MR. HENRY MORGENTHAU'S REMINISCENCES.*
THERE is less in this book about the War and about diplomatic experiences in Turkey than there would have been if Mr. Morgenthau had not already written Ambassador 111orgen- thau's Story. He gives us here a stricter autobiography. He tells us about his early upbringing in Germany as a member of a Jewish family at Mannheim ; of his emigration to America ; of his successful speculations in real estate ; and of his final and complete devotion to politics. His father was a cigar merchant, and it must have been a bitter drama when a huge shipment of cigars, sent by the merchant to America, just Tailed to reach the American Customs before a new and much higher tariff came into force. The cigars had, unfortunately, • 4411 in a bife-Tinte. By Henry Momentbao. London Heinemann. [18s. ad. net.]
been sent in a slow vessel. -. Mr. Morgeathau's- father, who had based his sales on the assumption that the cigars would arrive in time, was virtually ruined, and he diverted his thoughts from cigars to that of making a fortune elsewhere and by other means. He emigrated with his family. Bitterly dramatic, we say, tlie experience must have been ; but how much more dramatic it might be in these days if the progress of a slow ship against bad weather were being reported day by day by wireless. A few hours one way or the other would rule a man's fortune, and with the help of wireless messages he might watch his destiny being spelt out.
We will pass over Mr. Morgenthau's business experiences and come to the politics. He says in effect that, having made his fortune in America, he felt that he was largely in the debt of his adopted country. Some of his friends were astonished when he announced that he was going to devote his life to politics, but he was moved by a deep sense of obligation, and he held resolutely on his way.
Perhaps the best pages in the book, till we come to the fine chapter on Judaism at the end, are concerned with the rise of President Wilson. Mr. Morgenthau describes how some of the old hands of the Democratic Party realized, when Mr. Wilson took to politics, that a new planet had swum into their ken. In particular Mr. Bryan realized it. The young Pro- fessor was making extraordinarily rapid headway, and there was evidently no longer a market for the rotund rhetoric of the currency reformer. The Democratic Party could no longer be thrilled by such a phrase as that the country was "crucified upon a cross of gold." Mr. Morgenthau writes of a large political dinner at which both Mr. Wilson and Mr. Bryan spoke :—
" Wilson rose to his opportunity. His speech revealed to these men a new power in the party. He made a splendid exposition of the issues before the country, and gave his vision of the remedies with beautiful eloquence and unanswerable logic. The audience progressed from rapt attention to enthusiasm.
All this time I was watching the face of Bryan. I have never seen a more interesting play of expression on the stage than the exhibition which he unconsciously gave. Here was the rising of a new political star, which he well knew meant the setting of his own. His face expressed in turn surprise, alarm, hesitation, doubt, gloom, despair. When Wilson took his seat amidst tre- mendous applause Bryan's face was that of a man who had met his Waterloo. He rose like one who was dazed, and made a speech of abdication. He said that the time had come when a new man should be nominated, a man who was free from the asperities of the past, and that he was willing to march in the ranks of the party, and work with the rest of us to help on this victory, which he saw assured. He then started to sit down, but everyone applauded so vigorously, shouting 'Co on ! Co on ! ' that he became confused. For once, his political sagacity forsook him : he did not realize that he should stop. He regained his feet, and made a sad anti- climax by telling the diners stories of his observations in the Philippines and elsewhere. The evening was a Wilson triumph."
Mr. Morgenthau writes with very little art until he comes, at the end of the book, to the subject of Zionism. Then he is almost transformed. He earnestly pleads with his fellow Jews not to pursue the will-o'-the-wisp in Palestine. He points out that a "National Home" in Palestine which was promised by the Balfour Declaration does not mean the domination of Palestine, and he predicts that the chief leaders of Zionism, fiery particles all, will never be content with a compromise. He therefore foresees nothing but disaster from a Jewish point of view. Moreover, he says that the belief that a large Jewish community can support itself in Palestine is quite unjustifiable economically. The scheme is, politically, a fantasy, and, spiritually, a snare. Zionism looks back- wards instead of forwards. The true policy of the Jews, he declares with intense earnestness, is to identify themselves with the interests of the various countries in which they live.
"The proudest boast of all these men, and my proudest boast, is : I am an American.' None of us would deny our race or faith. We are Jews by blood. We are Jews, though of various sects, by religion. But as for me (and here I am sure I speak for a vast body of Jews in the United States), if I were pressed to define myself by any single appellation, I would unhesitatingly select the one word American. Neither I nor the humblest worshipper In the most orthodox congregation can hope for anything from Zionism that is not already ours in virtue of our participation in the freedom of America.'
But it is really hardly fair to quote a few lines from this notable chapter, entitled "Zionism and Surrender," for it is a complete piece, locked together by close argument, made apposite by historical illustrations, and informed with that quality of eloquence which comes of passionate sincerity.
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