LORD HARTINGTON'S POLICY.
TIMM HARTINGTON'S speech at Ipswich brings out his political character and policy in a more impressive fashion than any in which perhaps it has hitherto been seen. We must admit that he knew what he was about when he declined either to head or to join the Government, and yet told them to trust implicitly to the support which he would give them from outside. That support has been, we now think, more effective than any which he could have given by assenting to a coalition, and we say this with the more authority that we held two years ago the contrary opinion, and held it strongly. But we admit that Lord Hartington judged more wisely than we did. He realised better than we did how much authority he would have lost with the people of Great Britain by taking what is called "power ;" how much less credit he would have had for disinterested conviction after that step than he has now ; how much authority he would have lost even with the Conservative Party by occupying the place of one of their own chiefs, instead of simply advising them and supporting his counsel by independent support ; and, above all, how well fitted he is to play a part which, while it remains one of singular responsibility, suits admirably his own complete indif- ference to office and the temperament which positively prefers non-interference, to that restless habit of exerting influence for the sake of exerting influence which is deeply ingrained. in most of our active statesmen. If there be a position on earth for which Lord Hartington is perfectly suited, it is that of an external stimulus and stay to such a Government as the present ; for while he never cares enough for influence to exert it except where it is clearly a duty, and while he is singularly free from ostentation even then, he is loyalty itself to his engagements, as wise as it is possible for a counsellor to be in urging on where there is languor, in holding back where there is over-zeal, and so unwilling to make any display of his power, that the Government, while perfectly conscious of what they owe him, feel almost as unembarrassed and as confident in themselves as if they did not lean upon his aid. So useful an ally as Lord Hartington was hardly perhaps ever known in politics before,—partly, no doubt, because he has none of that eager instinct for action which so often prompts a man in his position to overdo the part of adviser, partly because his judgment is all the cooler and more sagacious where he is not personally and immediately responsible for the policy adopted. The blended calmness and firmness of his attitude cannot but impress the people of Great Britain, and impress them all the more while he stands out of the thick of the battle, neither inviting nor deprecating attack. The steadfastness of his judgment is not more conspicuous than its serenity. He utters not one provocative word. He expresses no rhetorical con- fidence in the future. He is perfectly aware that the great issue must, in fact, stand over till the next General Election. He does not pretend to think that the Unionists are secure of victory. But he is as courageous as he is constant, and insists that the country shall realise how dangerous the crisis is when a great leader like Mr. Gladstone is compelled to fence in speaking of the "Plan of Campaign," to balance declarations that it is doubtless an evil in itself, against asseverations of the good in which it has resulted, and to utter no word from which people can judge whether he condemns
or praises those who launched it on the waters of Irish politics. What can be more effective than Lord Hartington's calm persistence in urging that as he and his friends have said plainly what they think of this pet policy of the Irish Party, the country has some right to know exactly what Mr. Gladstone thinks of it, and not to remain in doubt whether he on the whole condemns, or on the whole approves, this novel and intractable protego of the new Liberal Party ? Would Lord Hartington have produced half the effect by his persistent urgency, if he had been a member of the Govern- ment, that he produces by it as an indepeedent leader ? We think not. Had he been a member of the Government, the urgency would have been attributed to the exigencies of his position as a party leader. As it is, it really strikes the English people that a query of such immense moral and social moment, to which Lord Hartington makes for himself so plain and explicit an answer, ought not to be left unanswered,— nay, worse than unanswered, entangled in a perfect thicket of subtleties,—by the Leader of Opposition. It is Lord Hartington's stately independence which gives him half his present authority. Unfortunately, the English people are far too sceptical of the serious convictions of officials. They always suspect,—sometimes ungenerously, and often very untruly,—that officials say what they must, while independent Members say what they please. So far as we can judge, this experiment of a Government, Conservative in its basis, but leaning on a moderate Liberal Party both for impulse and for warning, seems to suit the present taste and temper of the people of Great Britain. Something, no doubt, of the immediate prosperity of the Government is due to the wise moderation and self- control which Mr. Gladstone has exhibited on every sub- ject except Ireland since the opening of the Session. But that wise moderation and self-control have been clearly discerned by Mr. Gladstone to be expected of him by the temper of the nation, and though that does not diminish his merit in displaying them,—as in twice putting down, for instance, a mischievous attack of Mr. Labouchere's,— it does show that the nation has not been unfavourably impressed by this Government, and wishes to give it every chance of showing that it is neither reactionary nor weak. After so much heroic legislation, the English people seem to us to wish for a little calm, and to think that they shall secure it better by trusting Lord Salisbury and Mr. Goschen to do for them what Lord Hartington does not disapprove, than by trying any more sensational coups de main for the present. Mr. Gladstone told us all very plainly two years and a half ago how dangerous it would be for the Liberals to pro- pose an Irish policy while dependent for their majority on Irish votes. And the English people entirely agreed with him. But the danger of such a situation depends very much indeed on the character of the independent party on which you lean. Mr. Parnell's party is about the worst one can imagine for this position of unofficial influence. It is committed by its own past to the most dangerous aims. It is composed chiefly of puppets which Mr. Parnell moves as easily as one pulls a string ; and it derives a great deal of its means of living from beyond the seas. To trust to such a party as that to inspire and restrain, would indeed be folly. It would inspire acts of madness, and restrain from all sober counsel. But Lord Hartington's party is in almost every quality and attribute the reverse of the Parnellite. It is led by the least ambitious as well as one of the most loyal of the statesmen of the day. It is composed of men who really have made great sacrifices to prevent any tampering with the Legislative Union of Great Britain and Ireland, and who yet are dear to the popular party in England as having promoted all the great popular movements of recent years. Such a party may surely be trusted to animate the Conserva- tives to liberal measures, and to restrain them from dangerous and embarrassing engagements abroad ; and, as a matter of fact, the people of Great Britain really believe that the Liberal Unionists are trustworthy sponsors for a policy which is certain to be more or less popular in its aims, and to be in the highest degree prudent in holding aloof from needless entanglements with other Powers. We should not be surprised
• to find, when the career of this Government at length comes to an end, that it had inspired more thorough confidence in the people of Great Britain than any Government of the last twenty years. Conservative feeling and thoroughly popular sympathies are blended in it more happily than in any Govern- ment of which we have had experience for the last four or fire Parliaments.
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