10 SEPTEMBER 1853, Page 14

BOOKS.

CALLERY'S AND YVAN'S INSURRECTION IN CHINA' THE French compilers of this history of the rebellion in China are

both practically acquainted with the language and the people of the "Flowery Land." M. Callery, formerly a missionary, and afterwards interpreter to the French Embassy in China, is the author of several works on the Chinese language. Dr. Yvan was physician to the same Embassy in China, and he has published a narrative of travels in various countries. The actual knowledge of the Chinese which their experience has given them is shown throughout their work. The history is not a mere well-digested account deduced from the archives of the Embassies and the Anglo-Chinese journals—if indeed the latter do not form a part of those archives. Their narrative is animated by traits of Chinese manners, opinions, and ideas, as well as by lively reminiscences of the country and some of the actors with whom the authors were personally acquainted ; occasionally some sly hits at French opin- ions compared with Chinese give point and pleasantry to the story. This mode of composition may interrupt the continuous march of the narrative, and somewhat lower the " dignity " of history, but it adds to the attraction of the work and the amusement of the reader.

The labours of the French authors come down to last April.

The translator, Mr. Oxenford, has added a supplementary chapter, continuing the story to the date of publication, with the advantage of Sir George Bonham's late official communications. Read after the perusal of MM. Callery and Yvan's history, it seems to throw a clearer and more specific light upon the subject than their longer narrative ; but to appreciate the information of the appendix, you must have groped your way through the imperfect information at the disposal of the French authors. The supplement of Mr. Oxen- ford is less vivacious than tile narrative it follows, but the informa- tion is more precise, and apparently less coloured by the medium through which it has passed.

The impossibility of sending "our own correspondent" to the seat of war, and the equal impossibility of relying upon the official accounts of the Court of Pekin, render the details of the rebellion, or even of single events, very obscure. The broad outline of the facts is plain enough. The province of Kouang-Si lies to the West of that province whose capital is Canton. Kouang-Si is mountainous, rugged, and barren ; its inhabitants poor, but hardy and warlike. The remoter parts of the province are occupied by a race called Miao-tze, whom the Tartar dynasty has never been

able to subdue, and who seem to bear some resemblance to the Highlanders of Scotland before they were finally reduced and broken after the battle of Culloden. In this province, shortly be- fore the year 1850, an insurrection took place, which at first was represented by the authorities, and probably believed by them, to be one of those frequent disturbances raised by so-called "robbers" on shore, as at sea the "pirates" were in the habit of defying the Government authorities. The first attempts to subdue the insur- rection failed ; and, what was of much more consequence, the suc- cess of the rebels was accompanied by a thorough and systematic organization of the rebel army according to Chinese principles, and the announcement of a purpose much larger and more defi- nite than any personal or local object. The announced design, in fact, was an entire political and religious reform of China. The fundamental mode of effecting this reform was the expulsion of the present Tartar dynasty, and the reestablishment of the Chinese dynasty of Mings upon the throne. A descendant of this race, named Tien-te—" Celestial Virtue "—the insurgents professed to have with them ; and they not only proclaimed his sovereign rights, but clothed him in yellow, the symbol of imperial authority. It is affirmed that they propose a species of federation, by which certain generals of the rebel army should be- come kings over certain provinces, the different kingdoms yielding a federate obedience to the "Son of Heaven." It is also said that the religious reform was to commence by the destruction of exist- ing temples, as well as of their priests and priestesses. Docu- mentary evidence is adduced on both these points, but not of a very conclusive kind. The evidence respecting the religious re- form seems the most copious; the scheme of federation the most probable. Unless the military chiefs are the instruments of the rarely visible representative of the Mings,—which does not seem so probable as that Tien-te has died during the progress of the war,— they would be able to retain the substantial power and profit for themselves, while they elevated their tool into the dignity of a

Grand Lama.

To see events in their causes, and to have the courage to decide

upon a course which to the world at large appears premature or needless, is one of the rarest political faculties, as we may observe by looking round us. No blame can attach to the young Em- peror, Hien-foung—" Complete Abundance "—or perhaps to .his officers, for not seeing "the future in the instant," and throwing all the disposable force of the empire at once into the rebellious province. The immense extent of China, the wretched military organization, and the general corruption of the Mandarins high and low, might render such a measure impossible ; or if practicable, it might have been useless from the inefficiency of the soldiers. The course actually adopted was to feed the insurrection, by despatch- • History of the Insurrection in China ; with Notices of the Christianity, Creed, and Proclamations of the Insurgents. By MM. Callery and YVall. Translated from the French, with a Supplementary Chapter, narrating the most recent Events, by John Oxenford. With a fac-simile of a Chinese Map of the Conroe of the Insurrection, and a Portrait of Tien-te, its Chief. Published by Smith and Elder. jug against it bodies of troops which though now and then success- ful were generally defeated. The result of this policy on the part of the Imperialists was the execution of the unfortunate generals, and the exhaustion of the Imperial finances. In the autumn of 1852, the Finance Minister reported the treasury empty, and various schemes were promulgated for raising money, including man them the sale of offices and honours. In March 1853, the rebel array had occupied Nankin, the ancient capital of the empire, the chief town of its richest province, and commanding the inland navigation which supplies with food the Tartar capital, Pekin, and the Northern provinces of the empire. When in the hands of the British, the old Emperor was soon compelled to sue for peace ; our authors speculate upon the possession by the rebels not being so strategically effective, and that Nankin and some other towns may turn out a Chinese Capua. "It must be owned, however, that a Chinese army is much less formi- dable to native soldiers" than an European one, and that under present cir- cumstances they have to deal with enemies whom they can fight with equal arms. Moreover, the insurgents have now not only the Imperial tigers to dread, but they have a still more implacable foe in the atmosphere which they breathe. Our European arms triumph over everything, even the de- lights of Capua; but these hordes, picked up at haphazard on a march more than 300 leagues in length, cannot feel the same sentiments of duty. These men, recruited among the inflammable populations of the Kouang-Toung, the Kouang-Si, and the Flou-Kouang, and joined by thousands of semi- savage Miao-tze, excited by privations and trained to cupidity, will not be able to struggle against the seducing dangers that encompass them. The severe discipline which the united kings have imposed upon their troops has triumphed over the cunning of Siu and the valour of Ou-lan-tai ; but it will, perhaps, prove impotent against the delights of the Kiang-Nan. * *

"According to the estimation of a Chinese, nothing is beautiful, nothing is good, nothing is graceful, elegant, or tasteful, but what comes from Nan- kin or from Sou-Tcheou-Fou. Being essentially a people of routine, we French have only one city which gives the tone and sets the fashion ; the Chinese have two. The fashionables ' of the Celestial empire are divided into schools, one of which belongs to Nankin, the other to Sou-Tcheou-Fou, and we know not which of the two rivals is triumphant. As for Pekin, the city of the Government, it has no voice whatever in matters of taste and pleasure, but merely enjoys a monopoly of ennui. Nankin is the residence of the literati, the men of science, the dancers, the painters the antiquaries,

the jugglers, the physicians, the poets, and the courtesans of celebrity. * "The idle rich of every part of the empire go alternately to Sou-Tcheou- Fou and Nankin. In these two cities they pass their days in the ateliers of painters, or the closets of savants, who, like us, are possessed with a mania for gossiping ; go to applaud the actors of renown, and wind up the evening in the company of poets and courtesans. The Kiang-Nan is to a certain ex- tent the Italy of China, where the great business of life is love and poetry. Parents bring up their daughters to profit by their charms. Sometimes they sell them to rich mandarins ; sometimes they turn them loose into the world, with their pretty faces and their talents, through which they become nearly the gayest women in the empire, always followed by a troop of lovers with full purses. The women of Kankin are not only the handsomest, but also the most elegant women in China."

The military principle by which success was attained on the part of the rebels was more reckless than that which govern- ed the French armies of the Empire. Not only had they, so to speak, no base of operations for supplies and so forth, but if they could not capture a strong town on the line of their advance, they left it and passed on. The circumstances which made such a proceeding safe, and so far politic, were the indifference of the people, which renders the authorities isolated in times of danger, and the wretched state of the Imperial armies. The rebels appear, however, to have acted on calculation, apart from the justi- fication furnished by success : they seem not to have left a dis- trict behind till they had defeated the Imperial forces in the field, and expelled them unless from some very strong places. Their route is difficult to describe without a map ; but its nature will be sufficiently apprehended if the old doggrel be supposed true-

" Lincoln was, London is, and York shall be,

The greatest city of the three."

A rebel army in the West of England, leaving the sea-ports on its right, and marching direct upon Lincoln with a view to operate upon York, or to Frighten the Court there into abdication, will convey an idea of the plan and route adopted by the Chinese rebel chiefs.

Whatever may be the real objects of the chiefs, or the motives of their followers,—if many of these last have other motives than "necessity of present life," and the hope of bettering their condi- tion,—a national reform, or rather restoration, is the first avowed end of their revolt. China versus Tartary, the Rings dynasty against the Tsings dynasty, is the question to be tried. So strongly is this the case, that the rebels run counter to the existing customs of the people. The tail (of hair) is of Tartar origin : the rebels cut it off, wearing their hair naturally and rather long,—a return, it is said, to a Ming custom. Tartar usage forbids subjects to copy the features of their sovereign : Tien-td issued a portrait of him- self. A challenge is unknown to the Chinese : but Tch-ou-lou-tao, a rebel chief, unable to draw Siu, the Viceroy of Canton, from his position, sent him this epistle.

" 'Having learned that your Excellency has brought troops hither to sub- due and exterminate us, I want to know how you will escape the fate which awaits you ? You are afraid to fight with us. You are evidently without strength or courage; for having ranged your troops in order of battle, you are overcome with fear and confusion just when an engagement ought to i begin. If you really have confidence n your strength and your resources, and in spite of your absolute weakness think you can support a contest, ap- point some near day that we may at once decide by single combat which of us is to yield, and which to triumph, and thus save from certain and general destruction those unfortunate soldiers whom you are slaughtering in detail.' "On receiving this challenge, which was contrary to all the usages of a country where the great point is to live as long and take as much care of oneself as possible, Sin flew even into a more violent passion than when he read that famous placard which set a price upon his head. Under the in- fluence of extreme excitement, he went beyond the limits of his ordinary pru- dence, and even beyond the ramparts of the city. Seated in his palanquin, he put himself at the head of his troops, and performed a whole day's march. However, at the distance of a few Us from Chao-King, the Viceroy, taking a hint from the heat of the weather—it 0/88 the month of August—resolved to finish his military display with a return to the city. Thus ended the first campaign of Siu against the rebels."

Social reform and religions enlightenment, or even, as some fan- cy, the establishment of Protestant Christianity, are questions on which a good deal of obscurity rests. That kuropean ideas are jumbled with native opinions in the minds of the rebel leaders, is clear enough; in fact, the challenge to personal combat seems an instance. That these notions have diffused much enlightenment or liberality, is disproved by the fact that the old Celestial concert of the preeminence of the Flowery Land, and contempt of "outer barbarians," are visible even while acknowledging a sort of re- ligious community or equality. The principal leaders wrote in the following terms to Sir George Bonham. "But now that you distant English have not deemed myriads of Miles too far to come,' and acknowledge our sovereignty, not only are the soldiers and officers of our Celestial dynasty delighted and gratified thereby, but even in high heaven itself our Celestial Father and Elder Brother will also admire this manifestation of your fidelity and truth. We, therefore, Wile this special decree, permitting you, the English chief, to lead your brethren out or in, backwards or forwards, in full accordance with your own will or wish, whether to aid us in exterminating our impish foes, or to carry on your commercial operations as usual; and it is our earnest hope that you will with us, earn the merit of diligently serving our royal master, and, with us, recompense the goodness of the Father of Spirits."

That men of considerable influence among the rebels have some acquaintance with Scripture history, as well as with some leading doctrines, is evident. The communication to Sir George Bonham contains a brief recital of the Mosaic account of the creation and a reference to the expiation of Jesus Christ. A pamphlet has also been published on the rebel side, but not apparently by authority, which contains a kind of summary of the leading points of the OM and New Testament, mixed up with ideas which are either drawn from Paganism or a Romanism perverted by a Pagan mind. The religious dogmas are also combined with references to Chinese his- tory, somewhat after the fashion of what are called "judgments." How little of Protestant or even of Romish doctrine is contained in the very curious tract which Mr. Oxenford has published at length, may be seen from a verbatim reprint in another part of the paper.

The interview which Mr. Meadows, the interpreter, had with two of their chieftains at Nankin, shows, indeed, that they have strong religions feelings, with the ancient crusading idea that men holding the same belief are friends.

To all this the Northern Prince listened, but made little or no rejoin- der ; the conversation:, in so far as directed by him, consisting mainly of in- quiries as to our religious beliefs, and expositions of their own. He stated, that as children and worshipers of one God we were all brethren ; and after receiving my assurance that such had long been our view also, inquired if I knew the 'Heavenly Rules' (Teen teaon). I replied, that I was most likely acquainted with them, though unable to recognize them under that name; and, after a moment's thought, asked if they were ten in number. He answered eagerly in the affirmative. I then began repeating the substance of the first of the Ten Commandments; but I had not proceeded far before he laid his hand on my shoulder in a friendly way, and exclaimed, The same as ourselves ! the same as ourselves!' while the simply observant expression on the face of his companion disappeared before one of satisfaction, as the two exchanged glances. He then stated, with reference to my previous in- quiry as to their feelings and intentions towards the British, that not merely might peace exist between us, but that we might be intiruitu friends."

An agreement with a part or the whole of the Ten Command- ments, however, goes but a little way towards Christianity. A Mahometan would agree with the whole, so might a reformed Bndhist.

Messrs. Callery and Yvan seem inclined to attribute a good deal of the motive power of the insurrection to a secret society founded by Gutzlaff, which was secret only because it was not safe to pro- fess Christianity openly. The real causes of the rebellion are much older, wider, and deeper. They were founded in the imper- fect conquest of the Tartars, and the fact that the ruling race haa not amalgamated with the people. It was owing to the existence of an immense bureaucracy that the Tartar dynasty established their rule, almost as readily as we have lately seen done in France on several occasions, with the additional item of insecurity that the Chinese rulers were foreigners. If we knew more of China, we should probably learn that many remote and inaccessible places only yielded a nominal submission to the Tartar Government. It is highly probable that from the time of the Tartar accession, two centuries ago, secret societies to restore the Mings have ex- isted. The objects and morality of these societies appear to have been misrepresented. At the commencement of this cen- tury, extensive seizures and executions took place ; the Mandarins boasting they had extinguished them. But when Sir John Davis first wrote, some twenty years ago, they were in full vigour, not only in China, but wherever Chinamen congregated, as at Singa- pore and Batavia. The corruption of the Government, and the exhaustion of vitality in the bureaucracy—the exposure of weak- ness in the English war—the democratic meetings and itinerant orators, like the proceedings in Revolutionary France which the Government encouraged to stimulate the populace against the in- vaders—together with the exhaustion of the finances—all com- bined to offer a favourable opportunity for revolt. Corruption in the examination of men of letters—" candidates" for public office— formerly so impartial, threw both civil and military ability on the side of the rebels. The fact is advanced as a grievance in one of the insurgent proclamations—" Those who study the works of Confucius and Mencius rarely attain official dig- nities by their examinations, while those who bring forward

pecnniary arguments get the highest posts." If our authors have not sacrificed truth to the love of a theory, the immediate cause of the success of the rebellion was that from whose evils few countries in Europe have escaped—an effete and obstinate con- servatism. The late Emperor, when thoroughly beaten, opened his eyes to the reality of the case, and had sense enough to "accept the situation." He continued in office Keying, the man who had negotiated the last treaty and made the strongest impression upon the English for his honesty and sagacity. The young Emperor, on his accession, maintained a long reserve, either meditating or intriguing within the walls of his palace. At last he published a sort of manifesto in the Pekin Gazette, announcing the removal of the two principal Ministers and his own reactionary policy.

"'To employ men of merit, and to remove the unworthy, is the first duty of a sovereign ; for if any indulgence is shown to the unworthy, the govern- ment loses all its power. "'The injuries done to the empire by some of its functionaries have now reached their utmost limit. The government is everywhere on the decline; the people are in a state of general demoralization ; and the burden of all these calamities falls upon me. Nevertheless, it was the duty of my Minis- ters to propose good measures to reform abuses, and to render me such daily assistance as might keep me in the right direction: " Mou-tchang-ha, as first Minister of the Cabinet, has enjoyed the confi- dence of several Emperors ; but he has taken no account of the difficulties of his office, or of his obligation to identify himself with the virtue and good counsels of his sovereign. On the contrary, while he has maintained his position and the credit which pertains to it, he has, to the great detriment of the empire, kept men of real merit out of office; and while, to deceive me, he has put on an outward show of devotion and fidelity, he has only em- ployed his talents in dexterously trying to make my views accord with his own.

"One of the acts which most kindled indignation was his removal from office of those men who had not the same political opinions with himself, at the time when the question concerning the barbarians was under considera- tion. For with regard to Ta-houng-ha and Yao-joung, whose extreme fide- lity and energy offended him, he never rested till he had overthrown them ; while with respect to Ki-in, [Key-jag,) a shameless man, who is dead to all virtue, and whom he hoped to have for an accomplice in his iniquities, he was not satisfied till he had raised him to the highest dignity. There are numberless examples of the same kind to show that he constantly made use of the favour he enjoyed to extend the measure of his power.

" The last Emperor was too honest and too just himself to suspect men of perfidy, and on this mount Mou-tchang-ha has been allowed to go on fear- lessly and without hinderance in his evil courses. If all his treason had once, been brought to light, there is no doubt that he would have suffered a severe punishment, and that not the slightest mercy would have been ex- tended to him. However, his audacity was increased by his impunity, and the continuation of the imperial favour; and even unto this day his conduct has been unchanged.

"At the beginning of our reign, whenever we had occasion to ask his ad- vice, he either gave it in equivocal terms or was silent. A few months after- wards, he had recourse to stratagem. When the vessel of the English bar- barians arrived at Tien-sin, he conspired with his confident Ki-in to make his own policy prevail, and to expose the people of the empire to the return of past calamities. We cannot depict all the dangers which were hidden in his schemes.

"As for Ki-in, his anti-national 'propensities, his cowardice' and his in-

capacity, are beyond expression. he was at Canton he did nothing but oppress the people in order to please the barbarians, to the great detri- ment of the state. Was not this clearly shown in the discussion respecting the entrance of the Europeans into the official city ? * * *

"Often in the course of the present year' when he has been called before us, he has, while speaking of the English barbarians, endeavoured to per- suade us how greatly they were to be feared, and how necessary it would be _ to mmerto a speedy knderstanding with them, if any difference arose. He --"tiikiglat that we did not know his treason, and that he could easily deceive us ; but the more he deolaimed the more evident did his depravity become, and his discourse was no more in our ears than the barking of a mad dog. He even ceased to be an object of commiseration. "The manoeuvres of Mou-tchang.-ha were veiled and hard to detect, while those of Ki-in were palpable and visible to all the world; but with respect to the mischief they might have done to the empire, the guilt of both these persons was equal. If we do not proceed against them with all the severity of the law, how are we to show our respect for the institutions of the empire? how will our example strengthen the people in sentiments of rectitude ? '

An opinion seems to be entertained by some, that a political re- form and a triumph of Christianity are about to occur in China. If there are the men—both leaders and a public—political reform may take place; and if the worldly and logical deadness of the Chinese intellect can be moved, an extensive conversion to Christianity is certainly possible. For this purpose, the establishment of several kingdoms, separate or federal, would be the most promising course ; the immense extent and variety of the empire rendering a living nationality difficult to establish, and thorough reformation im- possible by means of a few men however energetic. The more reasonable view seems to be, to regard the insurrection as one of those outbreaks which herald the fall of empires, and whose success is rather a proof of weakness in the government than of strength in the people. To our eyes, the English war resembles Nadir Shah's invasion of India, while the subsequent insurrection of the 3fahrattas has its parallel in the Chinese rebellion.