11 NOVEMBER 1916, Page 5

THE KINGDOM OF POLAND. G ERMANY and Austria in creating what

is cynically called an " independent " kingdom out of conquered Russian Poland have put an end once and for all to their hopes of detaching Russia from her Allies. Their act is an act of desperation. At one stroke they have written off a policy in the possibilities of which they have always professed to believe. Their need of more men is so crying that at any cost they intend to find them in Russian Poland. This is the meaning of their scheme, and it is natural enough from their point of view. A fresh reservoir of human material—of fodder for the Allies' guns—is absolutely indispensable if the war is to be carried on by Germany. But see what this desperate policy involves. It signifies that all the German talk about the Central Powers being the sole surviving champions of the ancient rights of Kings, and all the sugges- tions which have been sent to the address of the Tsar's followers about the Allies being the secret enemies of dynasties, have in the end absolutely stultified themselves. If the Germans had wanted specially to invent a plan for redoubling the determination of Russia to stand by her Allies, they could not have imagined anything more suited to the purpose than this scheme of creating a Polish kingdom on the borders of Russia. "We are the good friends of the dynastic principle, and therefore the truest friends of the Tsar," they say, and almost in the same breath they place a kingdom which is designed to be anti-Russian on the Tsar's very borders. They prate of justifying autocratic monarchy, and they set kingdom against kingdom to demonstrate their meaning Nor is that all. By a refinement of insolence they have arranged that the new hostile kingdom at the door of Russia shall be composed to a considerable extent of men traitorously in arms against the Tsar ! We have read in history of the insults which monarchs have offered to one another, and few themes are more amply supplied with instances of ingenious spite and malignity, but we cannot recall a more shameless insult to a reigning monarch than this which is now levelled at the Tsar by the German Emperor and the Emperor of Austria. The Central Powers the real friends of Russia ! Why, quite apart from the malice and the offensiveness of the manner of the scheme, it is a blow at the central ideal of Russia. Russia desires to be in close contact with, and for all purposes a member of, the European community; but by the creation of a new kingdom in Russian Poland it is sought to push Russia further away from Europe, and thus to estrange her from her primary interests. "Get thee to Siberia !" is the message of the Kaiser to the Royal cousin for whom he has professed so much disingenuous concern.

A very brief examination of the offer which the Central Powers have made to Russian Poland will prove its character. It is nearly as insulting to the Poles as to the Tsar in its form, and even more injurious to them in its matter, since the Germans unhappily at the moment have more power over the Poles than they are ever likely to have over Russia proper. The proposal is that the Russian Polish lands now in occupation of the Germans and Austrians shall be an inde- pendent kingdom, ruled over by an hereditary monarch (yet to be named) who is to govern through a Constitution. "The precise regulation of the frontiers remains reserved." But what leaps to the eye at once is that Prussian Poland and Austrian Galieia are carefully kept out of the business. Free- dom (for what it is worth) is offered at the expense of Russia alone, not at the expense of either Germany or Austria. By this token the Poles will be able to judge the exact degree of enthusiasm entertained by Germany and Austria for freedom. But though the frontiers are not yet defined we think we can say in -advance whit will happen. A rich little corner, sliced out of Russian Poland, will be added to Prussian Poland, and in return, as a splash of eye-wash for the outside world, the new kingdom will be given a barren piece of Prussian Poland, or preferably a few acres of Austrian Galicia. We should not be surprised if mune rich lodes of industrial wealth at the heart of the new kingdom were also reserved for the German service. As the scheme stands Russian Poland is clearly to be the dependant of the Central Powers, and the degree of dependence is likely to grow rather than to diminish. The word " independent " is only a fashion of speaking. The affairs of the new kingdom are to be conduct "with necessary regard to the general political conditions of Europe," and to the welfare and security" of the Central Powers. In other words, the Kaiser and the Emperor of Austria reserve the right to do as ther please with the Russian Poles, acting through their nominee who will be called a King. Compare viith this plan the whole-hearted and generous promise of . _ freedom made by Russia early in the war. The partition of Poland criminally procured by Frederick the Great was to be denounced. There was to be a wholesale restoration of Poland, with complete freedom of language and religion and self-government. Russian, Prussian, and Austrian Poles were all to come together once more under the solemnly guaranteed protection of the Tsar.

The first pleasure of the Central Powers in dealing with the Russian Poles in the proposed kingdom will of course be to use them as soldiers against Russia. By international law it is forbidden to require the inhabitants of conquered territory to fight against their former Sovereign or Government. The Germans have easy ways with international law. They say : "it is quite simple to get round the law. We give the con- quered people their freedom, and turn them into a brand-new. kingdom. They are then independent—a new people alto- gether—and international law no longer binds us in disposing of their lives. We need their services. Therefore they must fight, and we shall in fact compel them to do so. Were we not particularly careful to point out that the affairs of the kingdom of Poland must be conducted with 'necessary regard to the general political conditions of Europe, &c.'? Who so foreseeing and prudent and considerate as ourselves ? We never fail to provide against people being hurt by disappoint- ments or illusions. And we always arrange to act within the limits of the law." The Proclamation to the Russian Poles speaks of "military development," which is to be arranged, not by the Poles themselves, but in consultation with Germany. Of course! After this it is not necessary to do more than ask how many men Germany proposes to take from the new kingdom, against all law and decency, in order to make them fight against the Tsar. One report says that Hindenburg has already called for seven hundred thousand Polish recruits.

It would not be at all surprising if the Poles were to show some appearance of being content with this infamous and insulting trickery. For we must remember that they have been cut off from the outside world for a long time ; that they have seen round them nothing but manifestations of German physical might ; and that their feelings have been powerfully worked upon by the inability of Russia so far to redeem her generous promises. German reports speak of enthusiasm at Warsaw. This may mean little, and we are not impressed by a list of prominent names of men who accept the scheme, as many of them are men of known German associations. The fact plain to all outside observers is that if the Poles accept the kingdom they will take the shadow for the substance. Germany means to get forced military service and military contributions out of them, and nothing else. She is driven to this plan by desperation, and she will not scruple to drain the last ounce of personal effort and individual wealth out of them for the purpose. She wants to make them "her own people" to that end. We must repeat the words with which we began. Russia is flouted and insulted as never before. Germany will of course try to explain away the insult as mere incident. But she will not succeed. She has in a single act forfeited her hope of playing upon the influence of the reactionary party in Russia. The establishment of the new kingdom will be a signal to Russia—though of course no signal is needed in any sense by the Tsar and the leaders whom he trusts—that she must fight to the very end. As for the Poles, their one hope is in understanding that this is true and appreciating why it must be so. If they resist Germany they will have—must have—their reward from Russia. They will have put Russia under an obligation. From Germany they can expect only the bitter and deadly husks of the scheme we have been discussing.