Debates anb Vroceebings in parliament.
PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEEK.
ROUSE OF LORDS. Monday, Feb. 5. The Queen's Answer to the Address commani- cated—Law Amendment Bills introduced by Lord Brougham. Tuesday, Feb. 6. " More Law Amendment Bills introduced by Lord Brougham—Committee on the Engrossing of Bills. Thursday, Feb. B. Law Amendment Bill introduced by Lord Campbell—Report on the Engrossing of Bills brought up and considered: resolved to discontinue the Engrossing—Another Law Amendment Bill by Lord Brougham —Navigation-laws Committee : Question by Earl Waidegrave : Committee not to be renewed. Friday, Feb. 9. Tax on Immigrants to the North American Colonies
_ discussed—Select Committee on Irish Poor-law, after debate, nominated.
201:1WE OF COMMONS. Monday, Feb. 5. Sessional Resolutions—Report on the Address : Amendments moved and negatived—Committee on Irish Poor-law appointed—Ad- journed at half after twelve. Tuesday, Feb. 6. BM fbr confirming Suspension of Irish Habeas Corpus Acts : Amendment on motion for leave negatived; Bill brought in and read a first time—Roman Catholic Relief Bill : Leave refused— Woods, Forests, and Land Revenues Committee, nominated—Adjourned at one o'clock (7th Feb. a.m.) Wednesday, Feb. 7. House in Committee on grant of 50,0001. to Distressed Irish Unions : Amendment moved; Debate adjourned—House adjourned at six. Thursday, Feb. 8. Queen's Answer to Address communicated— Committee of Selection nominated—Titles of Roman Catholic Prelates—Select • Committee on Irish Poor-law nominated—Irish Habeas Corpus Suspension Act : Call of the House on second reading proposed and negatived—Adjourned at half after six. Friday, Feb. 9. Habeas Corpus Suspension Act read second time— Inland Revenue Bill in Committee : report received—Committee of Supply : Ex- chequer Bills Vote [17,786,7001.]—Seleet Committee on Army and Ordnance reap- pointed—Adjourned at a quarter after twelve.
CONDUCT OF BUSINESS IN PARLIAMENT.
Lord JOHN Rusaxt.r. moved the following fourteen resolutions on Mon- lay: we reprint them with such corrections as they received.
• 1. That in the present session of Parliament, all orders of the day set down in the :Order-book for Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays, shall be disposed of before the House Will proceed upon any motions of which notices shall have been given. 2. That at the time fixed for the commencement of public business, On days on which
• Orders have precedence of notices of motions, and after the notices of motions have 'been disposed of on all other days, Mr. Speaker do direct the Clerk at the table to read Ihe orders of the day without any question being put.
" 3. That the orders of the day be disposed of in the order in which they stand upon !the paper; the right being reserved to her Majesty's Ministers of placing Government .orclers at the head of the list, in the rotation in which they are to be taken on the days on which Government bills hare precedence.
4. That no notice shall hereafter be given beyond the period which shall Include the fbur days next following on which notices are entitled to precedence ; due allowance being made for any intervening adjournment of the House, and the period being in that case so far extended as to include four notice days falling during the sitting of the House.
• 5. That the House do meet every Wednesday at twelve o'clock at noon, for private business, petitions, orders of the day, and notices of motions ; and do continue to sit until six o'clock, unless previously adjourned. 6. That when such business has been disposed of, or at six o'clock precisely, not- withstanding there may be business under discussion, Mr. Speaker do adjourn the 'House without putting any question. 7. That whenever the House shall be in Committee on Wednesday at six o'clock, the Chairman do immediately report progress, and Mr. Speaker do resume the chair, and adjourn the House, without putting any question. B. That the business under discussion, and any business not disposed of at the time Of such adjournment, do stand as orders of the day for the next day on which the House shall sit.
9. That when any bill shall be presented by a Member In pursuance of an order of -this House, or shall be brought from the Lords, the questions That this bill be now ..read a first time,' and 'That this bill be printed,' shall be decided without amendment or debate.
" 10. That the Committees of Supply and Ways and Means shall be fixed for Monday, 'Wednesday, and Friday, and for any other day on which orders of the day shall have precedence of notices of motions, of which notice shall be given on the preceding Friday. 11. That when a bill or other matter (except Supply or Ways and Means) has been partly considered in Committee, and the Chairman has been directed to report progress and ask leave to sit again, and the House shall have ordered that the Committee shall sit again on a particular day, the Speaker shall, when the order for the Committee has been read, forthwith leave the chair without putting any question, and the House shall thereupon resolve Itself into such Committee.
12. That at the close of the proceedings of a Committee of the whole House on a bill, the Chairman shall report the bill forthwith to the House ; and when amendments -Shall have been made thereto, the same shall be received without debate, and a time appointed for taking the same Into consideration. 13. That with respect to any hill brought to this House from the House of Lords, or returned by the House of Lords to this House with amendments, whereby any pecu- niary penalty, forfeiture, or fee, shall be authorized, imposed, appropriated, regulated, varied, or extinguished, this House will not Motet on Its ancient and undoubted pri- vlleges in the following cases.
• I. When the object of such pecuniary penalty or forfeiture is to secure the execution of the act or the punishment or prevention of offences. 2. When such fees are imposed in respect of benefit taken or service rendered under the act, and in order to the execution of the act, and are not made pay- able into the Treasury or Exchequer, 'or inaillient.the public revenue, and do not form the ground of public accounting..byabe pandas receiving the same, elm, In respect of deficit or &truing.
.3. When eueli bill shallibea,plivate bllLfer.a.laral or personal act. dn. 13tat after Tuesday the lst.tlay of May mext,orders of the day shall have pro. cadence of noticas.of motions on nursdaytt; lhe,right being reserved to her Majesty', Ministers of placing fGovethment fmlers at the head aff filte list, as on Mondays au The resolutions were earafitly but raplftly passed in review; Merabers suggesting amendments, mostly with a view to greater efficiency; and there which went to verbal improvement were adopted. Thirteen resolutions were agreed to. In regard to the fourteenth resolution, Lord Jounr RUSSELL said that he did not wish to take the House by surprise, and therefore he would with. draw the resolution for the present, and propose it on a future day. ths this announcement, Mr. MILNER Guusox opposed the withdrawal—only for form's sake—that he might introduce an amendment, in the shape ef5 regulation to curtail the duration of speeches. Possibly thirty minute was quite enough—he himself thought forty preferable—but he would pro- pose one hour, just as a commencement .of a system of short speaking, This was his formal amendment; which he proposed to insert in place of all the words of Lord John's fourteenth resolution except the first word, " "with a view to expediting public business, the speech of each Member shall be limited to one hour; but that this rule do not apply to those who intro. duce the original motion, or to the Minister of the Crown speaking in reply." Lord JOHN RUSSELL WAS disinclined to lay down such a peremptory rule at present; but a necessity for it might hereafter arise, out of the garru- lity of Members. Sir ROBERT PEEL took several objections. He thought it would 100 much encourage a notion that Members had a vested interest in the single hour.
He was sure honourable Members had heard many speeches which they would have been exceedingly sorry to see submitted to such a rale. Ile should have been sorry if the speeches of Burke for instance, when be was neither the pro. poser of an original motion nor speaking in reply, had been subjected to such a rule. He should have been sorry to see Lord Plunkett or George Canning,aeither of whom was in the habit of using a single superfluous word, limited to an hoer each. In attempting, therefore, by a formal and precise rule, to limit some ex- cesses, they ought to bear in mind that they were running some risk of depriving that House and the public of opportunities of great instruction and delight. We believed that if honourable Members would curtail their opening remarks and perorations—if they would condense their arguments, and avoid the repetition of arguments which had been used in a preceding part of the debate—above all, if those who intended to take part in a debate would attend to hear the arguments which were used replied to and disposed of, and would not again repeat them— they would secure the object in view much more effectually than by any dry rule -that no speaker should exceed an hour. He quite agreed with his noble friend that the-rule, if applied at all, must be applied invariably; that they could recog- nize no distinction between a member of Government and a member of the House Above all, he deprecated a distinction between those who troubled the House with original motions and those who did not. He thought that that would be intro- ducing a most dangerous principle, inasmuch as it would be holding out a pre- mium upon making motions. -He thought it would be better if the honourable Member for Montrose, who had offered himself as a sacrifice on this point, would adhere to his promise. Mr. HUME--" I will, if you wilL" Sir ROBERT PEEL said that he did not speak so often as the honourable Mem- ber; and as the honourable Member had admitted baying been guilty of some ex- cesses, be hoped he would take frequent opportunities of setting them a better example, and would not be in the least offended if when he had spoken fifty minutes he should, be reminded that his time was nearly up. (Laughter.) Mr. Connme declared that he had scores of times intended to speak, but had held his tongue after hearing what he intended to say, in statement or refutation, well said by Members who caught the Speaker's eye before him.
Colonel TYNTE made a suggestion, amidst great laughter and applause- " If that valuable body of gentlemen to whom they were so much indebted for the reports of their proceedings were to use their patriotic endeavours to limit the length of their reports, it would lead to an abatement of the grievance BO Ma complained of."
On a division Mr. Gibson's amendment was negatived, by 96 votes to 62; and Lord john Russell's fourteenth resolution was withdrawn.
In the House of Lords, on Monday, Lord STANLEY adverted to the un- equal pressure of business upon that House at the end of each session, and the mischievous effects of that inequality. He declined the responsibility of reintroducing a measure which he carried through the Lords last ses- sion but which was dropped in the House of Commons, until he should have seen the resolutions which Ministers would propose in the latter House. But he moved for returns, to illustrate the subject; which were ordered.
The discussion on the Address to the Queen was resumed in the House of Commons on Monday, upon the bringing up of the report; the Marquis of GR.ANBY, Mr. BANRES, and several other agricultural Members, delivering speeches intended for the debate of the previous Friday. In the course of this speech-making, Mr. HENur and Mr. MILNER GIBSON stated that the manufacturing interest is enjoying very considerable prosperity. Mr. HUME moved two amendments respectively on the tenth and eleventh paragraphs of the Address. The first was an addendum in these words- " But we feel compelled at the same time earnestly to represent to your Ma- jesty, that the amount of taxation is greater than the industrial classes of this country can bear; and that millions of your Majesty's subjects are thereby seri- ously affected both in their physical and in their moral condition, causing groat discomfort and discontent among your Majesty's faithful subjects. We also desire to inform your Majesty, that a number of petitions were presented to the House last session complaining of the national system of taxation, as unfair, and leaning upon several classes of the community with undue severity, and as requiring a complete revision, with a view to a fairer and more equitable distribution." Mr. BANKES seconded this amendment; but it was not pressed to a division. The other was an addition in these words- " And we assure your Majesty that we shall, without delay, take into eat serious consideration the rebellions which unhappily occurred last year in the Cape of Good Hope and in Ceylon, in order to ascertain their extent as well 16,, the causes of those rebellions; and we will also endeavour to traCe the causes a' discontent in British Guiana, the Mauritius and other British colonies." Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD seconded this amendment, and strennouslY urged a division on it. The House was cleared with that object; but both amendments were ultimately negatived without division, and the Address was passed. IRISH HABEAS CORPUS ACTS SUSPENSION BILL.
In demanding of the House of Commons a continuation of the law passed
last session for suspending the Irish Habeas Corpus Acts, Sir GRostem Geer at once admitted the wide difference of the circumstances under which he now spoke and those under which Lord John Russell spoke in July. He did not assert that there had been any recent rebellion, or oppo- sition to the Queen's troops, or even that insurrection was now imminent; but his opinion, and that of the Government, was that if the present re- kraints were immediately removed, the Clubs would revive, and run the same course of action witnessed last summer. Sir George quoted from the letter of Mr. D'Arcy Magee, written in America on his escape thither from Ireland, to prove the real nature of the insurrection that had been put down, and to show the spirit which is still rife and the extensive organiza- tion still existing and available to renew a civil contest. As an indication of the current in which his proofs ran, he quoted an advertisement lately published in Dublin of "an extraordinary publication" which would appear OD the first Saturday of March 1849, under the title of " The Clubbist, being a selection of the most spirit-stirring effusions extracted from the pages of the proscribed press, and dedicated to the young men of Ireland; . . . to form one of the richest and raciest instruments for the revivification of our poor old country.'" Sir George urged that the present system had re- stored confidence to the well-intentioned; while the forbearance and the clemency of the Irish Executive have produced a marked effect. He quoted some passages from a letter addressed to himself by Lord Clarendon on the state of Ireland, in proof of his statements. He proposed to renew the act for six months; so that Parliament might reconsider before the close 0! the session, whether it should then be allowed to expire or be again con- timed.
Mr. JoHN O'CoNsteLL proposed an amendment, for a Committee of in- quiry into the proofs of the necessity alleged by Ministers: an amendment which found a hesitating and silent seconder in Mr. MRAHHER.
• Several Irish Members were loud in opposition with the usual argu- ments. For example Mr. E. B. Rome enumerated Irish grievances, with sprayer that Englishmen would look at them as if the case were their own: the mock Court—the costly and useless Viceroyalty—the Protestant Church—the Jury land-tax (a million and a quarter, expended by the English garrison)—the 50,000 troops—the maladministration in every pub- lic office, and the extravagance everywhere! The spy system was de- nounced by Mr. GRATTAN; who charged the Whigs with greater sins in that respect than the Tories had ever committed; and declared that the in- surrection had never existed but in the minds of interested persons moved by that hellish system.
Some Anglo-Irish Members and a few English condemned the policy of the Government. Mr. FEARGUS O'CONNOR, Mr. GEORGE THOMPSON, and Mr. CHisuoLm ANSTEY, pronounced the Ministerial reasons unsatisfactory. Mr. Murex felt it quite impossible to support Ministers on this occasion; and Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD declared he must vote against them. One Irish Member, Mr. RICHARD SOUTHWELL BOURKE, frankly admitted the necessity of the measure in his county. Sir HENRY WINSTON BARRON confessed that some few of the clergy were last year imbued with some- thing approaching to an insurrectionary disposition: but they are now perfectly cured; and Sir Henry could assure the House, on the honour of gentleman, that he never knew Ireland in so tranquil a state.
Lord Jolts' RUSSELL retorted, that this picture of tranquillity was as great a panegyric as could well be passed on the measure which Ministers proposed to continue; and care must be taken not too soon to remove the bandage, lest the wound should bleed afresh. Lord John expressed his belief, that if on the 1st of March this act were allowed to expire, many of the same persons who have endeavoured to turn the distress of Ireland to their own purposes would again be active: he should even fear they would have again a partial success, though no doubt they Would again be defeated in the end.
Mr. ScuLLT rose to move an adjournment of the debate; but did not press it. On a division, Mr. John O'Counell's amendment was negatived by 221 to 18; and Ministers obtained leave to bring in their bill.
CALL OF TEE HOUSE.
Mr. GRArrew moved, on Thursday, that there be a call of the House for the second reading of the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act. Not fewer than fifty-five Irish Members were absent from the debate on Tuesday last. Mr. Grattan also asked Lord John Russell for a delay of the second reading, on the ground of sharp practice, the bill not being then printed. Lord Jonic RUSSELL refused to accede to either proposition. The Irish Members would most likely be present without call, and the bill would be in their hands on Friday morning.—Motion negatived without division.
COMMITTEE ON IRISH DISTRESS.
In moving for the Select Committee on the Irish Poor-law, Sir WILLIAM SOMERVILLE took the opportunity to explain the views of Government on the subject. Last session, Colonel Dunne had proposed a similar Com- Mittee, and was opposed by the Government; but the case is vet' different nevi: is year's experience has been gained, and Ministers feel that an in- quiry into the operation of the law is extremely desirable. Moreover they are pledged to grant the inquiry; and they would doubtless incur the elo- quent denunciation of many Irish Members, if, acting on the suggestion of a few of those Members and dispensing with inquiry, they should proceed forthwith to state their intentions and bring in their measures. The Go- vernment will hold fast to the general principles of the present law; but they are-of opinion that many improvements are desirable and will be found Practicable. What those improvements are, may be better stated before the Committee itself. He proposed the Committee with a view to speedy legis- lation.
Several Irish Members expressed their dissatisfaction with the present kw. Mr. FITZSTEPHEN Faftwert was confident that under a system of making the poor-houses self-supporting, and of subjecting all kinds of pro- perty to a due share of poor-rates the expense would not exceed 500,0001., and the rating not be above a shilling in the pound. Major BLACICALL hoped the present exceptional state of Ireland would not be made the basis or legislation. Mr. FAGAN and Colonel Demist thought the great variety Of opinion in Ireland on the subject of an Irish poor-law fully justified Go- iernment in proposing a Committee. • Some inquiries by Mr. SADLIER elicited from Sir GEORGE GREY further information regarding the collection of rates in arrear. A collector sent old to eth into the subject, had returned information that a considerable Portion of .The rates uncollected were unpaid from evasion and unwilling-
ness, and not from inability. The Boundary Commission had most-dili- gently applied itself to details, and had forwarded a report to the Govern- ment. Sir George believed the Commissioners did not report in favour of any alteration in the unions of Ulster; but proposed to adopt the principle of those unions in other parts of Ireland. The tendency of their report is certainly to reduce the area of taxation, though not to the extent some Irish gentlemen advocate. To the question whether Government means to confine itself to the workhouses, and do away with the system of out-door relief; Sir George replied that the Government entertains no suoh intention. Neither is it intended to go back to the minimum amount of relief under the Poor-law of 1846.
The motion for a Committee was agreed to without division.
When Sir WILLIAM SOMERVILLE proceeded to nominate the Committee, on Thursday, a good deal of contest arose as to the selection of names; Mr. HENRY and others pressing for a faller representation of English in- terests; while Mr. FRENCH and others wanted a more complete reflex of Irish views' and Mr. MONSELL called for some Scotch Members. Ulti- mately the Committee was nominated as follows—
Lord John Russell, Sir James Graham, Sir John Young, Colonel Dunne, Mr. George Alexander Hamilton, Sir William Somerville, Mr. Poulett &rope, Sir Ro- bert Ferguson, Mr. Clements, Mr. Shafto Adair, Mr. Cornewall Lewis, Mr. Mon- sell, Sir Denham Norreys, Sir John Palriugton, Mr. Herbert, Mr. Reynolds, Mr. Sharman Crawford, Mr. Fagan, Mr. O'Flaherty, Major Blacken, and Mr. Stafford, VOTE FOR IRISH DISTRESS.
Sir CHARLES WOOD, in supporting his motion for a grant to certain Unions in Ireland, said that except in a limited part of the country no as- sistance was either asked for or required. In great part of the North and East of Ireland assistance was not more necessary than in the South of England; but with regard to certain unions relief was absolutely necessary to save many thousands of persons from perishing by starvation. He gave the case of particular unions as examples for the rest. The reports of the Inspectors of the Bantry, Kilrush, Ballina, and Castlebar Unions, supplied evidence of the vast revolution which the failure of the potato crop in the past year has worked. Owing to a revival of trust in that crop, the potato was planted to an unprecedented extent; and the failure has been almost as extensive and complete as in 1846, with a corresponding increase of pau- perism. The numbers of the population and the amount of food were rendered so disproportionate that great numbers died from disease brought on by privation. Emigration ensued to an incredible extent, and so reduced the population that it is now by no means surperabundant in relation to the soil. The number of small tenements in Ballina were 17,216 in 1546; they are only 10,354 in 1849. This emigration was voluntary, at the expense of the parties themselves; and was therefore attended by the withdrawal of a large mass of capital in small sums. The great present evil is not over-population, but the poverty of all classes. Mr. Lang, the Inspector of the Bantry Union, wrote that the "utter absence of employment of any kind throughout the union is almost incredible; and, where such is given, it is in exchange for food alone a very limited number of persons in the union giving wages." Colonel Knox Gore wrote concerning Ballina Union, that there was "quite enough land at present under cultivation, without mentioning bog or waste, to employ all the able-bodied." The landlord class is rapidly undergoing a process of impoverishment: for instance, Colonel Knox Gore, Lord-Lieute- nant of Sligo county, declares that his establishment is reduced to one like "a mere rent-paying farmer's ": an active Guardian of the Swineford Union had been obliged to ask employment under the Vice-Guardians as a Union officer. The landlord inhabitants of whole districts are returned as poor defaulters—their lands waste. Clifden Union might be purchased for paying the poor-rate. One Inspector writes, the paupers are "badly able to work," from weakness; "a robust healthy man is rarely to be met with." In Ballina, the expenses for the year ending last Michaelmas were 52,0001.: the rates collected were 10,0001.; 3,0001. more might be got, and another rate might be collected next summer; but on no possible supposition could aid be done without.
Sir Charles proposed tz grant aid from the Consolidated Fund, through the machinery of an act of Parliament, and not by a vote in supply as latt year. A sum of 78,0001. had been received for the Consolidated Fund in repayment of "Burgoyne advances," and further sums will come in: then, of the 1,700,000/. issuable under the Commission, 106,000/. had been saved by careful regulations, independently of the 100,0001. carried to ac- count last year. These monies are the better fund to apply to for the aid proposed; and Sir Charles therefore proposed to take from them the sum of 50,0001. He could not be certain more would not be required; but the grant of more in the first instance would excite great expectations and great demands. His motion was,
" That the Commissioners of the Treasury be authorized to direct the issue out of the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom of any sum not exceeding 50,0004 for affording relief to certain Poor-law Unions in Ireland." Mr. POULETT SCROPE assented to the principle that relief must be given in some cases; but he moved an amendment pledging the House that no money should be taken from the general taxation to any union except on conditions—first, that repayment be secured by a lien on the rateable pro- perty of that union, and second, that the expenditure be made as far as possible in the productive employment of the able-bodied poor. Govern- ment had at last discovered that the thing wanted for Ireland was employ- ment and not emigration, and that it was vain to trust longer to the volun- tary exertions of the landlords. He desired to put an end to the unpro- fitable employment of men in unions, and set them to work on the waste lands: he knew of one case in which a heap of stones that cost 1001. to break produced no higher bidding than 30s. In eight unions there were 2,000,000 acres of waste land: he would insist on these being cropped—by the Government if it could not be done otherwise.
Mr. HERBERT, Mr. EDMUND BURKE ROCHE, and Mr. FAGAN, supported the motion, as Irish Members; because its rejectathl would be sentence of death to Ireland, and because no other instant remedy was proposed.
Lord EDWARD HOWARD supported the vote on grounds of necessity and humanity, and encouragement to patience and loyalty.
Mr. CHRISTOPHER took his stand as an English Member on the broad principle of compelling Ireland to support her own poor. Sir JOHN WALsu glanced with retrospective regret at the rejection of.Lord•GeorgeBentinek's proposed expenditure on railways. Mr. HUME .protested against doing anything on such motives as Lord Edward Howard had hinted at; and opposed the grant, as part of a system of grants without limit.
Mr. FRENCH opposed the ruinous system. Mr. STAFFORD had foretold its failure. There are twenty-one Connaught unkins now in a state of bank- ruptcy: the population of those unions is 1,500,000: how would 50,000/. suffice to preserve 1,500,000 starving people from death? In addition, there are ten unions more in a state fast following the steps of the Govern- ment. The great aim should be to reduce the area of taxation.
Sir WILLIAM SOMERVILLE warned the House against confusing relief of the destitute with giving labour to the able-bodied. Under the Labour Act, 700,000 men were in the employ of the Government; but at no period had there been more than 65,800 of the destitute able-bodied receiving relief. If the question were one of giving more State employ, thrice this 65,800 might immediately become chargeable. Sir JAMES GRAILLM, supporting the vote, began with this exordium-
" So far as I have collected the opinions of this House from the discussions which have already taken place since the beginning of the session, I think that brevity is to be our rule, and I shall therefore avoid all extraneous matter. I shall not enter on the question as to the area of taxation, or the various details which the House has referred to the consideration of a Committee. I shall con- fine myself to the question immediately before the House."
Sir James then stated his views with remarkable condensation. He was jealous as to the relation of debtor and creditor now existing between Eng- land and Ireland—he would rather make a gift than a loan. Should that gift, then, be laid out as Ministers propose, or in productive labour? Con- sidering the recent example of a neighbouring country—the doctrines pro- mulged in the last eight months and the establishment of national work- shops in France—he thought the inferences against the amendment were irresistible. There remained the Ministerial plan; and he supported that on two grounds, alleged by Irishmen. A report by the Irish Poor-law Commission established that but for the public advances in 1847, and the private munificence of :the British public, some 200,000 persons must have perished by starvation. Those funds are now exhausted. The question, therefore, is one of life and death—of inevitable death, with all the horrors of starvation. But, secondly, this has been called a stopgap. He did not hesitate to say this must be the last vote, and he should agree to it dis- tinctly on that ground; with the feeling that the time has clearly corns when Ministers must carefully review the whole subject of local taxation in Ireland, and come forward with a general proposition embracing not only that but many other subjects. Sir James's peroration was as brief as his exordium-
" I said I would not detain the House long, and I will keep my word. I had some difficulty in making up my mind as to the course I should pursue ; but, dis- regarding minor considerations, I have frankly stated the reasons which have de- termined me to vote against the amendment of the honourable Member for Stroud, and in favour of the proposition of the Chancellor of the Exchequer."
Mr. DISRAELI suggested an adjournment; on the grounds that Members had not time to consider the printed information, or even to see the manu- script information; and that the most important supporter of the Govern- ment project supported it only because he assumed that Ministers were about to introduce a comprehensive measure relative to the local taxation of Ireland. He hoped, therefore, that the Minister would not press for a sudden decision.
Lord Joan RUSSELL conceded that there were sufficient reasons for ad- journment; and proposed to resume the debate on Friday. But he begged to repudiate any pledge such as Mr. Disraeli endeavoured to extract. He would never say that this was the last grant Government would propose; or that Government had prepared a comprehensive measure to obviate the necessity for such future grants. He could not state that the Government had any plan for the amendment of the Irish Poor-law prepared in all its details, none of which they would allow to be altered. Some persons might think that an Administra- tion was not worthy of the name of a Government unless it could come dove to Parliament with measures prepared in detail, and declare that they would abide by them and not allow them to be altered; but for his part he could not pretend to the wisdom necessary for such a course. When the Poor-law Committee met, he would state his views to them: and, either with the approbation of the Com- mittee, or in opposition to its opinions if he should still think his own views cor- rect, he would propose to the House what he deemed to be desirable with reference to this subject.
The discussion was adjourned till Friday.
ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF'.
In moving for leave to bring in his Roman Catholic Relief Bill, Mr. ANSTEY explained that the new bill differed from that of last session only in some concessions which he had made to the opponents of the for- mer measure. Sir ROBERT INGLIS opposed the introduction of the bill. The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY deprecated pressing forward again so soon after recent discussion. Mr. ANSTEY declined to take advice from so uncertain an ally. Sir GEORGE GREY expressed himself favourable to the bill; but he seconded Lord Arundel's advice; and Lord NUGENT did the same. Mr. ANSTEY persevered; and the result was that leave to bring in the bill was refused, by 43 to 41.
ROMAN CATHOLIC PRELATES IN THE COLONIES.
Sir ROBERT INGLIS raised a conversation, on Thursday, touching the official recognition of Roman Catholic Prelates in the Colonies. In a pub- lished despatch, Earl Grey stated that his attention had been called by the Earl of Clarendon to the fact that Prelates of the Roman Catholic Church in the Colonies had not been recognized by their titles; whereupon Lord Grey directed that persons employed under Government in the Colonies should conform to the rule laid down by the Irish Charitable Bequests Act, which did recognize the titles. This recognition Sir Robert Inglis denied: the titles of Roman Catholic Prelates were not recognized in the Bequests Act, though they had been in the Gazette. And he complained that the recognition in the Colonies was unjust to Protestant Prelates: in Sydney, the Roman Catholic Archbishop was thus elevated at the expense of the venerable and pious Bishop Broughton. Sir Robert moved for a return of the communications. Lord JOHN RUSSELL explained, that a Roman Catholic Prelate from the Colonies, observing the recognition of dignitaries belonging to his Church in Ireland, had asked a similar recog- nition in the Colonies; and hie request was conveyed, in an unofficial letter, from Lord Clarendon. Lord Grey had done no more in the Colonies than had been done in the United Kingdom: he had directed the recognition of the ecclesiastical, but not of the diocesan titles; and it did not, appear that his direction established any new order of precedence.
Bills have been brought into the House of Lords, by Lord Baotrostim, for the amendment of the Bankruptcy, Insolvency, and Criminal Law, and the Law of Real Property Conveyancing: by Lord CAMPBELL for amend- ing the Scotch Law of Marriage; establishing a Registry of BiAhs, Deaths, and Marriages in Scotland; and abolishing Transportation for simple Larceny. NEW Warr ordered for Stafford County, Southern Division, in room of Vis- count Ingestre, now Earl Talbot.
LORD CLARENDON'S REPORT ON THE STATE OP IRELAND.
Dublin Castle. January 26, Sir—As the period is now approaching when the act 11th and 12th Victoria, Cap, as. by which the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended in this country, will expire, I feel Bray duty to bring under the consideration of her Majesty's Government the reasons winch Induce me to recommend the continuation of that law for a further limited period.
It was with deep regret that on a former occasion I felt myself compelled Lo ask fey the enactment of this measure ; but circumstances have since fully confirmed my opt. Mon of its urgent necessity ; and I can have no doubt that the course then adopted by her Majesty's Government, and the moral effect produced by the almost unanimous support which the bill received In Parliament, mainly contributed to the suppression of the rebellious movement which unhappily broke out in this country. While availing myself of the extraordinary power confided to me by the act, it has been my earnest endeavour to limit Its operation as far as possible, and to confine the deprivation of personal liberty to the cases of those individuals who were actually en- gaged in treasonable designs, or who, by encouraging the disaffected, endangered the peace and tranquillity of the country. No instance occurred of any arrest taking plate except on sworn informations ; no person was retained in custody longer than the pub- lic safety appeared to require ; and, although the number of Individuals whom it was my painful duty to place in temporary confinement was considerable, having amounted in all at different times to about one hundred and twenty, yet, considering the extent to which treasonable organization had been carried, not only in the metropolis but in several counties of Ireland, the number can hardly be said to exceed what might have been anticipated. The security afforded by the enforcement of the law, and the conviction that its pro. visions would only be applied against those whose conduct had rendered their detention absolutely necessary, have been felt by the community at large ; and the restoration of order, in place of that which for a time was a reign of terror, has been hailed with uni. venal satisfaction. But on the part of those engaged In the late treasonable move. ment no indication whatever of sorrow or repentance for their misdeeds has been ob- served. Their regret is confined to their failure, and their hopes are directed to a mom successful issue on the first favourable opportunity; nor Is there any reason to believe (and upon this point I have collected information from various persons on whose judg- ment and local knowledge I could rely) that the recent orderly conduct of the people In the districts where disturbances prevailed, or were threatened, proceeds from any Improved feeling as regards either the law or the Executive Government. The total absence of support of the authorities in their endeavours to suppress insurrection, the renewed attempt at rebellion in the vicinity of the town where the leaders of the move. meet were being brought to justice, and the disregard of proclamations requiring the surrender of arms, are facts which Indicate that, however the failure of past attempts at insurrection may have weakened the confidence of the disaffected, the feeling which gave rise to and encouraged that movement still remains unchanged, and would again become active upon any occasion that appeared to offer even a distant prospect of suc- cess.
It is true that any future attempts at rebellion will be much discouraged by the failure of those which have passed, and the originators of any new agitation will have none of the prestige of success to aid, and much of the sense of past discomfiture to damp their exertions : but still this country has been too long trained to a system of agitation to be at once weaned from such a course ; and nothing but a continued en- joyment of that peace which the absence of all political excitement has now created, the improved habits it will generate, and the social advantages it will not fail to pro- dace, can save Ireland from wasting her energies In the strife of rival factions, instead of exerting them by industry for the improvement of the country.
It is to secure for Ireland this continued repose, which is so vitally essential to her prosperity—to protect the country from the renewal of an agitation for objects that can- not be attained, and which for many years has disturbed its tranquillity, scaring away capital, destroying confidence, and rendering impossible the steady application of indus- try—that I desire strongly to impress on her Majesty's Government the importance of applying to Parliament for a renewal of those powers which the Ilth and 12th Victoria, cap. 35, placed at the disposal of the Executive Government in Ireland. I am well aware of the grave responsibility I incur by this recommendation, and it is with ex- treme repugnance that I venture to ask for the renewal of an act which infringes the constitutional rights of any portion of her Majesty's subjects ; but I think I should fail in my duty if, from any personal feelings of my own, I hesitated to state the facts which I know to be correct, or to recommend the coarse which I conscientiously believe to be necessary; and if her Majesty's Government should see fit to propose, and Parlia- ment to sanction, the renewal of this act, I trust that the manner in which It has hi- therto been carried into effect will be an earnest that its future administration will be marked by leniency and justice.
I am, Sir, with great truth and regard, your obedient servant,
The Right Honourable Sir George Grey, Bart., Soc.