THE MAGAZINES.

LORD MILNER'S paper on "The Value of Canadian Pre- ference" in the Nineteenth Century is an answer to an article in the July Edinburgh Review. The object of the Reviewer was to show that the preference accorded in the Canadian tariff to goads of British origin was of little or no value. Lord Milner pronounces this statement to be absolutely misleading, and adduces facts and figures to show that the date of the grant of preference marks a clear turning-point in the com- petition between the United Kingdom and all foreign countries. "Where, before preference, we were decidedly losing * d Territorial Army in Being Practical Studies of the Swiss Militia, by Lieut.-Colonel DelmS-Radcliffe, C.M.G. p.&c. ; and of the Norwegian Militia. by J. W. Lewis, late 19th Hussars. With a Preface by Field-Marshal Earl Roberts. London : John Murray. Ira. net in paper cover ; 2a. 6d. se in cloth binding, with Illustrations.]

ground we have, since preference, been as decidedly gaining it." Lord Milner writes with moderation, and at the close of his article makes some important reservations :—

"I maintain that experience in the case of Canada shows—and this experience is not confined to Canada—that preference is capable of effecting what I claim for it. When British goods are competing with foreign goods in any part of the Empire on more or less equal terms even a moderate preference on British goods will turn the scale in their favour. Where they are competing at a slight but decided disadvantage preference can neutralise that disadvantage. But where the disadvantage is very great, owing to distance or other natural causes of a preponderating character, or even to the settled habits or customs of the importing com- munity, no preference that I either expect or desire to see imposed can wholly counteract that disadvantage, though it may certainly mitigate it. In other words, preference cannot work miracles. But it can and does exercise so great an influence on the course of trade that it is well worth making some effort, and even some sacrifice, in order to maintain and extend it. I think the time has come when all fair-minded Free Importers may be reasonably asked to admit this, as some of them, including the present Chancellor of the Exchequer, have admitted it."

There is another side to the question on which Lord Milner does not touch at all,—the attitude of the Canadian manufacturer. The most damaging commentary on his article is to be found in the recent speech of Sir Wilfrid Laurier to a deputation

of the Canadian Manufacturers' Association.—Of the strictly topical articles, we may specially single out that of Mr. Theodore Morison, late Principal of the Mohammedan College at Aligarh. He answers the question, " Can Islam be Reformed," in the affirmative, thus differing entirely from Lord Cromer, whose assertion that "Islam reformed is Islam no longer " be pronounces to be a generalisation in flagrant defiance of the facts. This view he bases not merely on the multiplication of new sects, but on the spread of liberal opinions amongst orthodox as well as Europeanised Moslems.

But while refusing to accept Lord Cromer's dictum that Islamism as a social system is moribund, be fears that many obstacles will be found in the path of political reconstruction, all Mohammedan countries having hitherto been governed despotically.—In this context it is interesting to read the reminiscences of Turkey in 1876 contributed by Miss Gertrude Elliot, the daughter of our then Ambassador.

We have only space to note two points,—the writer's reiterated conviction that Abd-ul-Aziz was not murdered, but committed suicide, and her assertion that, owing to the hostile attitude assumed by Europe towards the Turkish reformers, it became possible for the Sultan to banish Midhat Pasha and his principal followers, and to recover unchecked the whole of his despotic power.

—Sir Harry Johnston sends a long and interesting paper on the East African problem, in which he outlines a scheme for filling up East Africa—or, to be more precise, the unoccupied balance of thirty thousand square miles of land with a temperate, healthy climate and without native owners in the Ukamba, Naivasha, Kenya, and Kisumu provinces—

with white assisted settlers drawn from the ranks of the bondlule unemployed. We note with much satisfaction Sir Harry Johnston's vigorous condemnation of the "noxious idea that the white man is always to be foreman and never to be labourer," on the ground that it "lowers his prestige" in the eyes of the "natives" if he is seen working with his bands.

This, " together with whisky, is sapping the foundations of the British Empire, and must be eradicated." Incidentally Sir Harry Johnston pays a generous tribute to the splendid and honourable achievements of Joseph Thomson, and expresses his surprise that there should be no statue or memorial to him anywhere on the map of the vast protectorate which arose from his pioneer journeys in 1882 84.—Mr. Sidney Garfield Morris's " Appreciation " of Prince Billow -is an astonishing exercise in the art of panegyric. "Dauntless courage," " superb power as a leader of men," "magic charm of sincerity and singleness of heart," "gracious, kindly, chivalrous nature,"—these are only a few of the flowers of eulogy heaped on the head of the Chancellor. The explanation of the "imperturbable, almost cynical, attitude " assumed by him in public is worth quoting.

" With most people the outside veneer disguises the commoner material underneath, but with Bernhard von Billow it is the

exact opposite—the veneer is assumed in order to hide the beauty of that which underlies it."

The article on "The Key of European Peace" in the National Review deals with "the final disillusionment of the British pacifists" by Prince Billow, and as an exposition of extreme Tentophobia forms a diverting contrast to the fulsome panegyric of the German Chancellor in the Nineteenth Century. The writer in the National declares that "it is known to those who have their hands on national secrets that the German diplomatic circular to the Powers is already drafted, announcing that Germany has delivered her attack upon England unexpectedly and in time of peace, because a responsible officer at the British Admiralty had intimated to all and sundry on innumerable occasions that England would deliver such an attack upon the German Navy, and supporting the statement by the evidence of diplomatists and parties whose word cannot be hastily rejected." If there is real Warrant for such a statement, it is, of course, most important. If, however, the grounds for making it are not beyond all suspicion, then the editor has done more harm than good by publishing it. His responsibility in the matter is clearly very great. The writer further charges the British Cabinet with spreading abroad the idea that it is meditating a great loan for the purpose of strengthening the Navy, " whereas the truth is that it intends no heroic measures, and will be content to let things slide and brink in a naval programme next year which will only add to existing dangers." It is right to add that, by way of antidote, the editor inserts a paper, " Towards an Imperial Policy," in which the writer, Mr. W. M. Childs, frankly admits that belief in the Empire is, fortunately, not restricted to any one political party, and that the advocates of peace at any price are a minute minority, adding that the Imperialist group, members of which are strongly entrenched in the present Administration, owe their position chiefly to the fact that on the vital questions of external policy and Imperial defence they have hitherto commanded the confidence of the nation.—Lord Lamington in " A Plea for the Improvement of Public-Houses" explains the provisions of the Public- Houses (Extension of Facilities) Bill which has been intro- duced into the House of Lords. The aim of that measure is to raise British public-houses to the level of French cafés or German beerhouses, by encouraging them to supply non-alcoholic refreshment and food, and enabling them to improve their accommodation and introduce games, music, and any other means of reasonable recreation.

Mr. H. de F. Montgomery's paper on " The Purchase Problem in Ireland" is well worth reading, though it bristles with technicalities. He holds that the limitations imposed in the terms of reference of the Runciman Committee sterilised its labours. Yet there seemed to be a basis for co-operation between landlords and tenants on the main lines of Nationalist criticism until the recent obstructive action of the National Directory. He notes, however, that in spite of the alleged unanimity of the Directory, there are signs of considerable divergence of opinion amongst Nationalists on the subject. —Mr. Austin Dobson contributes a charming study of "The Unparalleled Peiresc," that remarkable Frenchman, the friend of Galileo, Camden, Grotius, Scaliger, and Rubens, "who seems to have been at once, in himself, a seventeenth- century 'Literary Fund,' a Society of Authors,' and a walking Notes and Queries" ; who laboured all his life at his noble trade of assisting learned men; and whose best epitaph is to be found in the words of his biographer : "His utmost end being publick profit, be thought it mattered not whether he or some other had the glory, provided that what was for the good of the Common-wealth of Learning, might be published."—The account of "Country-House Visiting" given by "A Guest" is a truly amazing chronicle of the sense- less and dreary extravagances of the week-end pleasure-hunters. —We regret to note in the editorial "Episodes of the Month" an attack—not the first—on the Congo Reform Association, as "an active coterie of professional humanitarians" whom the editor does not hesitate to describe as " mischievous, because ignorant and irresponsible, agitators." That is a most ridiculous description of a body composed of able and public-spirited men. Hardly less regrettable is the ungenerous reference to the excellent letter of Professor Westlake, on behalf of the Balkan Committee, acknowledging the modera- tion and good feeling of the Young Turks.

In the new Contemporary Mr. Harold Spender discusses the relations of Great Britain and Germany moderately enough, taking for his text Herr Bebel's assertion that preparations for war are carried on with such vehemence and on such a scale that they are provoking the catastrophe they are meant to prevent. Mr. Spender has no special panacea to cure the evil of mutual suspicion. But he lays stress on the need of

frank discussion. " No friendly feeling will ever come into being between England and Germany until they begin to

understand one another's aims At present the

strangest legends bold the field on both sides If Great Britain misunderstands Germany, it is scarcely less true that Germany misunderstands Great Britain." The only remedy, in the writer's opinion, is to show that we are as ready for a fair understanding, on terms honourable to both, with Germany as with any other of the Powers with whom we have made these Conventions. It is not enough to be conscious of our good intentions. We have to prove them to our neighbours, and we can only dispel Germany's belief in our isolating policy by giving her " the conclusive reply of showing ourselves willing to include her in the network and to crown

all the good work of the last ten years by an understanding that includes her." If it is impossible to base this under- standing on a mutual abatement of the burden of armaments, Mr. Spender points to the pacific results of Cobden's Com- mercial Treaty with France as affording a fruitful precedent for a similar rapprochement with Germany.—Mr. Laurence Jerrold writes on the "slump " in French Socialism. His analysis of the situation is briefly this : that Socialism entered into practical politics under the leadership of M. Jaures in the Premiership of M. Combes, but that the very fact that he did lead excited the jealousy of his party, which " unified" itself and him off the face of the earth of practical Parlia- mentary politics. Relentlessly pinned down to realities by

M. Clemenceau, M. Jaures has "faded away into shadowland," and the country is " beginning again to look upon Socialism as a dream after thinking it a live power."—Mr. John H Humphreys gives an extremely interesting account of the working of proportional representation in Belgium. Much of the article deals with technical details ; it is enough for our present purpose to summarise some of Mr. Humphreys's

conclusions. The system has now been tested in five Parlia- mentary Elections, and, as the result of conversations with the Catholic, Liberal, and Socialist leaders, Mr. Humphreys declares that there is no party in Belgium which desires to return to the former electoral system, while there is general dissatisfaction with the results of the elections for the Provin- cial Councils, which are conducted on the majority system plus second ballots. The special bearing of the Belgian

system on British politics is illustrated in the following significant passage :-

"In England the advocates of Tariff Reform have made it their first duty to exclude Free Traders from the Unionist Party, and the latter have had the alternative placed before them of sub- mitting to the opinions of the majority or of retiring from all active participation in public life. In Belgium proportional representation has induced parties, while adhering to their funda- mental principles, to make their lists of candidates as inclusive as possible, and that presented by the Catholics at Ghent contained not only a free trader and a protectionist, but representatives of different classes of interests within the constituency—of agriculture, of landed proprietors, of workmen and of masters of industry."

—We may also note Dr. Archdall Reid's able and closely

reasoned statement of the grounds of his dissent from the Lamarckian hypothesis of the transmission of acquired characters, recently revived by Mr. Francis Darwin ; Dr.

Elizabeth Sloan Chesser's eloquent plea for the reform of our methods of treating women prisoners on the lines of the Elmira system ; and Miss Olive Birrell's sympathetic study of the early days of Joseph Blanco White.

The -Fortnighly Review contains a very interesting account of the state of Constantinople at the time of the declaration of the Constitution. Professor Margoliouth, the writer, was an eyewitness of the events he describes, and his knowledge of the East gives to his descriptions a value beyond those" of the mere onlooker. We are told that two rumours which became popular beliefs were current in Constantinople. " One was that the Constitution was the gift of the English nation.

Another was that the Sultan bad relied for the maintenance of his absolutism on the ruler of another

European country." A dancing Dervish asked Professor Margolioutb, " What is liberty ? " and was told, " It means not to be afraid." An Armenian who was congratulated on the

course events had taken replied that what the Sultan bad given the Sultan could take away. But, "on the whole, the

older and more sober members of both native and foreign communities seemed to be the most firmly convinced that the Conifitution had come to stay." It appears, however, that some natives and foreigners had hoped that the troubles of Macedonia would lead to an English occupation on Egyptian lines. These felt that the Constitution made such an event impossible. We are told that the newspapers displayed not only ability but earnestness and sobriety, and the eulogy of the editor of the Gazette passed upon himself and his colleagues is assented to.—Captain Percy Creed paints a lurid picture of the agitation now going on in Ireland in connexion with the grazing lands. The " ferocity " of the crowd and " insanity" of a speaker at an open-air meeting are described. One of the local Members of Parliament and Chairman of the County Council also spoke. He was as moderate as he dared to be, but had to keep his audience in good temper. This he did by abuse of the Saxon, and by feeding his listeners upon such stuff as stories of the whole of the British army in South Africa having been captured, and how England had "treacherously" made peace with the Boers. Such oratory, the writer says, means nothing; " the audience on such occasions merely wishes to have its ears pleasantly tickled by a voluble discourse." What can be hoped of a people who thus debauch themselves with rhetoric P We may further ask,—Who are the people who will suffer by the attack on this particular ranch ? The answer is that those who send their cattle there are the small farmers with surplus stock, which represents their savings. " Another class of client of the ranch is composed of labourers, postmen, servant-boys on farms, and shop-boys, who leave their savings on deposit in the banks in the winter and invest them in live stock in the summer."—" Excubitor " calculates what it will cost us to keep our Navy ahead of the German programme. He con- siders both the two-to-one and the three-to-two standards. For the first eighty-one, and for the second sixty, millions would be required to be expended during six years. Thus when the present German programme is finished we should still be ahead, with the hope that armaments might then rest for a while.— Mr. Inglis's paper, " The State versus the Home," is full of matter for thought. It deals with problems of public and private philanthropy. Mr. Inglis shows how easy we make it, by the aid of institutions, for parents to rid themselves of the care of their children. Often it seems imperative to interfere for the sake of the children ; but the point of the writer of the article is that in a great number of cases the help ought to be given in such a way that it may be made possible for them to be kept at home and yet properly cared for. A bad parent should not be able to feel that neglect will rid him of his children, but, rather, that help will only be given if he tries to do his best. The writer insists on the utmost importance of keeping up the home. No institution, however well managed, can be so good a preparation for life for children. Mr. Inglis points out how much money is now wasted in imperfect relief, and by the want of co-operation between public and private enterprise. He believes that great good would arise from the formation of an intelligence department to deal with all matters relating to children. There the effects of different lines of action could be studied and reported on. The whole paper is worthy of close attention, founded as it is on the sound principle of trying to direct State and private philanthropic efforts towards the maintenance of the home.

Professor Oman edits in Blackwood a manuscript found among the papers of Sir James Stevenson Barns, one of Wellington's Peninsular Brigadiers. Internal evidence shows that the author of the paper was Major William Brooke, of the 2nd Battalion of the 48th Foot. „Major Brooke was taken prisoner by the Polish Lancers early in the day at Albnera, and he has left a narrative of his adventures, including his imprisonment at Seville and his escape. The treatment meted out to the English prisoners was not good ; the starvation, though, was perhaps inevitable, as the French column was retreating hastily, and had nothing but what it could find on the road. Major Brooke was severely wounded, and suffered a great deal on the march. Some of his wounds were owing to the treatment he received at the hands of a Polish Lancer after he was a prisoner. From Spaniards the Englishman received great kindness. Once when staying for the night at a house a party of ladies of rank arrived bringing with them a surgeon and food and wine. They had heard that a wounded English officer was a prisoner with . the French troops. Equally kind, were, the peasants who had suffered so terribly by the war.- Indeed, we get glimpses of horrors reminding us of the- ghastly etchings of Goya. The narrative tells how its writer was put into the prison of the Inquisition at Seville by the- order of Soult. He escaped by the help of a chivalroua Spaniard who had seen the prisoner sitting at the barred window, and who determined to help him. Major Brooke ultimately reached the English army in Portugal, but the- severity of his wounds caused him to be sent home at once.—An unsigned article discusses the tendency of the speakers and writers of the nineteenth century to assume what the author calls the "apocalyptic style." None have offended in this way more than politicians and journalists, for, as the- writer points out, it is much- easier for imperfectly educated but earnest people to fulminate and prophesy than to argue- No subject has been more defaced by these exaggera- tions of righteous indignation than that of patriotism.. Because two people hold different views on national defence- neither is justified in calling the other unpatriotic, "and to- scatter that charge lavishly is to weaken one of the most appalling terms of condemnation in the language."— From this sober-minded and sensible article it is not - unentertaining to pass to "Musings without Method," and cull a few flowers of apocalyptic rhetoric. We find the- writer of these vivacious pages insisting that the " whole, design and purpose of modern life" is " to pamper the, degenerate and to preserve the unfit." Also we read. that " the politician who would destroy the decent fabric- of society merely to collect votes is base beyond the- expression of human speech. For an immediate and paltry- advantage to himself be destroys the security of his. country." Again, we are told that the purpose of the- legislators of to-day " is to encourage the wastrels, because.- they are numerically superior, and therefore seem to be better- worth attaching than the thrifty and industrious." Many of- the arguments are worthy of consideration, although they- are expressed in so fine an "apocalyptic style."

The United Service Magazine for October contains some- notes on the construction of the Hedjaz Railway, abridged from the German of Ardor Pasha. Among the most interesting facts therein are those which have regard to the difficulty of the fuel-supply. It is stated, however, that last year a . big coalfield was located in the Habiba Valley, some ten- miles from Haifa. —An important piece of history is the- article entitled " The Waterloo Campaign, 1815," which is a . translation of extracts from the military commentaries written., by Napoleon at St. Helena.—A curious and useful article in the same number is "A Rough British Military Summary by an Indian Army officer. The writer tells us that it is, a common custom in America to put a box up at one or more of the principal entrances to a factory, with a. . notice on it stating that any employee in the business is invited to write out and put into this box any suggestions for improvement in the working arrangements or in the article - turned out, both as to quality and quantity. All suggestions.- will, it is added, be regarded as strictly confidential. Accord- - ingly the writer in question makes a series of suggestions as-- to the article turned out by the British Army. Some of them • are exceedingly sound, and they are all very specific, as, for example, methods of getting greater mobility for infantry, including one that they should be trained to the jog-trot like- the Italian bersaglieri.