as it was in the month of last March, and continued as it was by slow stages, first through the month of April, then through that of May, then through that of June, and then through the months of the last year—now he was told that those delays were not accidental, as some had asserted—were not unintentional, as others had supposed—did out arise from want of vigour an activity, as a third party had conteeded—did not emanate, as a fourth party in. ainuated, from an inveterate habit of waveting and infirmity of purpose. No, it ss as all design—it was all irtue it was all system—it was all that natural but invincible repugnance which the framers of this measure had to entering upon a course which might be understood to savour of strong measures, of harsh measures, of unconstitutional measures, of measures of severity towards the colonies—it was all a reluctance to encroach on the privileges of the colonists, and to suspend their legitimate constitutional rights. The longer one lived the snore one wondered. It was just in the verge of probability, that those who im- peached and those who defended this measure—friend and foe—combatant, bystander, and looker-on—were all deceived and misled as to the intentions with which her Majesty's Ministers had propounded it. Instead of a fault, the bill might be a perfection—instead of being arbitrary and oppressive, it might be that it was a mild, wise and just policy which dictated the present conduct of the Administration. Was it 110 ? It would be odd if it were true. (Laughter.) Certainly nobody could have suspected it ; and if his noble friend the Sectetary of the Colonies had not given the weight of his great name and his high autho-

• Mr. Roebuck, in a part of .his speech:a hich we have not quoted, bad charged Mr. Rios with having broken faith with the C median deputation respecting the payment ist Canadian officials.

rity to the assertion. he should have been disposed to say, (and he meant to say nothing harsh,) that it was utterly impossible for any man of common sense ft ' credit it. (Laughter.) He would venture to predict, that the whole proceed. ing would be continued in the same style in which it had commenced. If it were reluctance that was shown in the beginning, their Lordship might depend upon it that they would find the same reluctance continued to the end. But the fact was, that ou the part of Ministers there had been no reluctance to pass those resolutions. They rushed into the thick of the matter on the 6th of March. The time for reluctance was when all the mischief was done. They had ap. plied a vigorous promptitude to a wrong part of the proceeding. As lie had said three weeks ago, they were rash when they ought to have deliberweil, but mighty slow when they ought to have rushed into action. Still he would pre- dict, from all that had recently transpired, that there would be the same relue. tance in executing as there had been in framing their plan.

It was manifest that Lord Durham had the greatest reluctance to go to Canada. It was as clear as the path to the parish-church, that be

had constitutional qualms about executing the duties be had under- taken. It was said that the settlement of Canadian affairs must be made in Canada ; but it was a mistake to suppose that the bill would , empower Lord Durham to settle any thing in Canada— The bill gave no such power ; it did not even point towards that direction of I

the compass ; it pointed in a totally different direction. It pointed not to set. \ tlement, but to inquiry—to non-settlement and delay ; it pointed, thetefore, to. wards the very opposite direction of the compass. Instead of sending out Lord

Durham to settle the question, the effect of his powers would be, if po,silile, to

render it more unsettled than it now was; instead of sending hint out to make an end of these disputes, the effect would be, at best, to leave them as he found them. Whatever new powers he possessed would be not only unauthot ized by the act, but contrary to the act. His instiuctions were—inquire, inquire, inquire—report, report, report. It was one thing, therefore, to ask hint to agree with his noble fi iend, who wanted an emissary with full powers to genie

the dispute on the spot—for he said the dispute should be settled on the spot, not here—and quite another thing to call upon him to approve of this bill,

which gave no such powers, which tied up the hands, and which rendered it

totally impracticable fur I,im, unless he violated the instructions given by the act, to settle any of the questions, or smooth in any manner or way the thorny

difficulties which beset them. It was the mere inefficacy of this plan, the utter

discrepancy which existed between the powers of the bill and the object to be accomplished, of which he had complained when be last entered upon thi4 pain. ful and he feared hopeless discussion. In older to make an end of the dispute, even on the principle of his noble friend opposite—in order to the possibility of getting the question settled amicably and satisfactorily to both sides of the water, it was necessary they should send a governor or negotiator, with full powets not only to treat, but to grant as well as treat. But here they were hardly giving even power to treat: they had told Lord Durham to inquire ; and also, comparing the speech of his noble friend the Colonial Secretary with the bill itself, they haddisclosed what were their notions as to the speediness with which, the prescribed course being pursued, a settlement should be arrived at. How long did the bill say Lord Durham should he there for the purpose of completing the inquiry ? Two years. Two years, therefore, according to the framers of thismeasure, during which inquiry should last; and until the end of those two years, the Legislature of the Mother Country, winch could alone adjust the question, was to be understood not in a capacity to settle it. Lord GLENELC—" Two years is the maximum."

Lord BROUGDASI—" No doubt the noble lord said two years was to he the maximum ; but when the constitutional repugnance of the noble lord to all rash proceedings was recollected, he could not but think that the maximum and tniuimum were likely to be coincident quantities."

Lord MELBOURNE did not believe that the House would now stop short, and, after having approved of the bill till its present stage, with the single dissentient voice of Lord Brougham, throw it out on the third reading. That the measure was just and necessary, was proved even by Mr. Roebuck himself in his speech at their Lordship's bar— That speech was one of considerable power, of considerable talent and do. quence, an eloquence, indeed, not of the most soothing, or winning, or per. suasive character, or best calculated to move the favourable feelings or win the affections of those who heard it; but it was ultogether,the speech of an advo- cate, omitting all enlarged views of thesubject, and exhibiting only these narrow principles upon which he founded his case. The learned gentleman Ind gone through various statements of the laws made, the proceedings adopted by the Assembly of Lower Canada; but be had omitted to make mention of any of those circumstances which rendered it impossible that the wishes of the Assembly could be carried into effect. But the learned gentleman had admitted it to be quite true, as had been stated in the Resolutions of the Imperial Parlia- ment, that the House of Assembly had refused the supplies. The learned gentleman had most readily admitted, over and over again, that for two yearn— "only two years "—the Assembly had refused supplies ; speaking of it as if it were nothing that for two whole years the entire course of public business should be stopped, the administration of justice prevented, the salaries of the judges and other civil officers refused, the means of education withheld, the roads unrepaired, the whole service of the colony, in short, unprovided for- tis if this were a matter of no sort of importance, and of which no notice was to be taken. The learned gentleman's condemnation of the Legislative Council was one in which, on the sound general principle, he must concur ; but the constitution proposed by the learned gentleman at the conclusion of his speech went to give entire independent power to the Legislative Assembly, as at present constituted. It was clear, however, even no the learned gentleman's own showing, that the present state of things in Canada could not go on, and that it was essential for same measures to be taken for the better administration of the government of the Colony ; and the most advisable prehminary step \ appeared to be that which bad been determined on—to suspend, for a tune at least, the present constitution of that colony.

He questioned the policy of Lord Ashburton's renunks on the separation of colonies— There might be some sagacity in the remarks which bad been made on this point; but he had some doubts as to the policy of making them on this occa- siun. It was extremely doubtful policy to hold out temptations to separation on every trilling event, on every slight quarrel, on every small difference ; and it must be recollected that however this might be considered in a commercial or political point of view, recession, the drawing back, the contraction of terri- tories; was no trifling matter. It had never been found to be so. The boundaries of an empire might easily. be pushed too far; it might be difficult to maintain them; but the drawing them within a smaller limit had never re- dounded to the credit or the safety of an empire. The noble lord had said that all nations had parted with colonies at one time or another ; and it was true that this country had at various periods lost great foreign possessions, while her greatness had survived the loss; but still it was impossible to deny that the loss of these bad given us at the time great shocks. The voluntary parting with colonies was quite a novel idea. The separation of the United States from this country had been adverted to by the noble and learned lord, who stated that the grandeur, and power, and prosperity of this country 134 suffered by the event. Perhaps such was the case ; but, at ti e not

came time, it was quite impossible for us to decide what would have been the

care bail that event not taken place, and we had still maintained our dominion over those states. It was well known, however, that the war with those colonies had cost us a great deal of blood and treasure, and some loss of reputa- tion; for it was supposed that the war was not very well conducted by our effects, though our soldiery meet more highly distinguished themselves; but still it could not be shown that we elniuld have stood better if we had given way at the time the declaration of independence was made, instead of c a tying on the war to its close in the manner we did. Earl Finwit.atara said, that the bill was a measure of great injustice towards Candi', mud would be the forerunner of difficulties which the Government did not anticipate—

It seemed to him to be extremely doubtful, whether, after the passing of this bill, it would be practicable to reeenstruct a free and constitutional government in Canada. He was persuaded diet the authors of the measure would be dis- appointed in their expectations of success. When he used the term "authors," be did not mean merely his noble friends, but the people of England, who teemed to have indict! with or incredible blindness into the opinions which they held upon this iulijct. l 'icier these circumstances—regretting as lac did to vote against the elide heals who row occupied the Ministerial bench—he could sot satisfy his conscience if he had allowed the bill to go to a third reading without briefly expressing his continents upon it. He could not but fear that we should have all the scenes of the American war acted over again ; that we should experience the same Iliad of woes that were experienced between the years 116S and I ; and that we should come out of the contest weakened in teputation and in every other respect materially injured by the struggle. The bill was then read it third time.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH moved a proviso, by way of rider-

" That, if on the arrival of the Act in the colony, the Legislative Assembly should be found dissolved, and a new Assembly called, or if after the arrival of the Act iu the colony it should be thought expedient by the Gwernor to dis• solve the Assembly and to call another, it should be lawful for him to do so, and that the proclamation of the Act should be postponed until it was the pleasure of the Governor to order it to he proclaimed." He said that it was evident that Ministers did not intend that aPar• liament should ever again meet in Lower Canada— Their intention evidently was to endeavour to effect a union of the two pro- vinces. He was sure, however, that in that attempt they would fail. They would then he driven to call a Pariiament in Lower Ca Ilal a again ; arid if they found such a Parliament unmanageable tit present, how much mere so wend it be after the passing of this act? In fact, it would twee:ale impossible.

Lord GLENELG denied that it was the intention of Government to mike the two provinces. Ile opposed the amendment, as inconsistent with the principle of the bill.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH was convinced that the measure would fail, and felt bound to express his opinion to that effect—

If it were intended at some time or other to call together a Legislative As- sembly in Lower Canada, it would be impoesible to take such a step udvanta.

geoudy after the passing of this bill. It was impossible to cherish a hope that under such cireutteitances any lapse of time should render it practicable to call such a Legislative Assembly together; for during the whole interval, every teens would be used to irritate the feelings of the people of Canada. They would he operated upon internalle, and they would be operated upon from with. out. Persons from the United titters would be constantly at work among then, endeavouring by every possible meaus to excite then iu a way that must terminate in revolt.

The amendment was negatived, and the bill passed. -- a In the [louse of Commons, On Monday, the order of the day for the second reading of the Irish Poor Bill having been read, Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved that the bill be read a second time.

Sir CHARLES STYLE said that he could not reconcile it to his con- science to oppose the bill ; but his objections to it were numerous

and weighty. He considered it unjust that persons occupying land of the value of 51. a year should pay half the poor-rate; for persons paying a much higher rent were almost in a state of desti- tution themselves. He feared that these small occupiers, who would be the Guardians of the Poor, would think it their interest to curtail the amount of relief as much as possible ; and the bill gave the Guardians the right to make orders for relief, according to their dis- cretion, lithe measure were what it pretended to be, one for the relief of the destitute in Ireland, the right to relief would be established by it. Again, the bill did nothing towards removing the great cause of distress, namely, the want of employment— It was a bill that, perhaps, might be the means of affording relief to 80,000, or, it might be, 120,000 persons, (for that altogether depended upon certain powers conferred on the Poor-law Commissioners,) and fur raising a sum of money, by way of poor-rate, for the purpose of emigration. Such was the full measure of relief which it was proposed to bestow on the destitute poor of Ire- land. lii farming his opinion on the subject, he would not advert to the amount of the relief given to the poor in Inland, or to the number who received that relief. He had been told that in making a calculation upon such a basis the results would be (like erroneous, and would give an exaggerated notion of the amount of destitution in Ireland. lie thought, however, that he should be justified in refilling to the evidence and the information collected by the Com- missioners of Inquiry into the state of the poor is behind. He knew it had been objected that those Commissioners were mistaken in many of their calcu- lations, and that their statement of destitution was exaggerated ; but it Iraq, nevertheless, indisputable that the distress which existed was most extensive, sad imperatively called for relief. The poor in Ireland were without clothing; they lived in hovels that were totally unfit for any human being to breathe in ; they were huddled together ita crowds, and lay on the damp floor at night. Such was the condition of the pour in Ireland ; and he should like to know what degree of huntan suffering further than that Was required before it was thought expedient to give relief? If ever relief was necessary, the people of Ireland required it. 'I here were nearly two millions of human beings in that gauntry In the state which he had described. In his opinion, the present bill would not operate in the slightest degree upon the cause of destitution ; for it was not by shutting up two or three hundred thousand persons that any good amid be effected, or that the social condition of the Irish peasantry could be improved. Employment was the only efficient and desirable remedv—employ. !am which, while it administered to the physical wants of man, elevated him in hie moral feelings. The bill left the great evil which existed among the pea- amity of Ireland without alleviation. The Irish peasant had at present no security for his miserable subsistence, unless it were the occupation of some wretched patch of ground. Now, the bill held out no right to such a person to claim relief, or no prospect of enjoying it ; and, therefore, no feeling of secu• city was created that lie who received this relief would routine,: to oetaiu it; as the administrator of the law had the power of refusing it, even if he had the means of granting it to the fullest extent required. The consequence of it would be, that the fierce struggle for land which now existed to such a frightful extent in Ireland wottal continue unabated. Yet that was the real cause to which most of the bat barous murder. and other crimes that were committed in Ireland, and the insecurity of property in that country, were mainly attributable. He would not occupy the thee of the llouse by entering into statements to prove that this was the fact, for it was already well known to every one who was acquaiuted with the administration of the Isse iii Irelend. It was a wen- established fact, that there was scarcely a landed proprietor in Ireland who dared to snake the slightest alteration whatever in the distribution of his pro- perty, without incurring the danger of raising an insurrection in the country around him.

To grapple with the difficulties which surrounded this question, greater vigour was required than that which the bill exhibited-

. In his opinion, with every feeling of the difficulty of the undertaking, the only course was at once to place the landed proprietors In that position in which they would be compelled to find either employment or subsistence for the poor. They ought to be made to do that which they hail so long neglected to do—to entploy the vast mass of labour which now existed in Ireland in a torpid state, and which might be so profitably employed. It had been objected to a poor-law bill for Ireland, that it would absorb a considerable portion of the rental of the landlords. That would certainly be the fact if the landlords looked supinely on upon what was going fore ard. But if they applied them. sidves to the better cultivation of the soil, and to the breaking up of %vole lauds, they would cane an increase of the means of subsistence, arid would dif- fuse a general benefit, of which they would be large participators.

He was an earliest advocate for an Irish poor.law, on the most ex- tended scale, with powerful auxiliary measures.

Mr. SIIAW Said, that :It a subsequent stage he would state his opinions at large noon the measure. In the mean while, lie would re- mark, that the subject having once been mooted, a bill, partaking of (he character of the present, must be adopted. He resisted the doc-

trine that the poor had a right to relief. fti his opinion, the principle of a poor-law in Ireland should be to relieve the aged and impotent, and provide facilitit s for the ahle-bodied to emigrate.

Mr. O'CONNELL said, be would not oppose the second reading ; but at the proper time, be would move to defer the committal of the bill for six months— lie could not agree :n the principle of any pow law as proposed to be applied to Ireland, which should go beyond the extension of relief to the Janie, the im- potent, and the bin I—those who from permenent physical causes were utterly Incapable of Unto hie for their own subsistence. To that extent, and to that extent only, would lie go in the introduction of a system of poor-laws into Ire- land. Any thing short of that he knew it would be inn for him, in the pre- sent feeling of the Ileuse of Common'', to attempt to resist. But upon that point—upon the limitation of the relief to the objects he Ind natned—los deter- mination was fixed and inflexible; anti upon that point he should decidedly

take the opinion of the House, even if lie stood alone. Ile entertained a firm. conviction that a poor country was never yet benefited by a poor-law. He believed that Irelaiel was too peor for a prenelew. The distinction that war attempted to be drawn between poverty and destitution, although both cer- teinly existed, excited something of the ludicrcus when applied to Ireland. The sages who out of that House had laid the groundwork for the present measure admitted that there was more poverty in !relent than in Englain ; " but then," said they, " there is less destitution." There might be to eat meet in the phraseology employed to express that opinion ; but how, in common sense, poverty should not be considered the it -other of destitution it was impossible foe him to explain, as he certainly could not understand, lie entertained a full

conviction that a measure like the present must entirely fail. The notion of having a hundred W11i khouees, in eech of which eight hundred persons were to be boxed up and imprisoned for the benefit of their health, the fattening of their bodies, and the increase of their moral feelings and tendernmet by the separation of husband and wife, was absurd and ri licutoue. There never was a country so utterly unfitted for the introduction of such a system of poor-law es Ireland. Mr. Nicholls need not have gone to Bristol, to Liverpool, and to 111auchester, to ascertain whether the heat were reluetent to reenve relief administered in the form proposed by this bill. Everybody who knew any thing of Ireland would have told him that the Irish people would rather remain in a state es near as posaible akin to actual starvation, than be admitted to the enjoyment of workhouse food at the cost of personal liberty.

Mr. GIBSON rejoiced at the prospect of introducing is poor-law IMO Ireland, but expected little benefit from such a measure as the present. Any bill which did not include a provision for settlement would be the very acme of injustice.

Mr. James GRATTAN hoped that Ministers would keep the bill precisely in its present form, with one exception—the clause relating to emigration had better be omitted.

Mr. WRIGHTSON was strongly impressed with the opinion that the bill, as it then stood, was most impolitic. In Committee he would move an amendment specifying the classes to whom relief ought to be extended.

Mr. &MOPE hoped that Ministers would not think of taking the emigration clause from the bill. By combining, with the operation of the present bill, a well-regulated system of emigration, and the institu- tion of a board of public works, Ireland might be redeemed from bee state of misery.

Mr. HINDLEY dwelt earnestly on the hardship of punishing va- grancy, and at the same time denying the tight to relief, and in all cases prohibiting relief out of the workhouse— The effect would be to drive the Irish poor to Oda country. For the work- house system would require that the peor should be fed upon an inferior diet to what they obtained by their labour. Now, their best diet consisted of potatoes and butter-milk. You would force them, then, to something worse than pota- toes anti butter-milk, unless they would go to the workhouse ; for you deny them the right to solicit alms. The alternative, therefore, was something worse than that kind of food or starvation. What would necessarily be the consequence? The Irish poor would inundate the Northern districts of Eng- land ; and if they were prepared to inflict that injustice, they must also be pre- pared to meet the consequences.

Lord CLEMENTS wished the powers of the Commissioners as regarded emigrations, the size of unions, and the manner in which the bill should be brought into operation, to be clearly defined and stated.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL did not think it necessary to speak on the merits of the bill at any length, as it appeared to be the general wish of the House to postpone a lengthened discussion till the Committee. In reply to Mr. Hindley, he would however observe, that according to the present law, vagrancy was punishable in Ireland : now he intended to prevent destitution as well as vagrancy, and such was the aim of the bill. Without entertaining extravagant expectations, he really did think that the bill would tend greatly to improve the condition of the people of Ireland.

The bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Friday.


Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved the order of the day for going into Committee on the bill for abolishing the stamp-duty on the admission ef freemen, and enlarging the time for the payment of rates by Par- liamentary electors.

Mr. HINDE moved that it be an instruction to the Committee to divide the bill into two bills. The bill embraced two distinct subjects; and Ministers treated the freemen with gross injustice by coupling a measure for their relief with another for that of the ten-pound house- holders, which Lord John Russell well knew would insure the rejection of the entire bill.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that he would oppose the motion. Colonel SIBTHORP eulogized the freemen, and denounced the " nefa. sious political bill."

Sir ADOLPHUS DALRYMPLE could not support the proposed separa- tion, as he wished to effect both the objects of the bill.

Mr. PRAED contended that the principle involved in the two parts of the bill was different— The stamp-duty on the admission of freemen was imposed only for fiscal pur- pose., and had DO teference to their right to vote ; and even during the discus. moo on the Reform Bill not one word was said on the necessity for this .pay. bent. At that time the admission to the freedom was the means of acquiring several pecuniary privileges, and the right tc vote was only an incidental advan. sage. These pecuniary privileges had since been taken away ; and all that remained of the right for which they had to pay the stamp-duty was the exer- eise of the elective franchise, for which they ought not to be made to pay. With the 10/. householders, however, the case was different. They hail is right oonferred upon them by the Reform Act subject to the eerformanee of certain conditions; aud if they altered or repealed these conditions, the Reform Bill would be altered ; and with many persons this circumstance alone would be a sufficient reason for rejecting the bill.

Mr. MACLEAN objected to the introduction of changes in the Reform Act In the absence of any reasons stated by the noble lord who pro. posed them. The House divided— For Mr. Htude's motion 63 Against it 158

Majority 90

The House went into Committee.

Mr. Tumults DUNCOMBE moved to omit the two lust lines in the first clause; the effect of which omission would be to repeal the Rate-paying clauses of the Reform Act.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he should oppose the motion which would extend the franchise to those to whom it was never intended to be given by the Reform Act. The payment of rates was taken as a test of solvency ; and if it were decided that no such test ought to be required, the whole principle of the Reform Act would be declared to be altoge- ther wrong.

Mr. IVARBUIITON asked why English householders should be re- quired to prove their solvency at all, when no such test was applied to Scottish voters?

Mr. CLAY and Colonel EVANS spoke briefly in support of Mr. Duncombe's motion.

Mr. Hume said, that much mischief arose from the present system, which promoted bribery. During the last Westminster election but one, be saw some dozen persons, who were prepared to vote for Mr. Leader if the Committee would pay their taxes ; but he had reason to believe that their votes were eventually secured by the Tory candidate. Lord Jona RUSSELL said that Mr. Hume must have been deceived ; for by the Reform Act persons could only be registered who had paid their taxes due up to the ath of April preceding ; and this being the case, he could not imagine how any voter could ask for payment of his rates to enable him to vote. Neither did he see the justice of Mr. Warburton's remark, as the Scotch electors were required to pay their assessed taxes previously to registration.

Mr. WARBURTON said that annual registrations were not required in Scotland.

Mr. GILLON said that Mr. Warburton was practically right in what he had stated.

Mr. BAINES, Sir SAMUEL WHALLEY, Mr. HALL, and Mr. LEADER 'supported the motion.

Mr. JERVIS considered the conduct of Government on this occasion as a specimen of their truckling and contemptible policy. The bill would inevitably be rejected by the Lords.

Lord EBRINGTON did not think punctuality in payment of rates the best test of a voter's qualification ; but he would oppose the amend- mead, because it would defeat tie bill.

Mr. CHARLES BULLER wished the ten pound franchise to be ex- tended to counties as well as towns. Mr. Duncombe's motion, if car- ried, would make the Reform Bill really operative. Mr. SPRING RICE said, that the motion had a tendency to place Go- vernment in a false position, and throw great difficulties in the way of

• the bill.

Sir EDWARD SUCHEN said, that Mr. Duncombe was only doing that which Lord John Russell's bill would ultimately effect. As a good Conservative, he would oppose any alterations in the Reform Act; which had now become the law of the land.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL Said it was rather curious to hear Sir Edward Sugden use such language—.

He well recollected that, when the Reform Bill was in progress, the right honourable and learned gentleman, among many others, night alter night exerted his great abilities in declaiming against that bill in lob—that he described it as a revolution— that, in a word, it would take the crown off the Sovereign's head and utterly destroy the monarchy—that neither Church nor State could last fire the years after it was paved. Yet, after all these fearful predictions, here was right honourable and learned gentleman making war, not against the measure, but in its Rapport, and giving his testimony as to the entire falsity of all hi predictions. Mr. O'CONNELL remarked, that it was an odd species of Conserve, tism, in those who had vituperated the Reform Bill as destructive of every thing venerable and valuable, now to insist on preserving it in all its purity.

Sir EDWARD SUCHEN replied, that when a measure became the law of the land, it was the duty of all good Conservatives to obey it... a duty which Mr. O'Connell perhaps did not understand.

Mr. O'CONNELL felt the obligation to obey the laws as deeply as sit Edward Sugden ; who, be was sorry to see, had lost his temper.

Sir EDWARD SUCHEN said he had not lost his temper.

Mr. O'CONNELL said, that that only proved in how good a temper some persons could say remarkably uncivil things. The Committee divided- -Fur Mr. Duncombe's motion 107 Against it 2 Majority 99 Mr. BAINES moved an amendment, that payment of one yews taxes should entitle a person to be registered without inquiry as to pay. molt of former rates and taxes.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL thought that this question would be better discussed when the Registration Bill was before the House. Mr. BAINES withdrew his amendment.

The question was then put that the clause should stand part of the bill.

The Committee divided— For the clause 214

Against it 118 Majority 96

Mr. Jeavis proposed a clause to abolish all payments of money now exacted before registration.

The CHAIRMAN said, that the clause could not be inserted in die bill under its present title.

Mr. JERVIS withdrew his amendment; but gave notice, that before the bill was recommitted, he would move an instruction to the Com- mittee to insert such a clause.

The Committee then rose.


On Tuesday, Mr. SPRING RICE moved for leave to bring in a bill to amend the law which prohibited clergymen from becoming members of joint stock companies. This bill had been rendered necessary by' recent decision of the Court of Exchequer— In the case to which he alluded, the Northern and Central Bank having taken proceedings to recover payment of a bill of exchange from a person of the name of Franklin, Mr. Franklin pleaded that there were two clergymen belonging to the bank, and consequently that the bank was not entitled to rem ver ; and the Court of Exchequer held that that plea was good. Ile therefore trusted the House would see it was absolutely necessary that the law should be altered. The construction put upon the existing act was, in point of fact, a surprise on the whole world ; and, in his opinion, it rendered the bill which it was his intention to propose indispensable. The consequence of the decision of the Court of Exchequer would be, not only that penalty and loss would be inflicted on the clergyman who might be a member of a joint stock company, but penalty and loss would be inflicted on every individual who might belong to such company. If, therefore, the case was important on the first hypothesis, it became doubly important on the second. It was not only on behalf of joint stock banks that he asked leave to bring in this bill, but on behalf of all joint stock partnerships,—such as insurance companies, dock companies, canal cons. panics, railway companies, Sm. which would come within the decision of the learned Judges of the Court of Exchequer. Were such a bill not to be intro- duced, parties might be ruined to an extent scarcely calculable. To give the House some idea of what might be the result if the present state of the law were to be allowed to continue, he might state that there were no fewer thin 108 joint stock banks in operation, carrying ,on business through 474 branches, having a capital consisting of 2,770,000 shares, and a nominal capital of 66,000,000/. If the decision of the Court of Exchequer were to be allowed to remain untouched, the invalidation of one single share of Si. might proceed to an invalidation of a most serious extent.

The bill would necessarily have a retrospective operation ; otherwise advantage would be taken by parties of a circumstance, of which they were not aware when they entered into contracts, to free themselves from all obligation— In bills of an analogous character, which had been introduced with a retro- spective operation, it had been usual to introduce a saving clause with respect to existing suits; but he did not intend to introduce such a clause into this bill, as it would enable parties to defeat a contract by pleading a fact of which they which they were ignorant at the time the contract was catered into. .fie proposed to give validity to all contracts respecting joint stock companRor notwithstanding the fact of a clergyman being a member of them. But, at the same time, he nieant to introduce a clause enabling courts of justice to award costs to patties who had instituted proceedings on the faith of the existing law. These were the main provisions of the bill fur which he was about to more. Although tIle bill was to have a retrospective operation, he did not mean the it should be perpetual. All that he intended to propose was, that it should last until the end of the next session of Parliament.

Mr. WARBURTON asked if the bill would prevent clergymen from becoming managers or directors of joint stock companies?

Mr. Rice said that the bill contained no such prohibition, but be should be ready to discuss the propriety of it in Committee.

Mr. THOMAS ATTWOOD hoped Mr. Rice would reflect a little before he gave effect to his proposition. Forty years ago, all joint stock companies were deemed a nuisance, and the shares were not trans- ferable.

Leave was given to bring in the bill.


Captain BOLDERO moved, on Tuesday, for a return of the number of soldiers, stationed in the Canadas, who had deserted between the years 1830 and 1837. Naineroui desertions, lie said, had taken; place from the army in Canada ;"and who:could wonder at it 2— Let the Home look at the treatment which the soldiers received. Let them compare the press of labour imposed with the pay which the soldiers received. Look at the discipline followed up It was sustained too much by coercion. Show a little more kindness and consideration towards the soldier*; let them be ee‘va.ded better ; and he was convinced that the service would be very much improved. At present what inducement was there for the soldier to behave well? Men who minded obtained a retiring allowance of sixpence a day after twenty or twenty-five years' active service. He believed that the present ex- tensive system of desertion might be considerably checked, if at the expiration of service a greater pecuniary reward was given to the men. Desertion took place not only in America but in all our other colonies. According to the pre- vent system men were sent direct to North America, without any previous ser- vice in other parts of the empire; and no adequate inducement was held out to them to remain faithful to their oaths, especially to those whose characters were bad; they accordingly deserted and went to the United States. He hoped the

Secretary at War would see the propriety of adopting a better system. Let the men be first sent to Corfu, for instance, and there kept for three years ; then remove them to Gibraltar for three years more ; this would make six years of service; afterwards they might be ordered to North America. The time in going that voyage would nearly occupy another year, so that when they arrived

at their place of destination her Majesty would have had nearly seven years' set, vice out of them ; after which, if desertion took place, it would not be so inju- rious to the country as it now was. They were now about to send out fresh troops to Canada: some inducement should be offered to them to remain steady and firm to their allegiance. This could be done at a trifling expense. Let it be signified to them that when the present war (which he hoped would soon be

over) should terminate, a grant of land would be made to those who were disposed to accept of it. Suppose an offer of fifty dollars each, or of ten acres of land purchased from the Canadian Land Company, were made, it would not very much exceed the expense of bringing the men home. It was well i known that the land was as good in Canada as n the United States, and that the price of it was less, while the climate was quite as good. Another point also would be gained by settling these men there. They would gra- dually form a population of British settlers that would counterbalance the French inhabitants of the colony. Something of this kind ought to be done to check desertion. He was astonished that the Secretary at War had not given his attention at this moment to so important a point. Many young men were now eagerly volunteering to go out to Canada, whose fathers, mothers, brothers, and sisters, had all previously emigrated from Ireland to that country. He would not say that their sole object was to obtain a passage at the expense of the country, and then desert ; but he was warranted in the remark that their conduct was open to suspicion. Some bonus ought there- fire to be offered to prevent their desertion.

Lord HOWICK hoped the Houee would concur with him in rejecting the motion ; for it might produce considerable inconvenience, and 'could not possibly promote any plan for preventing desertion—

At the same time, he begged to assure Captain Bolder° that this subject had not escaped the notice either of himself or those who hail preceded him in the War.office. A very long correspondence had taken place between the War- office and the military authorities, both in this country and in Canada, with a view of discovering the best means of checking the crime of desertion, which certainly was very prevalent in the North American colonies; though it gave him pleasuie to state, that since the commencement of the late unhappy dis- turbances there had not taken place a single desertion. Although he had not received any official report upon the subject, yet upon other information on which he could place confidence, he felt authorized to state, that since the troops had known that their services were required, not a single desertion had oc- curred. Different plans bail been proposed, and many were at this time in operation, with a view, if possible, to check desertion. With respect to altering the system of relieves in the different colonies, he begged to remind the House, that it was now about two years since that lie had the satisfaction, when bring- ing forward the Army Estimates, to make known to the House a determination of the Government to effect an alteration in that system. The plan then pro- posed had since been acted upon, and with great advantage to the service.

Captain WOOD was surprised that Lord Howick should oppose the motion; as he had not stated in what manner inconvenience would arise from granting the returns—

He was not only anxious to ascertain the number of deserters from the troops in Canada, but he also wished to learn the dates of the inlistment of those who deserted. Such a return might have shown that these desertions had been prevaleat among the young soldiers, and have demonstrated that the retiring allowance of sixpence per day to men who had served their conntry far a series of years in every quarter of the globe was an ioadequate remuneration, and in- sufficient to induce men to adhere to the service, as it afforded them no prospect In their latter days of being able to maintain themselves out of the workhouse.

Mr. LEADER remembered, that when he stated a short time ago that there were great inducements to desert in America, he was taunted with having himself incited the soldiers to desert—

It seemed, therefore, that one man might say a thing safely which another nest not even hint at. Nay, he had even been charged with treasonable motives, because he held forth the very language which Captain Bolder° had himself to-night made use of without any reproof whatever. He was delighted that the gallant officer had made that statement. It corroborated what he had before asserted, that the soldiers were ill-treated and iffrewarded, and that when they went to America every inducement was held out to them to desert. After what had fallen from the gallant officer, he hoped he should not hear any thing more about his treasonable intentions for having said precisely the iame thing.

Mr. HUME supported, and Mr. SHAW and Mr. Borentwrcx opposed . the motion.

Lord HOWICK understood that the motion was not to be pressed to a division, and therefore bad not stated at length why he opposed it—.

His reason was, that he could not help fearing that if the number of de- serters in Canada were printed and circulated by the authority of the House, It might possibly breve the effect of suggesting the crime to the soldiers in that seamy. No benefit had been pointed out which would result from printing abe return. It was not such a return as the honourable Member for Middlesex desired ; for it would simply state the number of desertions, and have no re- ference to the date of the first inlistmeut; and it would give the House no materials fur the preparation of any measures which ought to be adopted to remedy the evil. Seeing no good, therefore, in the production, and fearing that some inconvenience might by possibility arise from printing a return of so unusual a kind, be had thought it his duty, in accordance with the wishes of the military authorities, to oppose the motion of the honourable and gallant Member. The subject of the retiring perisione of the soldiers was a subject of too large and important a nature to be incidentally discussed ; but lie had

said with great regret the statement made by a military man, that the re- pensiens were only sixpence a day. It was not true that by the existing \ warrant sixpence a day only was allowed, whatever might be the amount 01

services. Sixpence a day was the smallest sum w bide und. r any circumstances, the common soldier could obtain, but a larger arnouut was allowed by the existing warrant for long and painful services : the Wm was not fixed, but it varied according to the value of the services and the period during which they were given.

Captain BOLDERO was glad that the subject was receiving Lord Hill's consideration ; and withdrew his motion.


THE COAL TRADE. The House of Commons, on Monday, went into .a Committee of the whole House, and passed a resolution on the motion of Mr. LABOUCHERE-.

" That leave be given to bring in a bill to continue an act regulating tbe vending and delivery of coals in London, Westminster, Southwark, and places adjacent in Surrey."

Mr. Labouchere said that he intended, after the second reading, to send his bill to a Select Committee for alteration arid amendment— The city of London bad in the most liberal manner ciime forward with • proposition to reduce one-half of the dues now exacted by them for the sup. port of the coal-market : it was ld per ton, and amounted to a charge el 6,0001. per annum ; and upon an article so necessary every saving was impor- tant. All the duties and dues would form the subject of inquiry by the Committee.

TIIE QUALIFICATION OF Mt:mutts BILL Was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Thursday. On Thursday, however, considerable opposition was made to the bill ; and the Chairman re- ported progress" without passing a single clause.

EDUCATION IN SCOTLAND. Mr. SPRING RICE obtained leave, on Tuesday, to bring in a bill for the foundation and endowment of addi- tional schools in the Highlands of Scotland.

IRISH MEDICAL CHARITIES. Mr. FRENCH obtained leave to in- troduce a bill for the better regulation of hospitals, dispensaries, and other medical charities in Ireland.

RATING OF TENEMENTS BILL On Wednesday, the second reading of this bill was postponed to the 27th of April ; in the mean while it has been referred to a Select Committee, which Lord JOHN Roasscr. moved for on Thursday; Ministers having so far undertaken the ma- nagement of the bill.

THE HACKNEY CARRIAGES BILL Was read a second time, on die motion of Mr. Alderman WOOD.

LAW OF LIBEL. Mr. O'CONNELL produced a new edition of the bill, which has been already before Parliament several times, with little progress.

Ctioncti.neTr.s. On Thursday, in reply to a question from Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE, Mr. SPRING Rice stated that Ministers intended to reappoint a Committee of inquiry into the value of Church pro- perty, with a view to found enactments on the recommendations of that Committee respecting Church-rates.

IRISH CHARITABLE BEQUESTS. Mr. BARRON moved an address to the Crown for a Commission of inquiry into the Board of Charitable Bequests in Ireland, and the present state of charitable funds. He cal- culated the whole amount of the charitable funds at 267,000/. per annum, of which a large amount was under no efficient contral.

Lord MORPETH suggested, that the better way of proceeding would be by a bill ; and promised the coeperation of Government in • measure which would have the effect of introducing a better system in the management of the funds specified. Mr. BAltRON then withdrew his motion.

PosT-orrice REFORM. A discussion of some length arose on the presentation of a petition by Mr. WALLACE, from the Edinburgh Chamber of Commerce, in favour of Mr. Rowland Hill's plan of Post. office Reform. Several Members, including Mr. Hume and Mr. LABOUCHERE, expressed their approbation of that plan. But Mr. SPRING RICE refused to take any further steps beyond the partial intro- duction of stamped covers in the Metropolitan districts, until the Com- mittee now sitting had made its repent. In the course of the discussion, no new facts of importance were mentioned on either side. On the motion of Mr. WALLACE, a return of the recommendations of the Com- mission of Post-office Inquiry, stating how far those recommendations had been acted upon, was ordered.

THE LAW OF REAL PROPERTY. Sir JOHN CAMPBELL (the Attor- ney- General) obtained leave to bring in several bills to amend the laws relating to real property.

VOTES IN COMMITTEES. Mr. HUME moved that votes on divisions in Committees should be printed in the same manner as if the divisions took place in the whole House ; but withdrew his resolution, on the Speaker's assurance that he would endeavour to make arrangements that would answer Mr. Hume's purpose, without making the Votes too voluminous. TRIALS OF ELECTION PETITIONS.

On Tuesday, Committees were chosen by the House of Commons for the trial of petitions against the return for the county of Roxburgh, and the boroughs of Ipswich and Salford. The following were put on the Roxburgh Committee.

Liberals-8. Tories-3.

Lord William Bentinck, Sir Charles Vere, Sir Charles Style, Mr. Packe, Mr. Hall, Mr. Bagge. Mr. Duff, Mr. Charles Walker, Mr. Marshall, Mr. Strutt, Mr. J. A. Murray, Lord Advocate. Mr. Murray was elected chairman. The petition is from the Ho- nourable Francis Scott, Tory, against the Honourable Mr, Elliott, Whig. The Ipswich Committee was composed of

Liberals-5. Tories-6.

Mr. Winningtun, Mr. Jenkins, Mr. J. C. Westenre, Mr. Hale, Mr. W. Evans, Tslr Broadley, Mr. Archbold, Mr. Darner, Sir Hubert, Heron, Mr. Brampton, Mr. M. E. N. nigher.

Mr. Jenkins was chosen chairman. There are two petitions—one fr an Mr. F irzroy Kelly. Tiny, against Mr. Tuffnell, Whig; the other from Mr. Rigby Wason, Liberal, against Mr. Gibson, Tory.

The Salford Comtnittee consisted of

Whigs-6. Tories-4.

Lord Euston, Lord Charles Manners, Major Macnamars, Lord Maidstone' Mr. Fitzsinitn, General O'Neill, Colonel Salwey, Mr. J. II. Core. Captain Ellice, DoubtAl— I.

Mr. Bewes. Mr. J. G. lleathente.

The petitioner was Mr. Garnett, Tory, against Mr. Brotherton, Liberal. This Committee met on Wednesday ; when Mr. Thessiger, for Mr. Garnett, objected to the vote of John Oldham, against whose name, in the list of names objected to given by the petitioner to the sitting Member, the number 2,063 was placed. Mr. Oldham had re- moved from the house for which be was registered, before the time of voting; but Mr. Austen, for Mr. Brothertots opposed the motion to strike off his vote, on the ground that neither in the registry nor the poll-books was the name of Oldham placed against the number 2,063; the law requiring that there should be no discrepancy between the poll. books and the interchanged lists of objected votes. The Committee decided that Oldham's name should remain on Mr. Broilierton's list of voters. At the meeting of the Committee on Thursday, Mr. Tires- eiger admitted that this decision was fatal to his case, and that the pe- tition must be withdrawn. He complained of being defeated on a point so strictly technical. Mr. Austen, in reply, said— Was not the objection to the voter of that description? Wins it not absurd to slippee that a man residing in a hoose worth 1001. a year on the 31.t a July should, becavc, he had removed to another on the 241 of August oorth 1501., be struck off the liohi? Could any objection he move technical than this? If the Legislature loft the voter expcsed to such an objection, was it not the duty of every m:vu to take any technical objection for the purpose of defeboling abet ought to be the franchise, although by some mistake or carelessness of the Legislature it might not be so?

The Committee then resolved that Mr. Brotherton was duly elected; but that the petition against him was not frivolous or vexatious —of course the resistance to that petition was trot. The petition from the Canterbury Tories against the return of Lord Albert Conyngham was withdrawn on Thursday.

The Longford Election Committee was struck on Thursday, as follows- Whivs-7. Tories-3. Mr. Csyley, Mr Farnham, Captain Ellice, Mr. Chaplin,

Mr. James Colqnhonn, Mr. Master.

Mr. W. Williams, Colonel Seale, Mr. A. Spier*, Doubtful-1.

Mr. Henry Maraland. Sir IL A. Ferguson.

The petitioners are Tory electors against the return of the Whig sit- ting Members.