11 SEPTEMBER 1852, Page 6

furrign vat Colunial.

FRANCE.—Public affairs appear to be at a stand-still. President Bona- parte is preparing for his Southern tour, not, it is said, in very good health. Count Cavour, Signor Ratazzi, and General Franzini, Sardinian statesmen, were feted at St. Cloud on Sunday. M. Dupin has made a Protectionist speech at Clamecy, in the Nievre. If to this be added the fact that the Bishop of Chalons has styled Louis Napoleon Bonaparte "the Man of God," and that the blasphemous flattery was welcome, we have recorded all the important public incidents of the week,

In the journals, M. Granier de Cassagnac has been proving to the readers of the Pays that liberty of the press is a shocking thing, which ought to be put down. Amedee de Cessna has been trying to show that there is "a Catholic party forming, which looks towards our country, and which is at the same time a French party; a party having its foundation in opposi- tion to Anglicanism, whose influence, destructive of the principle of au- thority, has only increased in the world by leaning upon the revolutionary principle from which it derives its strength." Coupling these two symptoms with the suppression of the Corsaire on Thursday, and the gradually augmenting rumour that December will see the Empire, it is impossible not to feel that there is some colour for the last report.

ITALT.—The trial of Guerrazzi and his compeers at Florence was re- ceinmenced on the 26th of August. Little progress has since been made ; and the trial threatens to be a very slow and tedious affair.

The Opinions of Turin reports a singular scene enacted in Milan last week. The incident is narrated in a letter written from Milan, and re- cords the freak of one of our countrymen-

" Near the Church of St. Mary, an Englishman, speaking broken Italian and holding in his hand the Italian tri-coloured flag, cried out from a window that that flag would one day be hoisted throughout Italy, and that in the mean time he would hoist it himself in Lombardy. A crowd soon collected in front of the house. The Commissary of Police, Siccardi, vainly entreated the Eng- lishman to be silent ; but the latter, as a true son of Albion' turned a deaf ear to him. The gendarmes, finding it impossible to contain the mob, called on the commissary to arrest the rioter. I will take good care not,' replied the latter : he is an Englishman, and I am ordered to treat him with all due consideration.' This scene lasted upwards of three hours ; when the English- man, having bellowed to exhaustion, thought proper to withdraw. The flag was immediately removed, and the window closed. The crowd then quietly dispersed; and it soon became known that the Englishman had been con- ducted to a madhouse."

The refugees of Nice have, it seems, been ordered to quit the town and take up their abode in the interior. President Bonaparte's jour- ney lying through the department of the Far, and Nice being on the frontier, the President, it is said, apprehends danger, and at his request the removal has been effected.

BADEN.—The Regent of Baden has removed the "state of siege," and restored the civil authority ; "convinced that the spirit of morality and equality has gained strength in our subjects, in such a way as to render useless extraordinary means to guarantee public order."

HeMiArin.—Early in the week came a telegraphic despatch, stating that in consequence of the rejection of the literary treaty by the Dutch Parliament, the French Minister had been withdrawn from the Hague. This according to the Hague and Paris journals, was only a rumour got up for atockjobbing purposes, and totally incorrect.

CAPE OF 'GOOD HOPE.—The screw steam-ship Hellespont reached Plymouth on Wednesday morning, with Cape papers to the 3d of August. At the seat of war, matters had continued in much the same state. There are accounts of cattle-seizures, successful and frustrated,. small en- gagements with the Hottentots by partisans, and general intimation in the journals that a large belt of frontier was still infested with predatory bands. General Cathcart has personally led several expeditions into the Waterkloof; using shot, shell, and rockets, with great effect, and astonish- ing distant bodies of Caffres by his fire. In one instance the Ceres were strikingly defeated. Colonel Buller, commanding a large force, ac- companied by the Sixtieth Rifles and four guns, marched into the Water- kloof early in the morning of the 24th July. When he came up with the Caffres, he feigned a retreat after an exchange of shots, and thus drew the Black warriors under the deadly range of his artillery and riflemen. One hundred Caffres are reported to have fallen. Nevertheless, strong bodies of Caffres and Hottentots still maintain themselves in the fast- nesses of the Waterkloof and the Amatolas.

General Cathcart was exerting himself to insure the success of his pro- jected expedition beyond the Bei, to take "Breili's great place." On the 20th July he issued a circular, which is the most important fact from Caffreland. In this document, General Cathcart estimates the rebel Hot- tentots with whom he has to contend in the frontier districts at three hundred in number; and he thinks that one thousand mounted police- " who, if they are not already enrolled and on duty, it is no fault of Mine "—would amply suffice to root them out. (lepers' Cathcart then represents, how England has derived nothing but the seaport of Simon's Bay in-return for all the blood, treasure, and bard service, expended in defence of the colony ; so that it was not selfish advantage, but "na- tional pride," and mainly " benevolent sympathy," that had actuated her in making the great sacrifices she has made in these wars. He

admits, indeed, that " the protection of certain colonists who were en. couraged by the. British Government on the Eastern frontier, upwards of thirty years ago, might to a certain extent be considered an obligation ; but such obligations have their limits " ; and he significantly intimates, that "grants of better land elsewhere, where sheep and oxen can feed in security, or pecuniary compensation, far less expensive than a succession of Caffre wars' would provide amply and equitably for any such claims." Following this comes a warning to the colonists, that " this must pro- bably be the last Caffre war carried on at the cost of the British Govern- ment" ; for " the expenses of another war cannot again be expected to be drawn" from British pockets to support a cause " in which, except from motives of sympathy and benevolence, it has no real interest." General Cathcart states, that the objects of the Trans-Bei expedition are to test the willingness of the colonists to help themselves ; and to shoe' the Caffres that there is force enough in the colony to thrash them. If he is ill supported, he has sufficient troops under him to go on and vindicate the national honour ; yet, until he proves lukewarmness by experience, he refuses to believe that the Burghers will not rally to his war-cry. The last sentences are rather remarkable both for the tone and the expressions- " When I return from my expedition beyond the Kei, I must make up my report to her Majesty's Government, not only as to the result of that expedition, but as to whether I have found the people of this colony grateful for the support which has been afforded them, and willing and able to exert themselves in their own cause, and therefore deserving or the contrary, as the case may be, and whether therefore I consider their cause worth fighting for or not. In the latter event, I should pro- bably be ordered to withdraw my army ; and my parting advice to the colonists of the Eastern half of this colony, at least, could only be—keep fewer sheep and oxen, and provide yourselves with more shepherds and herdsmen ; for wild men and wild beasts will soon again recover their ancient sove- reignty in the Fish River and Zuurburg et ultra ; and you will be unable to drive them out, as your fathers did in the olden time."

This circular was followed up by another, from Lieutenant-Governor Darling, on the 2d of August, warmly exhorting the colonists to send men, money, and provisions, to join the expeditionary army. In the bor- der towns, efforts were made to raise respectable contingents ; and con- siderable items of money subscribed are reported. But there is no evidence to show that either volunteers or money were plentiful.

UNITED STATES.—The Africa, from New York, arrived at Liverpool on Saturday night ; and the Franklin at Cowes on Thursday. Their dates are to the 25th and 28th of August.

Interest in the Lobos Islands question had been increased by the publi- cation of an extraordinary note from Mr. Webster to Senor Oama, the Peruvian Minister at Washington. The note was one of a series which began in June last on the part a Senor Osma, and continued by him to the 3d of August. In these notes Seiler Osma asserted the right of Peru to all the Lobos Islands, on the ground that she has always exercised authority over them; that they belong to Peru, as they formerly belonged to Spam; and that from time immemorial the Peruvian Indians have been in the habit of visiting them for the purpose of catching seals, killing birds, and gathering eggs ; and that this exclusive right to the islands by Peru has never been doubted or disputed. On the 3d of July Sefior Os- ma had an interview with Mr. Webster; and in the course of conversa- tion reference was made to the alleged discovery of the Lobos by Captain Morrell in 1823: Mr. Webster then declared that Peru had no exclusive right over the islands ; and Seiler Osma protested against that declara- tion both at the time and in a note subsequently. To these notes Mr. Webster made a comprehensive reply on the 21st of August, reasserting the claim he has set up, and enforcing his assertion by long statements and arguments.

The first portion of the note clears away some incidental matters. Mr. Webster denies that the United States intends to facilitate the particular purposes of speculators ; and hopes that there was no intention on the part of Sefior Osma to intimate by certain expressions that the proceed- ings of the Government of the United States "in regard to the subject have been influenced in the slighted degree by any conviction of the re- lative strength or weakness of the parties." " The undersigned will make a further remark, to prevent mistake and misunderstanding, upon Mr. Osma's observation upon the conversation be- tween him and the undersigned, in the Department of State, on the 2d of July; and that is, that the supposed discovery of Captain Morrell, mentioned in that conversation, was not relied upon by the undersigned as founding an exclusive right to the Lobos Islands on the part of the United States. It was only mentioned as a fact fit to be considered in common with other facts and occurrences. The truth appears to be, that Captain Morrell was on a voyage of discovery, and did, in fact, discover, or was supposed to have discovered, guano on these islands."

He states that citizens of the United States visited the islands for seal- hunting " at least as early as 1793," and have since that time been en- gaged in those pursuits, and in the use of the islands for half a century before any interruption took place by the Peruvian Government or any- body else ; and that " all this is well known to the commercial world." And he argues, that if Peru held and possessed full sovereignty over these islands, shore-fishing and seal-catching were as much an invasion of that sovereignty as the taking of guano is now. He further asserts that no notice was taken of this course of things until September 1833 ; when the Peruvian Government issued a decree declaring that it would consider as smugglers all persons fishing for seals and amphibious animals on the shores and islands of Peru.

This declaration of Peru was answered by a note addressed to the Peru- vian Minister by the American Charge d'Affaires at Lima • who, Mr. Web- ster says, " without formally denying the original right Of Peru, requested a reconsideration of the decree, or that it might be so far modified as to per- mit to the citizens of the United States the pursuit of an occupation which they had been allowed quietly to follow for a number of years."

" Here, then, is a formal remonstrance on the part of the United States against the asserted sovereignty of Peru over the Lobos Islands ; to which no answer, so far as it appears, was given, nor an intimation made that, notwith- standing this remonstrance, the decree would be enforced. It is quite evi- dent that, though the decree is general in its terms, it was intended to be

levelled especially against citizens of the United gtates, as the subjects of other countries did not partake to any considerable extent in the fisheries

which were prohibited. Can Mr. Osma's averment, therefore,-be main-

tained, in whirl he asserts the universal and absolute sovereignty of Peru never to have been denied or questioned by any Government ? And if Peru has suffered these barren rocks to be visited and used by citizens of the United States for a long course of time, and for all the purposes for which they were known to be valuable, is the case altered when they are found capable of a new use ? Is not the natural inference either that Peru never claimed any exclusive right over the islands, or that if such claim had been made by any formal or official act of the Government, such claim had been abandoned, at least so far as citizens of the United States were concerned ? "

Mr. Webster then considers the bearing of the decision of England on the question.

"Mr. Osma refers to a decision of the English Government, and observes, that as both the mercantile and agricultural classes in the British empire have a strong interest adverse to the claim of Peru, if the British Govern- ment has decided in favour of that claim, that decision must be ascribed to considerations sufficient to outweigh a regard for the interests of British farmers and shipowners. But the two cases may justly be considered as es- sentially different. When the decree of 1833 appeared, Mr. Wilson, the British Consul-General at Lima, in a communication to his Government, said—' For many years no British vessel has been engaged in this fishery,

but great abuses have been committed by American vessels'; and the year afterwards, writing upon the subject of the seizure of the British schooner Campeadora, for killing seals at the Lobos Islands, he admitted the right of Peru to those islands. At the same time he adds= Lord James Townshend, the commander of his Majesty's naval forces in the Pacific, takes a different view of the question ; and he himself told me that he considered that his Majesty's subjects had a positive right of fishery on all these islands, unless they should be actually occupied by some Peruvian authority, or protected by the constant presence of some Peruvian men-of-war to warn off all vessels.' "It will be borne in mind, that when the case of the Campeadora occurred, the use and perhaps even the value of guano as a manure was unknown in England. Before that case was decided, however, the British Government may be said to have been irrevocably committed to an acknowledgment of the right of Peru to the Lobos Islands, by their acquiescence in the opinion

expressed by Mr. Wilson, their diplomatic agent, and the answer to that

communication from the Foreign Office : for in that answer, under date Au- gust 30, 1834, Lord Palmerston said—' It would therefore appear that the Peruvian Government have a right to prohibit foreign vessels from fishing upon the coasts immediately adjoining to those islands, as well as upon the coasts of Peru itself; there being no evidence in the papers which you have transmitted of any right of fishing acquired by long and uninterrupted usage.' "

In support of his own doctrine, Mr. Webster says, that it is clear the English Government yielded the point precisely because it had not the ground of long and uninterrupted usage to stand upon. He further as- serts, that down to the 10th of May 1851, it was an open question in Eng- land; and he quotes a despatch from "Lord Stanley, [of Alderley,) Un- der-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs," to Mr. Wentworth Butler, as follows-

" I am to state to you, in reply whether the islands of Lobos Afuera and Lobos de Tierra belong of right to Peru, or are claimed by Peru as depend- encies, his Lordship does not find in the Peruvian Constitution published after Peru had separated itself from Spain, any mention of those islands as being dependencies of Peru ; but it appears to Lord Palmerston that their proximity to Peru would give to that state a prima facie claim to them.' " It is certain," continues Mr. Webster, that the fact does not boar out this last observation of Lord Palmerston ; for the Lobos are distant from the shore five or six times further than the three marine miles which entitle to dominion under the rule of public law. "It may be here added, that it is well understood that a powerful class of British subjects, distinct from those of merchants and farmers, has a vital interest in maintaining the regulations for the export of guano from Peru upon their present footing. It may not be entirely satisfactory, therefore, to take the case of the Campeadora, or that of the Hibernia, which after- wards occurred, alone into consideration, in endeavouring to account for the policy which the British Government has thought proper to adopt in regard to this subject. However this may be, it is quite clear that the English case and the American case are quite different." Having so far dealt with "actual facts and continued usage," Mr. Web- ster discusses the authority of Akedo, a Spanish geographer, cited by Senor Osma to prove that the Lobos Islands " are within the sovereignty of Peru, and have always been so considered." And this he does by saying that Alcedo is entitled to " implicit confidence " " in the decision of a question purely geographical," and that in the passage alluded to he was speak- ing merely geographically. "He was not discussing any question of right founded on discovery or usage" ; and his ascription of the islands to the dominion of Spain must be referred to his " loyalty " as a Spanish officer, " who could not doubt the right of his Sovereign to any regions he might claim, by whatever title." Therefore his authority cannot be regarded as decisive. Besides, what acts of jurisdiction, asks Mr. Web- ster, did his Catholic Majesty exercise over these islands ? " The occasional visits of Indians from the neighbouring continent, to which Mr. Osma refers, cannot be said to have imparted to the Sovereign of Spain, or the Government of Peru even, as good a title to those islands as the habitual resort thither of the vessels Of the United States, so long and uninterruptedly continued for the purpose of capturing seals on their shores and whales in the adjacent ocean, would give to the United States. The use of these islands by the Peruvian Indians for the last half century has no doubt been vastly leas than by the citizens of the United States; and, upon the ground of Mr. Osma's argument, a better title could be asserted by possession on the part of the United States than could be maintained by Peru."

Respecting certain decrees of the Peruvian Government in 1842, pro- hibiting the carrying off of guano without lieenoes, Mr. Webster says,

his Government did not protest against the same, because they did not know of their existence until they found them in "British Parliamentary papers on the subject of the Lobos Islands presented to the House of Commons on the 14th of May last."

The note winds up with a promise that proper instructions shall be sent to the commander of the naval forces of the United States " to prevent col- lision until further examination of the case "; and a positive declaration that " no countenance will be given to the authors of such enterprises, claiming to be citizens 4' the United States, who may undertake to defend themselves or their vessels by force in _le prosecution of any commercial enterprise to these islands. Such acts could be acts of private war, and their authors would thereby justly forfeit the protection of their own Go- vernment."

An attempt made by Mr. Sumner in the Senate, on the 26th of August, to repeal the Fugitive Slave Law by a sidewind amendment on the Diplo- matic and Civil Service Bill, received only four votes.

Mr. Palfrey announced to a Free-soil Ratification meeting, held at Bos- ton on the 27th, that Mr. John P. Hale had accepted the Pittsburgh no- ruination for the Presidency. Amongst the documents brought by the Africa, is one which curi- ously illustrates the state of the American mind in its longings for the possession of Cuba. It is an account, by Jose Sanchez Ysnaga, of the " Order of the Lone Star "—a wide-spread secret political society, which has branches in all parts of the Union, and numbers in its ranks sol- diers, merchants, physicians, lawyers, editors, and clergymen," all bound to march at a moment's warning to Cuba.

" Origin, Progress, and Objects of the Order of the Lone Star.' " The insurrection that was organized by General Don Nerciso Lopez at Trinidad and Cienfuegos, and which was discovered by the Government in July 1848—the expedition of Round Island, prepared by Lopez, by means of funds supplied by the Cubans, and connected with the patriots resident upon he island, in August 1849—that of Cardenas, in May 1833, to which the Spanish guard of Cardenas was joined—that of the Cleopatra, prepared also by Lopez, in April 1851, by means of funds sent from Cuba—and the insur-

rection of Puerto Principe and Trinidad—were publiedeeds which have borne witness to the revolution of Cubs, and which stamped Lopez as the chief of

the Cuban patriots. Prolific of deeds and glory, and at the same time unfor- tunate for Cuba, has been the year of our Lord 1851. In April, the Cleopatra expedition, which was to have been the nucleus of the operations in Cuba, when upon the point of sailing, was discovered and dispersed by the base betrayal of an infamous traitor. The 4th of July, desperation obliged the Cubans to raise the cry of liberty at Puerto Principe; the 24th of the same month, the citizens of Trinidad answered the movement of the patriots of Camaguey ; the 12th of August, the formidable Lopez landed upon the shores of Cuba with four hun- dred valiant men; that very day the blood was shed, on the scaffold, of the hero of San Carlos (Aguero) and four of his comrades ; on the 18th, Armen- teros and ten more were immolated to the fury of despotism. Meanwhile, the hosts of the Spanish army ran away, frightened, before the unconquer- able Lopez, abandoning their wounded general, and leaving the soil covered with corpses. mother places, great numbers of patriots, who came ready to unite themselves to the standard of liberty, when about to cross the enemy's

lines, were assassinated—cruelly murdered by those who ran away shame-

fully in the field of battle. At last the hurricane came with fury, to put an end to the brave career of Lopez and his comrades, disarming them, and leaving them defenceless in the hands of their barbarous enemies. The 1st of September, upon a scaffold erected by despotism, was seen a hero, who, placing his confidence in God, said, My death shall not change the destinies of Cuba. Adieu, my dear Cuba, I die for you!' Thus he spoke, and his

spirit soared above, and rose up to heaven. That hero was Lopez—the meg. nanimous Lopez, who died. The whole island of Cuba was shaken ; and the

light of a lone star rose above the horizon upon the Queen of the Antilles, penetrating the shades of despotism, and lighting the way of union, courage, and valour, which only can conduce to the triumph of liberty. " Before the departure of Lopez from New Orleans, he received the pledges of several respectable persons to assist the expedition. Encouraged by these promises, Lopez started for the island to fulfil the duty that was assigned to him as chief, as man, and as hero. Meanwhile, those persons who remained behind formed a committee to carry out the fulfilment of their pledges. They collected together the necessary materials ; and a powerful auxiliary expe- dition was prepared, which, doubtless, would have insured the triumph of liberty in Cuba ; but, at the moment of weighing anchor, the fatal news arrived that Lopez had died upon the scaffold, and that the revolution was stopped.

" These events followed so rapidly, one after the other, that time was not allowed for the promised reinforcements ; and Lopez, defeated by the ele- ments, sealed by his death his sacred covenant to protect his dearest Cuba. The fusillade and mutilation of the fifty-one Americans under the walls of the Castle of Atares gave solemnity to the promises made on their part ; and at the same time, Aguero, Armenteros, and some others, martyrs of liberty, proclaimed the revolution from the scaffold, thus reaffirming the covenant en- tered into by Lopez. Witnesses also of the revolution in Cuba, and of the authority of Lopez to invoke the aid of free men in favour of unhappy Cuba, are the many Cuban victims who fill the Spanish prisons and fortresses, and the many who now eat the bread of exile in the United States, in Mexico, Venezuela, and France. " The revolution of Cuba was, then, an unquestionable fact ; and that Lopez was the recognized chief of the Cuban patriots, does not admit of the least doubt. In this manner we have vindicated the expeditions against the Colonial Government of Cuba, and freed ourselves from the imputation of piracy, which the servants of despotism desire to attach to our operations, influencing not a little ignorant men. Lopez was recognized before the war as the chief of the revolution of Cuba, and the covenants enteredinto by him we look upon as having been entered into by Cuba. " In view of acts so public and so notorious, while the hearts of the murdered victims yet palpitated, the friends of liberty met together to take those measures necessary for the redemption of the promises of Lopez ; and the institution of the Order of the Lone Star' was the result of their con- sultations.

"The death of Lopez, and the suppression of the insurrections of Puerto Principe and Trinidad, put a period to the revolution. It was not considered practicable or legal to recommence the struggle by means of an American expedition. Consequently, the Lone Star' was dedicated to perfect and spread its organization, gathering all the elements and necessary resources for the assistance of all enslaved but valorous people who may raise the cry of independence.

"A constitution was adopted having for its general basis 'the extension of the area of liberty,' and the first division of the Order of the Lone Star'

was instituted in New Orleans. Soon, others and others were instituted, until now there exist over fifty divisions in eight or ten States of the Union; amongst them the Cuban division La Union,' in the city of New York. The mem- bers number more than fifteen thousand, every one of them sworn to help and contribute to whatever enterprise the Order may undertake, obliged to assist in their own persons, or to fill their places with another when the mo- ment of action arrives. Until now we have only sought to incorporate those men most useful on account of their knowledge and virtues ; and many dis- tinguished men belong to this order, some military and some civil.

By looking over the constitution, the organization, character, and power of the Order' will be easily recognized. By it can be seen that each member must pay at least three dollars for his initiation, five dollars for the second

degree, and five dollars for the third, beside four shillings monthly dues ; but nearly all, if not all the divisions, have raised the scale of dues. As soon as three divisions exist in any State, a General Assembly is formed, composed

of two members of each division, elected by ballot. These General Assem-

blies are authorized to pass such by-laws and regulations as they may judge convenient for the good and increase of the Order. The Supreme Council is

composed of two members from each General Assembly, elected by themselves, which is charged with the general interests of the Order. This Council has power to dispose of the funds, to levy contributions if it is deemed necessary, to name officers and agents, and to act as umpire in all disputes of grave mo- ment which occur.

"In this manner we are gathering together the most honourable persons, to place them at the head of affairs ' • and the management of the enterprise will correspond to the principles and objects of this noble and powerful in-

stitution. Who can believe that this is a piratical institution, incited only by a thirst of vengeance? Who can believe that illustrious men of this powerful republic, which shows to the world a perpetual example of justice, should mysteriously meet together to conspire against the interests and feel- ings of an unhappy people r "Many, however, have appeared to believe that the motive which gave origin to, and which moves the ' Order of the Lone Star,' is the desire to avenge the American blood basely shed in Cuba ; that its object is to invade and conquer Cuba, if it should be necessary, usurping all the international rights, and caring nothing about the interests of the country. This is an absurd and malicious idea, propagated by the enemies of the liberty of Cuba. It is enough to say, that many Cubans are incorporated with the Order and cooperate with its plans, and moreover are interested in the happiness and welfare of their country ; thus giving the lie to their malign detractors. The origin of the Order, as above explained, was a compact entered into by Lo- pez. Its object is the extension of the area of liberty, without reference to the people or places. Although to Lopez belongs the glory of having caused the existence of so noble and powerful an institution, to Cuba and to other op- pressed people it appertains to take the benefit of such beneficent assistance, by rising, with faith and courage, in a new revolution.

"Cuba, preelected daughter of nature, the mysterious star which shines in your horizon lights thee to happiness and glou! The whole of America beholds you with eyes of love and confidence. Will you delay to raise thy humble head—to occupy the place which belongs to thee among the people of the earth ?"

A. letter from New York, in the Times of. Saturday-last, fully bore out this document; and the.writer gave reasons why Cuba was so ardently

desired by the United States,—reasons making it probable that the num- bers which sympathize with the projected enterprise greatly exceed those enrolled.

Cmas..—It is now certain that great though suppressed agitation is at work among the Creoles; report adds, Spaniards also, but that is not so manifest. The Empire City, from Havannah, arrived at New Orleans on the 18th of August, with newspapers, including the Gaceta de la Ha- bana. This journal had recently published a menacing article, asserting that Cafiedo, the new Governor-General, was "partially acquainted with the persons engaged in printing the revolutionary documents, even from the appearance of the first number, but that he waited for more certain information of the fact. The Governor had announced that all persons convicted of being the authors of these publications should be put to death." The publications alluded to are the numbers of " The Voice of the Cuban People," supposed by some to be printed in the United States, awl =need into Cuba.

CANADA.—Lord Elgin opened the Canadian Parliament on the 19th of August, in person. In his speech he described the state of the country as most prosperous ; securities continued to rise steadily in value, and the census returns showed how rapidly the colony was advancing in wealth and population. Of prospective legislation, Lord Elgin mentioned a deci- mal coinage, railway extension, steam communication between Great Britain and Montreal and Quebec, Parliamentary reform, the settlement of unoccupied lands, and lunatic asylums. The revenue was declared to be in a satisfactory state. Moreover, Lord Elgin promised to lay before the Assembly a ` despatch he had received from the principal Secretary of State for the Colonies, communicating the views of the Imperial Govern- ment in reference to the clergy reserves, and stating the grounds on which her Majesty's Ministers refrained from introducing a measure into the Imperial Parliament during the last session for the repeal of the Imperial statute on this subject."