THE Nineteenth Century leads off with two articles on Canadian autonomy. and American reciprocity, both hostile to the proposed treaty. The first is from the pen of the Hon. George E. Foster, late Canadian Finance Minister, who main- tains that his views "represent the sentiments of the majority of the Canadian people, and will prevail in our public policy as soon as the electorate is appealed to." Prefacing his argu- ments with an- historical survey of the relations between Canada and the United States, Mr. Foster declares that Canada is all the leas inclined to desire partnership with the United States now when she has achieved success without it. He sums up the case against the agreement under the following -heads : (1) It violates sound and settled constitutional usage, inasmuch as the action of the Cabinet was unauthorised, uncalled for, arbitrary, and revolutionary; (2) it limits the fiscal freedom of Canada ; (3) reverses Canada's settled fiscal policy ; and (4) traverses her national ideals and menaces her Imperial relations. In conclusion, he declares that the opponents of the agreement prefer to fight now, when the chances are most in their favour, rather than wait till the handicap is greater from without, and the spirit of resistance is weaker within. Sir Roper Lethbridge, in his attack on the agreement, lays special stress Mae Naval Amuud. Edited by T. A. Braosoy. London T. Griffin rand Cc [12s. 6d. net.]
On its ultimate political ponsegnences, i.e., absorption in the States. He makes great play with a book on Canada and the Empire, published by Mr. Montago, M.P., in 1894, and quotes from Mr. Bryce's work on the American Com- monwealth passages which admit that a commercial league might lead to political union. The American annexationists, in his view, are not to be regarded as irresponsible Chauvinists, but as expressing what is in every man's breast..—Professor J. H. Morgan continues his studies of the Constitutional Revolution with special reference to Lord Lansdowne's Bill. He does not like the Bill, which be considers complex, unfair, and premature.
"The reform of the House of Lords should be preceded by the reform of the House of Commons." The nature of that reform is outlined in the following passage :—
"Before we can decide what the powers of the Upper House are to be we must know what are to be the powers of the Lower House. We must restore the legislative autonomy of the Commons so far as such autonomy is compatible with the collec- tive responsibility of the Cabinet, the unity of legislation, The co-operation of the departments, and the preservation of scientific draughtsmanship. The first step in that restoration is some scheme of devolution of legislative powers upon local bodies. Devolution of such powers upon Standing Committees of the House itself has gone as far as is compatible with preserving the. organic unity of the Houseand the control of the Cabinet. Con- currence of Standing Committees and of committee of the whole House is impossible, while substitution of committees for the whole House would be suicidal. The adoption of the latter course would simply reproduce the worst evils of the American committee system, under which the House of Representatives has ceased to. have any organic will at all. The Chairman would be the rival of the Minister in charge of the Bill, and the Minister would be the rival of his colleagues. A reform of the House of Commons by devolution would, by restoring the control of the House over Bills, put a limit to the necessity of legislation by the departninnts and of revision by the House of Lords. It would also diminish the area of conflict between the two Rouses by removing out of the sphere of contention Bills—the Scottish Land Bill, for example— which, although commanding the almost unanimous support of the community for which they are intended, are at present treated as mere pawns in:the party game between the two Houses. Only by taking into account all these things will it be possible to see this problem steadily and to see it whole."
— Mr. Charles Morowitz, the chairman in -Vienna of the .A.nglo-Austrian Bank, contributes some frank "Sidelights on the National Economy and People of England." On the whole, he is a friendly critic, but he is acutely alive to the new factors, external.and internal, which menace the prestige and stability of the Empire. In the field of finance he shares the misgivings of Mr. J. W. Cross in regard to the narrowness of our gold reserve. But he tempers his pessimism by some reassuring admissions, and declares that there appears to be no sign of decadence-either in the political or social condition of England. At the same time he points out that Britain is faced by an unprecedented number of concurrent problems.
"The narrow gold reserve, on which a huge credit system is built up, the dependence of the Mother Country on foreign imports, the greatuational movements in the Colonies, the decrease in employment of labour in manufactures, the formation of strong foreign fleets, the necessity for introducing universal military service, the great change in the old traditional Constitution by reforming the Upper House—are all problems of such deep importance that no nation has so far had to solve them all at the same time."
—Mr. Ralph Neville, formerly Judge in the Egyptian Native Courts, writes on. " The Muddle in Egypt and the Way Ont." Lord Cromer's work has been largely undone under the present regime, for which the Home Government is respon- sible.
"Egypt needs a strong A.gent-General with a free hand, deter- mined to rule her for the benefit of the vast majority of her people, and there must be one proviso—it must be generally understood that those natives who are actively opposed to our influence will not be allowed to hold office so long as we continue to occupy Egypt. In less than a year Lord Kitchener, if he could be induced,. or perhaps ' be allowed' is more appropriate, to do one more ser- vice for the British nation, would have the machine going smoothly again. English officials would soon find their native colleagues working amicably with them as of yore. Lord Cromer's foundations were well and truly laid."
The Baroness de Malortie prints a striking reminiscence, of President Santa Anna from the diary of her husband, who came across that "Mexican Duke of Alva" in exile at Havana.,
The "Episodes of the Mont-h" in the National RevieuNdea1 with the Arbitration Agreement in a spirit of drastio scepticism. Sir Edward Grey's speech has shattered :the editer-'s last shreds- of respect for the Foreign Secretary's statesmanship, and' the Lord Mayer is described as being a- mixture of- Messrs. W. T. Stead; Andrew Carnegie, and H. W. Massinghane But the editor of the National R,etriew does not reserve his criticisms for the Opposition. MT; Balfour is "surrounded- by an impenetrable zariba of sycophants" and" only hypnotizes the party into forgetting the- duties of an Opposition." Again, "unfortunately our public men. practically never leave- these shores, unless it be to hear music- at Bayreuth or to play golf on the Riviera. 'They are totally ignorant of the politics and politicians of- sit foreign countries—especially the, United States."—Mr. Albert It Carman, of Montreal, discusses -the Reciprocity lagreementaunderthe tide, "Will Canada be-Lost?" A strong anteltecipmeity man himself, hediscusses the situation without heat- or extravaganoe. When the ultimate crisis comes he admits "there will be a lot of voting. power which will not respond in any lively fashion to British sentiment," and I never feel any too secure when- commercial, inteeest is- squarely and permanently in conflict with the finest send. anent," He thinks that more, is at stake in this decision than at. Waterloo; but "it is pure petulance- to call President Taft the enemy of-the British Empire' He is nothing more than the friend of the United States-; and, as-at-patriot, he could be SIO less."—Mr. Morton Fullerton follows up his pessimistic article- in last month's number, "When. England-Awakes," by- another on the same lines, "Why France is Awake." The main points of the article are that, in spite-of the "corrosive progress of humanitarianism," the true France is anti-pacifist, coecordier, the France of the r_evanche: that although separated from Franca Alsace and Lorraine are more really united to France to-day in feeling than they were before the war ; that the new constitution offered by Germany is a -hypocritical- solution-; that even the grant of autonomy wouldiail-to secure peace ;. and, finally, that the Entente is useless-unless-it is con- verted into.aelose Dual Alliance in order to thwart the German absorption-of Holland.—Lady Selborne sends an analysis of the different kinds of women-who want the vote. She finds the desire weakes t in the richeet class, very strong in theprofessional elaas,somewhat lukewarm inthe.middleclaes,and steadily grow- ing-amongst the wives of the workingmen. "It is among them. that the propaganda-, of the- militants has- had- most effect. I./ley-admire the real eloquence. and- sincerity of- the militant leaders, and are not so much shocked as other classes are by their methodre"—Mr. J. 0. P. Bland, part, author, of that remarkable book, China under the Empress Dowager. writes on "The Doom-of-the Manchu." Thatit is for the advantage of China to be- rid a this--" incubus of parasitism-" Mr. Bland has no doubt whatever. The-Dowager Empress delayed the doom-of her Manchu kinsmen, for -half a century simply hy the sheer -force of- her own courage and intelligence, but she recognized the need for a.- policy of radical reform before her death, and placed her confidence in YU1331 Shih-lVai as-the sanest and strongest-man about her. But the anti-dynastic :movement, though inevitable? spells the disintegration ot .
"-Manchuria,. Mongolia, and, the New Dominion .are irretrievably doomed to that- amalgamation' whisk overtook C,ores,,,to division, at the hands of the Russian and Japanese. guarantors' of the states quo in those regions. . . ; . . With the passing of Manchuria as part- China the Manchus must also pass as the rulers of the runcated Empire Press and politicians, however, alike realize the fact that it is to the interests of Russia and Japan to keep the Manchu Govern- ment in its place_ and, that the commercial powers of Europe naturally prefer the status quo, however rotten, to the tremendous possibilities- of a Chinese revolution; anct the know- ledge makes for caution in the counsels-of young China. . . . . . But the wind has-been long sown, and the whirlwind is assuredly ready for the reaper. How much of independent and self-governed China will remain after the upheaval is a question of such world- wide and transcendent importance that it would seem. to deserve attention'—even at the hands of our own mandarins!!
—Mr. II. C. Biron has a charming paper on Crabbea full -of good quotations and- ayrapathetic or incisive comments. Thus, apropos of the East Coast, we read, "Yen cannot expect idylls in an east wind." Burke's suggestion that Crabbe should take orders is described as "thes-practieal wisdom of an Irishman in the affairs of another." Lastly, in connexion with Crabbe'e independence or thought in his fashionable sur- roundings, Mr. B'iTon observes : "In.- the society of that day they thought and spoke of the poor very much as they d-o now of Cabinet Ministers."—Mr. Edgar Crammond's interesting paper, on "Gold. Reserves in- Time' of . Ware' read 'before-the London- Chamber of' Commerce last Marek. is reprinted: Mr. Cram mond, we note, lays special-. sires" mr.the increasing cost of -war as a powerful argument in favour of the. provision of a large gold reserve. He also advocates the inclusion' n the Committee of Imperial Defence-of accredited repreeenta- tires of finance, commerce, and shipping.
The tone 'of: the article which stands first in the Contem- porary, "The First- Year of King George," is sympathetic almost to the-verge of adulation. But the- anonymous- writer can hardly repress. his exultation at the thought that the verdict of the country at the last election and "the abject and hopeless impotence of the Opposition" -has "reduced the King to the position of an obedient automaton in the hands of Mr. Asquith;"—Mr. Harold Spender follows with a full- throated burst of eulogy over the humanity and wisdom shown-by-Mr. Lloyd George in his-Insurance Bill, to which he ' gives the name of " A National Health Charter." He admits that in- spite of the chorus-' of welcome with which- it was greeted; it is not likely to be-carried into law without a con- siderable effort, but- pleads for the utmost possible speed in placing it on the Statute Book, on the ground- that the' deterioration of physique, especially amongst our urban population; has already set in to an alarming extent.— K Xavier Paoli, officially entrusted for many years with the duty of looking after the' personal safety of European monarchs, contributes- an extraordinarily interesting paper of reminiscences on-the late King Leopold II. Inhuman as he was in the main, strange-and unexpected gleams of kind- ness illuminated' his sinister nature. Children were almost the only creatures whose greetings' he returned ; and he never failed'on a single day when- at Laeken to go across the Park alone and spend two hours in solitary converse With his unhappy sister, the Empress Charlotte. Yet the kindness and gentle- ness he showed to his insane sister he persistently withheld from his wife and daughters. A sceptic to the verge of in- difference, he-entertained odd antipathies and aversions—e.g., he hated a piano and was terrified of a cold in the-head. "His habit of icy chaff made one feel perpetually ill at ease when he happened to be in a conversational-vein: One never knew whether he-was serious or jolly." The' story of his amazing retort to the venerable priest who ventured. to rebuke him for the irregularities of his- private' life is well known, but M. Paoli tells another, quite as characteristic, of his reply to the radical deputy who said of tile King that he would, make an admirable- piesident of a re- public. " Really ? ' replied the King, with- his" most ingenuous air. '}teally? Do you know, I- think I shall pay a compliment in your style to my physician, Dr. Thirier, who is-coming to- see- me presently. I shall-say, Thirier, you area great doctor, and I think you would make an excellent veterinary surgeon.' " M. Paoli notices that King Leopold never made any attempt to meet the accusations of cruelty to the natives of the Congo with's positive denial; simply sought to explain his methods." And" he was inaccessible to humanitarian considerations in Madera Of politics." Utterly devoid. of sentiment or sensibility, with an amazing business capacity and head. for figures, he." was working up tcr the moment or his death. As ererylioaly knows; his- niind remained clear te the end, nor did his-hostility toavardsliefamily waver for an instant He died as he lived--inaeceseible, haughty, : and sceptical."—The Editor prints a translation of Pro- fessor Hans Delbreck's artielefronr-the Preussivehe Yahrbficher • on the international 'Aims of Germany. Profeesor Dhlbrilck declares that he expects no succestifal issue either from treaties of arbitration or international- reduction' of ,arma- ments. "The one effective means- of diminishing the peril of war, and with it the • suspicion of, the peoples, is to influence- public opinion—continually tir insist that the greet nations shall, peaceably and.. by mutual- con- cessions; reach a-greements in their manifold conflicts, of interest, and shall' not through mutual suspicion attribute to one another schemes which pass. beyond any purposes actually cherished." Incidentally, he declares that the Pan-Germans; though very active, are a small sect, and absolutely destitute of ieffitenee.--Miss Christabel Osborn discusses Rowton Houses for women in a very interesting article. While in favour of lodging-houses for women as-temporary 'receiving houses, she is strongly -opposed to institutions- where
they would. be aliewed to reticle permanently. Rowton Houses for women should succeed " we shall have deliberately created a shifting, isolated, homeless class of women, without family ties or family responsibilities, or any of those links with the community that lie at the roots of the social habit and are of the essence of civilized life."
The Coronation makes itself felt in the magazines as else- where, and the first four numbers of the Fortnightly directly, or indirectly, deal with the subject. Mr. Noyes hails the Sailor King in," A Salute from the Fleet," in which the guns of the ship speak.—" Index," in a sympathetic study of the King's personality, justly, remarks that King George "is the one man in his own world-wide Empire who has seen it alL" That this should be so is a fact of great importance at a time when a tendency towards closer union seems to be setting in, for the throne undoubtedly plays every important part in the sentiment which unites the Empire. To have upon this throne one who has not only right feeling, but also knowledge, is a matterof great moment. Queen Victoria and King Edward could assist their Ministers by their experience of the underlying forces of Europe. King George can give that invaluable help which comes from acquaintance with the whole of the Empire.
Mr. Pemberton Billing describes a scheme which, if carried into effect, would eventually replace Poor Law, employers' liabilitty for accidents, unemployment, and old-age pensions. The great merit of the plan is that, although the employer would be forced to contribute, the employed would benefit in proportion to his own extra contributions. It is, of course, absurd in a few lines to pretend to criticize so far- reaching a proposal, but it is undeniably a very attrac- tive plan on the face of it. The success would depend entirely upon a register of everyone, which would have to be kept from birth onward. In this register would be entered the "credit balance" of the "life," which would be made up in various ways, but principally by the employer paying in a halfpenny for every shilling of wages up to el a week. If the wages were over that sum the " life " would himself make a contribution as well. From this fund would come the money to provide for sickness, unem- ployment, and old age, and to it would be added certain benefits by the State, such as a grant on marriage and for children, and if the " life " himself added his savings the benefits he received would be greater. The great difficulty would be the register, since to keep it up continuously would be essential, and as records of character would enter into it it would be of an inquisitorial nature. But the merit of the plan is that it would develop gradually, and make it greatly to the advantage of the "life" to save money himself, and the man who began to draw his pension at fifty would have a much smaller one than he who waited till sixty.—Mr. Sidney Low becomes quite sentimental over Becky Sharp, and thinks Thackeray, the moralist, was unmerciful and unrelenting towards the person created by Thackeray, the artist. Mr. Low even goes so far as to believe that "Lady Crawley," in the end, became a delightful old lady, and was reconciled to everyone but Mrs. Dobbin. But this is to go beyond Thackeray's obvious intention, for we must not forget his picture of Becky, as Clytemnestra," poison bottle in hand, behind the curtain watching Jos.—Mr. Boulger writes a plea for the preservation of the field of Waterloo. He thinks that our Government should acquire Hougoumont and save it from falling into decay. He believes that the Belgian Government, if approached, would be willing for us to possess it. There need be little danger of any such step being misunderstood in France.
Blackwood opens with a Coronation ode by Mr. Noyes, in which fine thoughts are to be found, but the poetry would have gained by compression. The introduction of a ballad of the conversion of the Saxons in the middle of the ode, though it recalls the striking incident of the bird flying through the hall, makes the work somewhat disjointed.—General Scott- Moncrieff writes the story of Gustavus Adolphus, who mounted the throne 300 years ago. We are given an account of the meteoric progress across Europe of this Protestant hero and commander of genius. The question is discussed as to whether the victorious Swede, after his destruction of the Imperial army at Breitenfeld, near Leipzig, should not have made straight for Vienna. The writer considers that this is what Napoleon would have done, but that the aim of Gustavus Adolphus being not mere conquest, but the safety of the Protestant cause in North. Germany, the course chosen was the right one.—Mr. Hannay tells the story of an Argentine love affair of 1847, which, though in no way edifying in itself, caused the fall of a tyrant ruler from power. By hie murder of the lovers he canoed a revolt against his reign of cruelty.—Mr. H. E. Vernkle writes delightfully of India. He gives us a picture of a derelict estate in Bengal which has been taken over and administered by the Government. The characters are all very skilfully drawn, the English collector on his round of inspection, and the Patwari, the native bailiff, whose stratagems to avoid the detection of his misdeeds are as absurd as they are useless. Excellent, too, is the Babu sub-deputy-collector, who is sent out to make a brief re- port of the names of the tenants and the extent of their holdings. Instead of these bald facts, a document of nine pages of foolscap, in diary form, was sent back to the Chief. Here is an extract from this diffuse, but observant, official : "10.48 a.m. Doves not uncommon in trees and nests of wild bee observed sporadically. Doubtless honey singularly fortuitous and acceptable diet in the event of failure as per annum of winter crop."—" Ben Kendim " writes "A Word for the Turks." The article is a long one and rather difficult to follow, as it covers so enormously wide a field. The upshot of it is that everywhere the new Turkish Government is faced with great difficulty in carrying out its reforms. The only hope lies in the existence of a strong central Government, and one which can hold its own in the citadel of Turkey—Anatolia. The writer desires that England should assist the Turks to attain this desired strength.—" Linesman" writes a fine zhronicle of heroic deeds of arms done by British soldiers.
The best article in the United Service Magazine for this month deals with General Benedek, the Austrian General who showed such marked ability in Italy, but who had the ill-fortune to fall a victim of Austrian inefficiency and Prussian efficiency at Sadowa. The account of the way in which Benedek went to his doom and of his unavailing efforts to escape from the command of the Northern army on the outbreak of war and to remain instead in Italy is most moving. He was forced into a position for which he did not deem himself fitted, and then not allowed a free band. Failure impended over his army from the very beginning, and the interference of diplomatists and politicians and the disloyalty of intriguing and hostile military subordinates took away all chance from the unfortunate General. The picture called up by the German writer—the article is a trans- lation—is most vivid. It is the kind of study which we should like to commend to politicians, for it shows the appalling evils which are brought about by ill-judged civilian interference in war. The hard-headed statesman may play a great and most useful part in war if he understands his limitations and the true nature of war. If he does not understand them his in- fluence can do nothing but harm. The Emperor of Austria should either have been in the field with his troops, and in- supreme command, or should have cut the wires between the headquarters and Vienna.—Another interesting article is concerned with the Roman Emperor (local), who was the first exponent of sea-power in these islands. Curiously enough, his doings are described by a correspondent in our issue of to-day.