ITALIAN FOREIGN POLICY.
[To THE EDITOR or THE " SpEoArOs."]
Sni,—To one who has watched for some years the development of Italian Chauvinistic Imperialism with ever-growing repro- bation, the standpoint of those who approve of Italian claims in the Adriatic appears inexplicable, unless arising out of imperfect acquaintance with the conditions. Passing over the unprovoked and indefensible invasion and seizure of Tripoli, an extra-European question, I would ask what moral right have the Italians, so abnormally favoured as regards sea-coast. to covet the natural seaports and coastline of a neighbour struggling into national existence after centuries of division and euppression. No justification can be based upon the mis- chievous and indefensible Pact of London, whose repudiation would be more honourable to its signatories than its observ- ance. Nor does the circumstance that certain seaports, such as Trieste, Pole, Fiume, and Zara, are inhabited by a majority speaking Italian furnish any stronger ground for annexation to the Italian Kingdom than would be applicable to the annexa- tion to Germany of, say, Riga, Libau, and other Baltic ports. The justice of the case demands that those ports should enjoy the most unfettered autonomy, or Home Rule sinder the political suzerainty of the country in which they are situate, whose Slavonic inhabitants occupy the very suburbs of such ports. What right have the Italians to any part of Dalmatia, an essentially Serbian-speaking land, where it is reported they are deporting as prisoners to Sardinia all patriotic natives who resist this foreign aggression—a practice apparently copied from the Germans? By what right do the Italians occupy Southern Albania, a land establidhed by the Great Powers in 1913 as an independent State, and convert "Pelona into a naval bate to control the entrance to the Adriatic—a usurpation which, it as satisfactory to learn, is being resisted by native levies? By what moral right do they occupy Rhodes and the Greek Sporades, ignoring the mild remonstrances of M. Venizeloe, while they use every effort to curtail Greek legitimate expansion in North Epirus and along the Eastern Adriatic and endeavour to cripple her position in the Straits of Corfu?
Under the specious pretence of acquiring their geographical frontier, they have occupied the upper valleys of the Adige in Southern Tirol (German-speaking settlements from time immemorial) up to the main Alpine chain and the Brenner Pass, far overstepping the Italian ethnical and linguistic home dary of the Trentino, and from latest accounts they are closing the schools in these German valleys and compelling the villagers to learn Italian, in fact closely following in the foot- steps of the Prussians in their treatment of the Poles of Posen. All honour then to President Wilson for putting his foot down against unconscionable ambition, masked by plausible but fallacious pretexts! All honour to hie most opportune and necessary manifesto on the Fiume question! I have no interest in the cause of any Slavonic State and strongly dis- approve Serbian action in Bulgarian Macedonia, but for con- firmation of the views above expressed as regards the Adriatic coastlands, I can appeal to the most competent authorities; 7,,,m07, Sir Arthur Evans and Dr. Selon-Watson (also the Times Paris correspondent of May Snd).—I am, Sir, Ac.,
WALTER C. YENNING.
IlVe publish our correspondent's letter, as we wish our cor- respondence columns to represent all points of view, and the rase against Italy has not yet been stated here in detail. But we cannot too strongly reprobate the idea that a Treaty can he reptdiated because it is inconvenient. Racial peace is most desirable, but the universal observance of the sanctity of Treaties is even more desirable. Without such observance no race, indeed, however great or small, would ever be safe. Our first duty is to behave loyally to our Allies.—Eo. Spectator.]
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