Vt1iatt5 nut( Vturptl[ings in 4.8 r I n tit t.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OP THE WEEK.

House or Longs. Monday, March 6. Criminal Law Consolidation ; Question by Lord St. Leonards.

TueadaziMarch 7. No business of importance. Thars , March 9. Manning the Navy; Lord Ellenbornugh's Suggestions—The Reform B" ; Lord Grey's Question—Public Health ; Lord Harrowby's Question. Friday, March 10. Christianity in the East ; Lord Shaftesbury's Statement. Horse OF COMMONS.—Afonday, March 6. The Budget ; Mr. Gladstone's Financial Statement—Church-Building Acts Continuance Bill, read a second time.

Tuesday, March 7. Postal Communication by Railway ; Mr. Liddell's Select Com- mittee—Mr. Cardwell's Coasting Trade Bill, passed.

Wednesday, March 8. Succession to Real Estate; Mr. Locke King's Bill thrown out, by 203 to 82—Absconding Debtors (Ireland) Bill, read a second time. Thursday, March 9. Thames Improvement Bill, thrown out—Ministers-Money; Mr. Fagan's Motion negatived, by 103 to 85—Judgment Executions; Mr. Crau- furd's Bill, leave given—Writs for Barnstaple, Cambridge, Canterbury, Hull, Mal- don, and Tynemouth, suspended till the 17th instant. Friday, March 10. Ministers-Money (Ireland) Bill ; Sir John Young's Bill, read a first time.

TIME- TABLE,

The Commons.

Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment

Monday 4h (m) lh Om Tuesday 4h • 7h 15m Wednesday Noon bh 45m

Thursday 4h 9h 30m

Friday 4h .... bh 30m

Sittings this Week, 4; Time, 711 25m this Stallion. 23; — 5111 27m

THE BUDGET.

In the Committee of Ways and Means, on Monday, Mr. GLADSTONE made the annual financial statement.

At the outset, he stated, that with reference to the gravity of the cir- cumstances in which the country is placed, Ministers were of opinion that they should best discharge their duty to the House of Commons by submitting to it, at this unusually early period of the session, the finan- cial statement for the year, and the measures required to meet the exigen- cies of the public service; and if his position in other respects is far less agreeable than that of last year, at least he should not make the same ex- travagant demand on the patience of the House. Ministers have adopted this course, because they fully recognize the title of the House of Com- mons to be made speedily aware of the mode by which it is proposed to meet an unusually large expenditure; because they think foreign coun- tries should see the earnestness of the nation in the promptitude with which it supplies the means of following out the course on which it has embarked ; and because it is but just and fair to the people of England that they should be made aware that the course adopted will entail in- creased burdens.

Mr. Gladstone proceeded to exhibit, in comparison with the estimate he made last April, the present actual state of the income and expenditure of the country ; premising, that we have not reached the close of the financial year, and that though they had a substantially accurate account for eleven months, the rest would be of the nature of an estimate. On the 18th of April last year, he estimated the Customs at 20,680,0001., without taking into account subsequent reductions : notwithstanding those reductions, the receipts are 20,600,0001. The Excise was estimated at 14,640,0001.: notwithstand- ing the abolition of the Soap-duty it has realized 15,170,0001. The Stamp- duties were estimated at 6,700,0001.: they have produced 6,960,0001. Taxes,

est '0,0001.,have produced 3,178,000/. The apparent diminu-

tio for lijffie fact that the year ending April 1853 was the first the lio uty attained full operation, and consequently the a considerable amount of arrears: this year ary credit. The Income-tax, estimated at l. The Post-office, taken at 900,0001., will

The Lords.

Hour of Hour of

Meeting. Adjournment.

Monday 5h 7h lam Tuesday bh 511 20m

Wednesday No sitting. Thursday bh .... 711 35m Friday Its .... 7h 10m Sittings this Week, 5; Time.25h Om

— thin Session, 79; — 1595 3710

produce 1,042,0001.; Crown lands, instead of 390,000/., produce 391,0004 Miscellaneous, instead of 320,0001., produce 503,0004 ; Old Stores, instead of

460,000L, will realize 481,0001. The total estimated income year was 52,990,000/. ; the-actual income is 54,025,000/. On the other hand, the esti. mated expenditure was 52,183,0001.: the actual expenditure for twelve months, though materially swelled by military preparations, will not go he. yond 51,171,000/.. This leaves a surplus of 2,854,000/. The measures of last session have been in operation under several unfa- vourable circumstances. For instance, the duty on currants, yielding 342,0001. in 1841-'52, and 271,000/. last year, has in consequence of a disas- trous blight only yielded 113,000/. in 1853-'54. The whole case of the CUB- toms-duties stands thus : "Reductions have taken effect in 1853-'54 to the amount of 1,483,0001. ; the Customs' receipt amounted in 1852-'53 to 20,396,0001., and in 1853-'54 it will be 20,600,000/. ; showing an increase of 24000/. in actual receipt, after a remission of 1,483,0001. of duties." With respect to tea, the estimated relief by the reduction of the duty was 950,0004, the loss to the revenue 366,0001. But the actual loss to the revenge is 375,0004 : for tea has risen in price 4d. or 5d. a pound, in consequence of the troubled state of China ; so that the whole reduction of duty 41d. was absorbed by pap in- crease of the import price. The remission of the duty, however,- ,as at. tracted to England a larger proportion of tea than to other countries ; "and if the duty had not been remitted, the people would not only be paying the price they paid two years ago, including the duty, but considerably more besides. The changes in the Stamp-duties have succeeded beyond expectation. When the law took effect, on the 10th of October last, the department of Inland Revenue, notwithstanding its utmost exertions, experienced great difficulty in supplying the demand fast enough. It bore no proportion to previous consumption ; because under the old law disobedience was the rule and obe- dience the exception, but under the new law obedience is the rule and dis- obedience the exception. Instead of an estimated diminution of 37,0001. in the six months commencing on the 10th of October and ending on the 5th of April next, the revenue on account of receipt-stamps has increased by 36,000/. (Cheers.) The collection of the Income-tax generally, under the new law, has been much postponed, because the extension of the tax to Ireland and to incomes of 100/. a year has begotten many appeals. That explains the low amount in the yield of the tax, which has been a subject of remark. With respect to the Irish Income-tax, it has fully answered expectation : it was estimated at 460,0004, and it will yield 480,0001. Unable to state precisely the results of the extension of the Income-tax to 1004, Mr. Gladstone was yet able to say that it would yield at least as much as he calculated to obtain, 270,0004 The Scotch Spirit-duty, estimated at 278,0004, will yield only 209,000/., be- because a strong religious sentiment has settled against the great consump- tion of spirits in Scotland. But there is not so much as a breath of suspicion that any part of the diminution is connected with the revival of illicit dis- tillation. The Spirit-duty in Ireland was estimated at 198,0001. ; it yields 213,000/. With regard to the Succession-duty, the effect of postponements and delays, and the relaxation as to affinity and leases, reduce the receipts, and there is no reason to expect that the conjectural estimate of 500,000/. will be exceeded. This being the state of the case as regards the last twelve months, he thought the Committee would be of opinion that " the whole of these facts combine to show that the finances of the country are upon a sound and solid footing." (Cheers.) The next point was the estimates of revenue for the ensuing year ; in which he had made a moderate allowance for the great augmentations in the price of almost every article, and he also allowed for the reductions of duty as they would take effect. He took the Customs-duties at 20,175,000/. ; the Excise-duties at 14,595,0004 ; Stamps, 7,090,0004 ; Taxes, 3,015,000/. ; Income-tax, 6,275,0001. ; Post-office, 1,200,000/. ; Crown lands and Land Revenue, 259,000/. ; Old Stores, 420,0004 ; Miscellaneous, 320.000/. The total revenue anticipated for the year 1854-'5, therefore, is 53,349,000/. Looking to expenditure, the details are less satisfactory. There is a re- duction on the charge for the Funded Debt (27,570,0000 of 570,0004, the major part of which (312,0004) is due to the operation of the act passed by Mr. Goulburn in 1844; the rest (258,0000 to the liquidation under the act of last year of minor stocks known as South Sea Stocks, &c. That would not, however, be a net saving. The charge upon the Unfunded Debt would be 546,0001. The charges on the Consolidated Fund he estimated at 2,460,000/. ; the Army, at 6,857,000/. ; the Navy, at 7,488,000/. ; Ordnance, 3,846,000/. ; Commissariat, 645,000/. ; Miscellaneous Supplies, 4,775,000/. ; Militia, at the same amount as last year, 530,000/. ; and the Packet Service —the only estimate among the voted. Estimates which sheave a small diminu- tion, a diminution of 80001.—at 792,000/. Then comes the extraordinary military expenditure connected with the expedition to the East. It is ex- tremely difficult to form what can be called an estimate of that expenditure. War is a disturber of financial computations ; it is quite impossible to say that the provision now proposed will be fully adequate for the exigencies and wants of the whole year ; and the only principle on which the estimate could be made is, that it is our duty not to remove the public expenditure of the country, especially the war expenditure, from the control of the House of Commons. Acting on that principle, taking the force to be employed at 25,000 men, he proposed " to ask the Committee to vote a sum of money for the purpose of extraordinary military service, at the rate of 501. per head, or a total of 1,250,000/. Including that sum, the total amount of estimated expenditure is 56,189,0004 ; and as the estimated revenue is 53,349,0001., the deficiency is no less than 2,840,000/. But the last-mentioned sum does not represent the whole cost of the war. There has been besides an increase in the Army, Navy, Ordnance, Commissariat, and Miscellaneous Estimates, and under the head of Military Extraordinary Service, making altogether an excess in the Estimates of the present year, over those of the last, of 4,307,000/. In the absence of disturbing circumstances, there would have been a surplus of 1,166,000/. to apply to fresh remissions of taxes. The ac- tual deficiency to be provided for is 2,840,000/. How is that to be made up? Mr. Gladstone expressed a hope that the Committee would not consent to make up the deficiency by interfering with those reductions of taxation which, although they have not yet taken effect, have acquired the force of law. The reduction of 4d. a pound in the duty on tea, (950,000/.0 and the relief in Assessed Taxes (344,0000 to take effect on the 5th April, and the changes in Colonial postage, (40,00040 reach the sum of 1,474,0001.; and the whole loss to the Exchequer which might be recovered by retracing our steps is 1,002,000/. But he would not argue that question; certain that, so far as present measures and exigencies are con- cerned, the House of Commons will not retrace its steps. But he could not part with any branch of the existing public revenue. Well then, is the money which must be had to be obtained by increased duties upon any articles ? No. (Ministerial cheers.) " But should the struggle—which God forbid—be prolonged, it will not be in our power to secure for all those articles which have recently been relieved from duty a permanent con- tinuance of that relief. I fear all we can say with respect to the objects of indirect taxation as compared with those of direct taxation, at the present time, is but a repetition of the promise given by the Cyclops to Ulysses, that he should have the privilege of being devoured the last. (Cheers and laughter.) This is a matter which the Committee cannot put out of view. I speak strongly, and with the clearest conviction, but I speak of the pre- sent moment only, when I say we cannot and do not advise you to add one farthing to the indirect taxation of the country." (General cheering.) "But we have entered on a great struggle ; we have increased our disposable forces on land and sea by 50,000 men. The wish of her Majesty's Govern- ment is that that may be truly said of the people of England with regard to this war, which was not so truly said of Charles the Second by a courtly but great poet, Dryden-

" He, without fear, a dangerous war pursues, Which, without rashness, he began before."

That, we trust, will be the motto of the people of England. And you have this advantage, that the sentiment of Europe, and we trust the might of Eu- rope, are with you." (General cheering.)

"There is one great question which it is impossible for me to pass by

without notice. Is it right that we should ourselves make a resolute en- deavour to defray the charges of this coming war ? or, would it be just, would it be manly, would it be worthy of the wealth and power of England, that we should charge these burdens upon our posterity ? ("Hear, hear !") Sir, I Inn convinced that, at the present moment, there is both in this House ontl-thronghout the country a strong opinion that to resort to the money-

fOr a loan would be a course not required by our necessities, and

ore' hot worthy of our adoption. (Loud cheers from the Ministerial It may prove that the demand I am now about to make upon the Committee—God grant it may be otherwise !—but it may prove that this is but the first of a series of such demands, and therefore I don't speak simply with respect to the present occasion. It is impossible for the Government— it is impossible for the House—it is impossible for the country to give an ab- solute pledge, or to record an immoveable resolution that the expenses of a war shall be borne by additions to taxation : but it is possible for us to do this—to put a stout heart upon the matter, aid to determine that, so long as these burdens are bearable, and so long as the supplies necessary for the service of the year can be raised within the year, so long we will not resort to the system of loans." (Loud cheers.) Earnestly and emphatically dwelling on the subject, he continued- " The reasons against resorting to the money market—the reasons against charging these expenses on posterity—are many and grave. I do not presume to lay down laws for other countries. There is no country, however,- which has played so deeply at this dangerous game as England. There is no country which has mortgaged the industry of future generations to so frightful an amount. If I should be told that there are conveniences— and, no doubt, there are five hundred conveniences—in having Three per Cent Stock into which men may buy, and out of which men may sell, my reply would be—' Granted ; but surely we have ample scope for these con- veniences as long as we owe 750,000,0001. of debt.'" Other states may. pur- sue a different course. "Take, for example, America: with her hands free —without a debt—with a standing surplus—nothing can be more natural, nothing can be more intelligible, than that when she annexes a portion of territory to her own she should raise a loan to defray the cost of the war which led to the annexation, because, according to every rational principle of taxation, she knows that in two or three years the temporary excess of expenditure will be overtaken and covered by the standing surplus of income ; and therefore she avoids—and wisely avoids—disturbing her system of taxa- tion in order to meet a passing charge. The same doctrine, no doubt, ap- plies to other countries. Take the case of our great and powerful neighbour, France : the debt of France, although considerable, cannot be compared, for a moment, to the debt of England. Indeed, I am sorry to say, such is our superiority in this respect, that the debt of England not only exceeds that of any other single country, but that of all other countries in the world put together." (Cheers and laughter.)

Quoting Mill and M'Culloch, Mr. Gladstone showed that loans abstract from capital the funds engaged till then in industry—stopping good works, and imposing grievous burdens on the people, to satisfy the ever-craving all-de- vouring maw of the debt ; and that "the system of raising the funds neces- sary for war by loan is to practise a systematic deception on the people." The moral reasons in favour of defraying the charge of war ourselves, in- stead of bequeathing it to posterity, are equally powerful ; for the expenses of war are a moral check which the Almighty imposes on the ambition and lust of conquest inherent in so many nations.

Having stated what the Government will not do, Mr. Gladstone said, there could not be much doubt remaining as to what they would propose and the Committee would sanction. (" Hear, hear !" and laughter.) When, last April, he referred to the immense results the Income-tax was capable of achieving, he had not a shadow of serious apprehension that we should be called upon to bring that great engine into play. What he proposed, to sup- ply the deficiency of 2,840,0001. and to leave a moderate margin of surplus, was to increase the Income-tax for next year by one-half, and to levy the whole of the addition "for and in respect of the first moiety of the year." The reasons for that course are, that no rational estimate can be made of the cost of the war; that Government does not consider the funds now asked will suffice to carry on the war beyond twelve months; and not being able to look forward for so long a period, it was thought best to propose that the addition should be levied in respect of the first portion of the year. That is the only mode of raising the sum required within the year; because a direct tax can- not be levied until six or nine months after it is imposed. Another reason is, that the course proposed reserves to the House of Commons its control of the expenditure. By a tax of lOid. instead of 7d. he should get 3,307,0001. additional, or a gross total from the Income-tax of 9,582,0001.: that will not only cover the assumed expenditure, but leave a surplus of 467,0001. Accepting the revenue as it stands, Mr. Gladstone proposed an important change with respect to the case of stamps on bills of exchange. At present, bills of exchange drawn at home are charged with stamp-duties, while bills drawn abroad are exempt. There is reason to believe that bills drawn at home for domestic purposes are dated abroad to evade the duty. But that is not the end of the mischief; for these bills pass from person to person, and if it should become necessary to sue the acceptor, it is found that the secu- rity is good for nothing. Then the present tariff of stamp-duties is unequal; Is. 6d. is charged on sums from 5l. to 201., and the stamp-duty on a bill for 121. 108. at two months would amount to 31. 12s. per cent, nearly double the interest of the money borrowed. The higher the sum the less the burden becomes, but it is 1 per cent on 1001. He proposed an ad valorem scale- 34. for each 251. upon short bills, and 4d. for each 25/. upon long bills ; car- rying the scale, with varying intervals, up to 50001. He proposed further to abolish the distinction between home and foreign drawn bills; and, by the use of adhesive stamps, to enable the holder of the bill to stamp it himself. But the change of the law cannot take effect until the 5th July of the pre- sent year. By this change he estimated that the loss upon the revenue of 555,0001. will be only 11,0001. As he was about to propose a vote of 1,750,0001. Exchequer Bills, Mr. Gladstone gave some explanation on that point. The balances in the Ex- chequer, which were high last year, are now low ; and under present circum- stances it is fortunate they are so ; otherwise, had there been :our or fire millions in the Exchequer, there might have been a strong temptation to say, "Ilse your idle balances; we will raise a war expenditure when it is wanted." Now the addition to the revenue cannot be made available before Christmas, and the expenditure is needed at once. Therefore he asked power to make a moderate issue of Exchequer Bills : he did not expect that the whole 1,760,0001. would be issued—in no case would he add to the charge on

the unfunded debt beyond 10,0001. or 20,0001.: but if the whole are issued the unfunded debt only stand as it did two years ago-17,740,000f. These bills will be in reality what other Exchequer Bills falsely purport to be—they are Supply Exchequer Bills, raised simply in anticipation of sup- plies already granted, and when the supplies come the Exchequer Bills will be paid off. In connexion with this subject Mr. Gladstone made some explanations relative to the " abortive operations which were attempted last year upon the debt and public balances." The whole amount of the new securities created by commutation (3,500,0001.) is insignificant, and 8,000,0001. of the minor stocks have been or will be presented for payment ; and the pub- lic balances have been employed in paying off these stocks. He could not accurately state the permanent saving by the operation, because he did not know the sets-off; but it might be set down at 130,0001. permanent annual saving.

Partially summing up his speech, Mr. Gladstone brought it to a close by expressing a trust that, in making provision adequate to the needs which have been the subject of reasonable calculation, and leaving to the future the supply requisite for further needs then emerging, Ministers have taken the course which is most in accordance with their own position and duties as ministers of a constitutional country, which is most for the interests of the people of this country, and which, they are assured, will not tend to any forfeiture of the confidence or approval of the House of Commons. (Cheers.)

Mr. Gladstone moved the resolution in respect of Exchequer Bills. He proposed to go into Committee of Ways and Means with respect to the In- come-tax resolution on Monday next.

Several Members took part in the desultory debate that ensued. Mr. HUME, dwelling on the speech of Mr. Gladstone with satisfaction, sug- gested that all real property should pay Income-tax and all income down to 501. a year. Many of those who were most clamorous for war would pay none of the new taxation which the war imposes. He also suggested that a repeal or reduction of the duty on insurances would confer a very great benefit, at little cost to the revenue. Sir HENRY WILLOUGHBY wished to know whether the National Debt had not been increased by changing Savings-Banks money, 1,200,0001., into Exchequer Bills. Mr. Wittrams also praised Mr. Gladstone's speech, but reminded him that he had promised to extend the Legacy-duty to tithes and the Probate-duty to real property. Mr. HENLEY censured the policy of keeping Exchequer balances so low : the Government ought to be independent of the Bank of England. Mr. GLYN reminded Mr. Henley, that the Exchequer ba- lances had been applied to the reduction of the floating debt, and the vote now asked for was nothing more than the replacement of the sum so taken. Mr. Glyn expressed some hostility to the Bank Act ef 1844, and its restriction of the issues of joint-stock and country bank', as a curtail- ment of resources. Mr. VANCE objected to levying a stamp on foreign bills of exchange. Mr. G. A. HAMILTON repeated the question of Sir Henry Willoughby with respect to the Savings-Bank deposits invested in Exchequer Bills : had those bills been added to the National Debt ?

Mr. GLADSTONE took the speakers seriatim. A bill will be introduced to extend the Succession-duty to corporations ; but he had never pro- mised to extend probate to real property. He defended his policy against Mr. Henley ; maintaining that it is not wise to accumulate balances to eight or nine millions lying idle, and that it is better to create Deficiency Bills to a moderate amount. The real secret of high national credit is not balances in the Exchequer, but an income above the expenditure. With respect to the operation of the Bank Act of 1844, it is early yet to enter on the discussion with reference to the war. The plan for raising the double Income-tax in the first six months of the year has nothing to do with the balances. With respect to the Savings-Bank deposits, the forms of the law were strictly complied with ; none of the money had been invested in Deficiency Bills ; there has not been the increase of a farthing to the National Debt.

After some more explanations, Mr. DISRAELI made a long speech, not on the Budget, but on the balances in the Exchequer. He protested at the outset against the principle that direct taxation is to be the only source from which our supplies are to be raised should the war be pro- longed. The Chancellor of the Exchequer deserved all the compliments which he got for his clear statement, but there -was one portion not so clear as the rest—that which regards the actual state of our money in hand. Mr. Disraeli, at great length of detail, proceeded to make oat, that as Mr. Gladstone had to provide six or seven millions to meet the dividends, and two millions in consequence of a conversion scheme that did not succeed, by the 5th of April next, he ought to have ten millions of balances in the Exchequer ; but that really he will have only three millions. " Well, then, I want to know how he is to carry on the busi- ness of the empire ? " For the last quarter he has carried it on by Defi- ciency Bills to the amount of four millions sterling ; and will those bills for the coming quarter be less than six millions ? The large balance which Lord Derby's Government left in the Exchequer has disappeared ; the fund on which they might have relied in a moment of danger no longer exists ; and Mr. Gladstone had omitted from his speech the reason why it did not exist. When Lord Derby left office, in December, Con- sols were above 100, Exchequer Bills at a high premium. When Parlia- ment met after Christmas, both had sunk. Yet in spite of these warn- ings, in spite of warnings in that House, Mr. Gladstone chose to take a course in monetary affairs which circumstances did not warrant. By the lowering and afterwards raising of the interest on Exchequer Bills, there had been a loss of 36,0001. Mr. Disraeli attacked the scheme of last year for converting the " patriarchal Stocks " ; alleging that the bill to effect it was drawn and carried in such haste that another bill had to be passed to repair a fatal omission : "it was this rash and hurried and fatal piece of legislation that deprived you of the Exchequer balances." He predicted great embarrassment from carrying on the business of the country by Deficiency Bills, and hinted that it would be better to replace the balances by a loan. Mr. GLADSTONE said, as Mr. Disraeli seemed to have a peculiar fond- ness for discussing matters of finance, he should be always ready to engage with him in the interesting pursuit, so long as the Committee would listen. Mr. Disraeli said there had been a loss of 36,0001. on Exchequer Bills. Supposing yet not admitting that to be correct, was the Chancellor of the Exchequer responsible for the general rise in the rate of interest—for not knowing in March what would be the state of trade, of the harvest, of Europe, in September ? There were causes for that rise, though Mr. Disraeli did not think proper to mention them. But he was not correct in his facts. In 1853, the interest payable on Exchequer Bills was 367,000L ; in 1854, it is 347,0001. Therefore there has been no loss by the reduction, but a gain of 20,000L With respect to the conversion of last year, Mr. Gladstone repeated a former acknowledgment of error, and that Mr. Thomas Baring's judg- ment was the more correct. But Mr. Disraeli, and his fidus Achates Sir Fitzroy Kelly, had declared over and over again that the terms offered were too good for the public creditor—the extravagant, monstrous, lavish, incredible project of offering a guarantee of 21 per cent for forty years. So little had Mr. Disraeli himself foreseen the increased rate of interest, that in December 1852 he predicted that the then low rate of interest would be mainly permanent. He had dwelt much on the fall of Consols after Lord Derby left office ; forgetting that the fall at the date mentioned was exactly the amount of the half-yearly dividend just paid. Mr. Gladstone corrected another mistake respecting the amended bill for converting Stocks : that amended bill was passed to meet the case of a particular set of persons. In fine, so far from there being a loss upon the whole transaction, there was a profit of 132,0001. per annum. Not satis- fied with Consols at 91 in a time of war, Mr. Disraeli, thinking public credit unsound, gives a hold upon the public creditors by recommending a loan of 8,000,0001. Mr. Gladstone admitted that had he accepted that proposal there would have been a loss upon his transactions. Nobody wants a loan ; it is not necessary. The issue of 4,500,0001. of Deficiency Bills, as a special transaction, would not be anything but a convenience to the Bank.

A dialogue across the table ensued between Mr. GLaissroxs and Mr. DISRAELI ; the latter reitering his theory of Exchequer balances and of the loss on Exchequer Bills—Mr. Gladstone was not entitled to the gain of 35,0001. obtained by an operation under the advice of Mr. Disraeli in June 1852; and Mr. Gladstone repeating that the whole charge for 1854 is less by at least 20,0001. than the charge in 1853.

At last, the motion passed as a matter of course.

MANNING THE NAVY.

The Earl of ELLENBOR01:011, in moving for a return of the number of men borne in the Navy for the month of February,—distinguishing coast- guardmen, pensioners, marines, and able seamen,—expressed sonic appre- hensions as to the adequate manning of the Baltic fleet. Government should compete with the merchant service. The pay of the seamen in the Navy is greater than that in the merchant service, but the seamen in the latter have three months' liberty. To obtain good seamen—men who could go aloft and fight as our seamen fought at St. Vincent's, the Nile, and Trafalgar—something should be offered of more value than three months' liberty. He thought 500,000/. might be obtained for that pur- pose by postponing some of the Ordnance and Miscellaneous Estimates. It was said men could not be had ; but he had recently visited two of the ships fitting out for the transport of cavalry, and he was struck by the fine appearance of the crews. They had only been engaged a few days. He was told that there was no difficulty in obtaining men, but they could be only had at the market price. The Earl of ABERDEEN said, of course there could be no objection to furnishing the returns. But he objected to the implication of Lord Ellen- borough's remarks that the Baltic fleet is inadequately manned. On the contrary, upon testimony he respected even more than that of his noble friend, he was bound to say that the fleet is adequately manned. Besides, there is not one pressed man on board; the gaols have not been swept to man the fleet ; and though there are landsmen on board, the proportion is not greater than in former times. This fleet is as well manned and equipped as any fleet ever was at the commencement of a war. He could not see the utility of making these observations, even if they were correct, which they are not ; or how they are to advance the service Lord Ellen- borough is so anxious about.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH said, his only object was to expose to the Govern- ment that which seemed to him a state of danger.

THE REFORM BILL.

Earl GREY, in moving for returns relating to the Reform Bill, ob- served that he had heard of the postponement of the bill with the greatest satisfaction. Government had yielded to a necessity to which it was their duty to yield. The measure ought not to be brought forward again, unless the objection which now stood in its way were removed. Govern- ment should be left as free as possible to conduct the war; and great injury would result to the public service if they needlessly exposed them- selves to a Parliamentary defeat. With respect to the pledge they had given, the circumstances of the time absolved them from that pledge. Besides, any measure of Parliamentary reform should be as much as possible a settlement ; but the measure proposed would insure further changes almost as soon as it came into operation. It affirmed principles that, if right, ought to be carried further; and he was confirmed in that opinion by the fact that its heartiest supporters only looked upon it as an instalment. Delay would give opportunity for Parliament to maturely reconsider the subject. All the leading provisions of the measure pro- posed in 1831 had been forty years under consideration; but the present measure is imperfectly understood. He trusted the measure would be still further deferred.

The Earl of ABERDEEN said, there was no objection to producing the returns. He always heard Lord Grey speak with pleasure, but on the present occasion he had exceeded the bounds of strict regularity in dis- cussing in that House whether a measure in the other House should be read on one day or another. He repeated the substance of the reply he gave to Lord Derby last week ; but he declined to make a positive pledge that the intention of moving the second reading on the 27tH of April would be irrevocably executed on that day. That would depend upon what appeared most consistent with the interests of the country, " and with a due regard to our own honour." Lord GREY was perfectly satisfied with that reply.

SIR JAMES GRAHAM'S REFORM CLUB SPEECH.

Mr. FRENCH, on Thursday, gave notice that he would on Friday put a question to Sir James Graham, " as to the extraordinary powers the First Lord was supposed to have given to Sir Charles Napier of declaring war on entering the Baltic." (" Hear, hear !" and a laugh.) Mr. BRIGHT said, he had that morning posted a note to the First Lord of the Admiralty, stating that it was his intention that evening to call the attention of the House to the matter adverted to by the honour- able " Member for Roscommon." But as Sir James was not present, and the post not remarkable for regularity, perhaps the note had not been received.

SUCCESSION TO REAL ESTATE BILL.

This bill, introduced by Mr. LOCKE KING, provided that intestate land should vest in administrators for the payment of debts; and that after the payment of debts it should be distributed equally among all the chic. dren. On the motion for the second reading, Sir JOHN PairrNerrori objected to the bill, on the ground that it was only the beginning of democratic en- croachment on our institutions; and that it proposed a change, not only opposed to the spirit of our institutions, but to the feelings of the great bulk of the people. He also argued that it would lead to a subdivision of land. He moved that the bill be read a second time that day six months.

In the debate that ensued, Mr. BRIGHT, Mr. Mosreirrow Mr-um, Mr. BOUVERIE, Mr. VINCENT SCULLY, and Mr. PHINN, spoke on behalf of the bill. They urged the unfairness of assailing the bill by the objection that it would lead to ulterior measures. At present the bulk of the land is kept in the hands of great families, and a labourer who has saved enough to begin farming cannot find a farm : the land ought to be set free. With respect to subdivision, in the county of Kent, where gavel. kind exists, there is not more subdivision than elsewhere. Is the exist- ing law just or unjust ?—that is the question. The bill would sweeten the bread of English families, and prevent that jarring, discontent, and bad feeling, which are produced by the present law.

On the other side, Lord LOVAINE, Sir FREDERICK TnarswErt, Mr. W, 0. STANLEY, Mr. PACKE, Mr. Lionast, Mr. HENLEY, and Mr. Danl. MOND, supported the amendment, and enforced the views of Sir John Pa. kington. Lord JOHN RUSSELL also took that side.

The principle which the bill seemed to involve, Lord John said, must be considered. The law ought to conform in cases of intestacy to the general practice of families ; and that practice, among rich and poor, was to leave their land to the eldest sons. The law ought to follow that rule. The argn. ment that the difference between land and personalty is a mere feudal notion, and that as personalty is divided so land should be divided, is unsound. The state is not in the least interested whether a man leaves 1001. among ten sons equally, or whether he leaves 901. to the eldest and 10/. among the rest; but if land to the value of 100/. be divided among ten sons, the state is in- terested, because, as the property could not be managed as it had been, the state would be a loser. Would it be fair, where a man of small property, by making sacrifices, had educated one son for the law, and placed anotheria the army, and died intestate, for them to come in and share with the third ? Then it would be difficult for the holders of small freehold properties to prove their titles, if challenged by younger brothers under this bill. It was said the bill should be argued on its merits : would it act equitably or with injus- tice ? What a platform they would raise for the alteration of the law, if they declared, by adopting this bill, that the rule of justice requires the division of landed property among all the children ! As regards the interests of the state, Lord John entirely believed that the contemplated subdivision would be unjust and mischievous.

Mr. DISRAELI observed, that upon the difference between real and per- sonal property our whole social system is constructed. One of the Houses of Parliament, the material administration of justice, and the de- fence of the country, are dependent upon the tenure of land. Public liberty could not be maintained unless we had large properties around which to rally.

Mr. LocKE KING said, in reply, that the bill would not affect the higher classes, because their estates are so settled that no bill is requisite, but it would relieve the middle and lower classes from the anomalies and injustice to which they are now exposed. We live in democratic times, and he hoped it would no longer be held as a fundamental principle of our proposition that we should only legislate for a few families.

On a division, the bill was thrown out by 203 to 82.

MINISTERS-MONEY.

Mr. FAGAN—for the sixth time—moved a resolution to the effect that the House would resolve itself into a Committee to consider the tax called Ministers-money, with a view to its repeal, and to provide a substitute out of the revenues of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, This tax is raised upon the houses in eight towns in Ireland, for the support of Pro- testant clergymen. It falls heavily on the Roman Catholics, as they form the greater part of the population. Mr. Fagan repeated the arguments so often urged in behalf of this proposition. Sir JOHN YOUNG opposed the motion, while admitting the grievance. The difficulty is to find a remedy that will not involve a violation of property. Sir John contended that the Ecclesiastical Commissioners lack funds for the purpose proposed. They are bound by the Church Temporalities Act to perform certain things ; and a reference to their very last report shows that they have no surplus funds. He desired to take a middle course. He proposed that after the 10th of October all houses rated at and under 10/. per annum should be totally exempt ; that no house in future should be liable to the tax ; that means should be taken to ascertain, with respect to those tene- ments and houses which had been in past times liable, what amount they had paid, and that they should be liable to that amount and no more; and that there should also be a power of redemption, at a fixed rate. That would exempt, in Dublin, 3-7ths of the houses; in Cork, 4 out of 6; in Clonmel, 8 out of 9; in Drogheda, 10 out of 11 ' • in Kilkenny, 10 out of 13; in Kinsale, 6 out of 7; in Limerick, 13 out of 14; and in Waterford, 9 out of 12. He moved as an amendment, that the act relating to Ministers-money, and the Church Temporalities Act (Ireland) be now read.—Seconded by Lord PALMERSTON.

After brief debate,—in which Mr. HADFIELD, Mr. Meounia, Mr. J. D. FITZGERALD, Mr. POTTER, Mr. COWAN, supported the motion, and Mr. NAPIER the amendment,—the House divided, and the amendment was carried by 103 to 88 ; a narrow majority, which elicited cheers from Mr. Fagan's supporters.

THE PUBLIC HEALTH.

The Earl of HARROWBY, in moving for returns, called attention to the state of the country with respect to sanitary arrangements; pointing out that the renewed attack of the cholera is approaching, while our legisla- tion remains as it was in 1849. He enlarged on the necessity of meeting the attack by decided measures. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY enforced these views, by giving a vivid de- scription of the state of various towns as described by the Health Inspect- ors last summer.

Earl GRANVILLE said, Government had continued for another six months the extraordinary powers granted to the Board of Health last summer. Lord Palmerston is considering the whole sub'ect, and at this moment is seeking what further powers it will be advise le for Government to grant to the Board of Health that will not clash with local authorities. THE CRIMINAL Lew.

Lord St. LEONARDS, prefacing the question by a speech of some length on the difficulties attending the codification of the criminal law, asked what the Government intend with respect to that subject? Seeing the difficulty the Lord Chancellor had in getting any assistance he might rant in improving the law, Lord St. Leonards suggested that a regular conveyancer and counsel should be appointed in the Lord Chancellor's

office.

In reply, the LORD CHANCELLOR, stating much with respect to what bad been done which he had stated before, said that he intended to refer the bill for the consolidation of the criminal law, and the opinion of the Judges upon it, to a Select Committee at an early day.

Lord BROUGHAM observed, that the principle of the bill ought not to have been referred to the Judges for their opinion after it had been assented to and read a second time. The Judges had no right to say the House of Lords was entirely wrong. He would leave to them the ad- ministration of the law in general—though not always ; but he had no respect for their opinion when they are dragged out of their legitiniate province of administration into that of legislation. He justified this view at some length, and supported it by illustrative facts : thus, the Judges opposed the bill to enable the truth to be given in evidence in cases of libel, they opposed the Bankrupt Law Bill, they opposed the Law of Evidence.

JUDGMENT EXECUTIONS.

Mr. CRAusrunn moved for leave to bring in a bill to enable executions to issue in i any part of the United Kingdom under a judgment obtained in any court n _England, Scotland, and Ireland. At present a judgment obtained against an Irish landlord for debt incurred in England cannot be enforced in Ireland. Consequently, debtors remove from one country to another.

The Loan ADVOCATE heartily concurred in the object of the measure, and promised to give Mr. Craufurd every assistance. Mr. NAPIElt—" On the part of Ireland, I say ditto." (Cheers.) The ATTORNEY-GENERAL—"And on the part of England I say ditto." (Great laughter and cheering.)

Leave was given to bring in the bill.

CLEMENCY OF THE CROWN.

Mr. Tames DUNCOMBE asked whether it is the intention of Govern- ment to advise the Crown to grant a pardon to Messrs. Frost, Williams, and Jones, who had been banished for fifteen years, and whose conduct has been exemplary. They were convicted in 1839, for an offence simi- lar to that of Mr. Smith O'Brien in 1848 ; and Mr. Duncombe wished to know whether the same ground is not equally applicable for an exten- sion of clemency to them ?

Lord PALMERSTON said, her Majesty has been pleased to sanction an extension of her clemency to Messrs. Frost, Williams, and Jones—the three who were sentenced together. There were two other gentle- men transported at the same time with Mr. Smith O'Brien—Mr. Martin and Mr. Dogherty—whose sentences were limited to a shorter time : her Majesty's indulgence has been extended to them also.

THE THAMES IMPROVEMENT BILL.

The bill embodying Mr. Lionel Gisborne's plan stood for a second read- ing in the House of Commons on Thursday. Questions had arisen re- specting certain parts of the bill connected with the machinery for raising and administering the funds : but it was understood that the measure would be deferred. Accordingly, on Thursday, Mr, BROTHERTON moved that the second reading be postponed till the 2d May ; a proposition to which Mr. WILSON, on behalf of the Treasury, did not object. Mr. Boryama, however, moved that the bill he postponed for six months, and that amendment was carried.