10 NOVEMBER 1855, Page 11

THE SALE OF SOUTHWARK.

TEE letter of Mr. George Seovell to the electors of Southwark points directly to the spot at which administrative reform is most necessary. Mr. Scovell, who had apparently been selected by the, constituency of Southwark as the fittest man to represent them, finds his election uncertain, because "the cry has been raised that Sir Charles Napier is an ill-used man." Sir Charles has been tyrannically or unfairly treated by the Executive, and for that reason the people of Southwark will go without their appropriate representative, and will " take up" with a naval officer; so far nullifying the representation of an important constituency, in order that Sir Charles Napier may have an opportunity of arraigning his superiors in the House of Commons.

Mr. Scovell thinks that he might have overcome " the popular delusion "—for so he calls it—and might have secured the seat fox himself and a better representative for Southwark, if he had been prepared to face the expense.

" I know full welt that my supporters will be much disappointed by this avowal ; but, as I think that my strong identity of interests with yours, my acquaintance with the various remedial measures that are called for to place our borough in its fair and legitimate relation with the county and the city of London, my solicitude for its numerous educational and charitable insti- tutions, ought to place me beyond the possible effects of a popular delusion, without an outlay (although strictly legal) disgracefully expensive, I feel constrained respectfully to take my leave ; assuring you that I shall continue to use my efforts, as heretofore, for the improvement of the locality and of the condition of the poorer classes of the borough."

But, of course, not so usefully as if he had been in the House of Commons. Here, then, is a bar to true representation. It would appear to be a very simple affair to ask the electors, collectively and individually, which of two candidates they prefer. In the present election, this question is not put to the electors so that it can reach them. One of the candidates decides for himself, that it would be too difficult to carry the question home, and that if he were to do so the cost would fall on his own pocket. That which should be the choice of the electors becomes a question of money; and, without any charge of " corruption," the decision of the con- stituency is superseded by the common bragging game of the pub- lic-house, in which one man lays down sovereigns against another.

Nor is this a fanciful statement of the condition into which our system has fallen. It is a plain matter of fact, obvious to us at this day, and distinctly intelligible. The difficulty of asking a question of the electors " Yes or No ? "—" Scovell or Napier? "- is so considerable, that none but rich and active men will under- take it at all; and we see that one who is both rich and active flinches from the labour and the outlay. Before a man can place himself in view of the constituency, he has, by the practice of the day, to employ agents to canvass the electors, to open rooms for local meetings, and rooms even in which he can speak to the elec- tors face to face. He may think, with Mr. Scovell, that if he is a proper person he ought to be elected without any outlay on his own part; but, as things are at present managed, if he determines to do so, he may save all his time and trouble by not attempting to be elected. For it is tolerably certain that the seat will go to one or other of gentlemen who employ agents and canvassers, and open local committee-rooms. In a Metropolitan Borough this kind of machinery, even for an unsuccessful candidate, may entail an outlay of some thousands of pounds—say 5000/. Unquestionably, this expenditure ought not to be incurred at all; but if it be incurred, it ought at least not to fall upon the can- didate. Its first effect is to exclude persons who would be very fit to be Members. A man may be independent in his livelihood, and not compelled to seek the favour of any Minister, and yet not in such circumstances to lay out 5000/. on the chance of election. The present system says to the public-spirited man, You shall not be a candidate unless you can combine a certain degree of ability with popular opinions and the power of expending 5000/. on a venture. We talk about " the right man in the right place," but here we lay a fine upon the right man, and keep him out of the place.

If the candidate succeeds, it necessarily imparts to his tenure the character of purchase. He has paid for his place ; and al- though he may not say that he can "do what he likes with his own," he must have very much that sort of feeling. Some of his most popular supporters, the spokesmen of the constituency, have received his money, and are prepared to repeat the transaction at some future period on the same terms. In fact, they hope they may not lose his custom ; and a Member who patronizes licensed victuallers will feel that he has as good a licence as any of them.

It is quite proper that the candidate should be brought before the electors—that he should have opportunities of speaking to his friends and to the constituency at large. For purposes of such conferences local public buildings should be available. If the con- stituents of Southwark, for example, have no place in which can- didates can meet their friends in the first instance, and the whole body of the constituents and each other ultimately, the expense of providing enclosures for the purpose ought to fall upon the con- stituency, or more properly perhaps upon the locality. It would be a cheaper plan in the end. Five thousand pounds on both sides at each election is a kind of interest that represents a very large capital—a capital quite sufficient to build, open, and maintain a forum for conferences between candidates and electors.

Here, then, is the commencement of administrative reform—an administration of local funds such as will furnish constituencies with the means of introducing candidates and electors to each other, and will save the representation from a system which ren- ders the seat virtually purchaseable, while it precludes men who are too poor or too pure to enter into the disgusting market of an election-agency.