12 AUGUST 1938, Page 15

MALTA TODAY

Commonwealth and Foreign

By HENRY BAERLEIN

[The Colonial Secretary announced in the House of Commons last month the grant of a new Constitution for Malta, and has this week visited Malta himself] " MALTA," said Nelson—and more than once—" is absolutely worthless as a naval base to England." The most probable explanation is that Sir William Hamilton was British Envoy at the court of the Two Sicilies, which Kingdom was the suzerain of Malta, Sir William was on very friendly terms with the Royal Family and Nelson wanted to avoid causing him additional offence. But at the same time Nelson declared that France must not be allowed to possess what Napoleon called la place plus forte de l'Europe.

It is, of course, at present much more formidable than it was in those days and on account of its military importance the quarter of a million Maltese have been deprived of any share in the government ; but in the opinion of many intelligent Maltese the Constitution granted in 1921 was too liberal, for it gave the Legislature full control of everything except defence, and a two-thirds majority could alter the Constitution itself. In 1933, owing to the machinations of certain politicians, representative government had to be abolished. A Royal Commission recommended, amongst other things, that English and Maltese should henceforward be the official, even as they are the habitual, languages of the island. To this a number of lawyers and priests took violent objection, the priests with less reason because their sermons have necessarily to be in Maltese, the lawyers because the archives were kept in Italian. In that matter England's policy had been one of laissez-faire ; she had done less in a hundred years to make English obligatory than Napoleon had done during a few days of his brief stay to propagate French. In the Valletta Museum one can see proclamations issued by the British after they had been for years in Malta, drafted in the Italian language and unprovided even with an English translation.

The Maltese had learned Italian because their own ancient language, which belongs to the Arabic branch of the Semitic family, was not spoken elsewhere and Italy was the country nearest to them. If Malta had been more to the west or to the east her people would have learned Spanish or Greek as their second language. Nowadays, English is of far more use to them, not only on their island but when they emigrate, for they go in vastly greater numbers to Australia than to the Italian colonies, which they call " desolations." Let the lawyers by all means learn Italian, but it would be foolish to compel the average school-boy to learn three languages, to the probable confusion of all of them, when Italian would avail him so little. Never is it heard in the streets ; even the most cultured Maltese use their own language at home— although once it was fashionable to look down upon it, as in Russia, where the aristocracy spoke French except to the servants—and the present currency of Italian may be seen from the fact that Malta, the Italian-language newspaper, is alleged to have a circulation of 18o copies, 6o of which go to Italy. The papers published in English and Maltese have a substantial sale.

In 1933 the steps taken by the Imperial Government produced a vehement protest from a section of the Maltese. During the Abyssinian crisis the island, of course, figured largely in international calculations. Since then it has made less claim on attention, but that gives no excuse for falling back into the error of laissez-faire. For the security of a fortress a contented population is requisite, and while the disloyal elements amount to no more than a negligible percentage, it is desirable that the Maltese should be entrusted with some fields of internal administration, with certain subjects reserved.

- There are in Malta three political parties and two ex- Rmmlers, Lord Strickland; who occupied that poihion when the Constitutionalists were in office, and Sir Ugo Mifsud, who headed the Nationalist Government which succeeded. As for the Labour party, it was attached to the Constitutionalists, from which allegiance it now seems to have diverged, and it may have a future if it pursues a line of its own. Both the ex-Premiers have come under considerable criticism. Lord Strickland has not mastered the art of smooth co-operation and his Imperialism has precipitated him into many controversies. Sir Ugo Mifsud is a mild and courteous lawyer, who was quite unable to restrain one of his Ministers, Dr. Mizzi, the editor of the above-mentioned Malta, and an ardent and undisguised Pro-Italian. No general election can be held in the immediate future, as there is no register of voters.

Account must always be taken of the part played by the Church in Maltese politics, for the devotion of a section of the people verges on the fanatical. There are habitually two clocks on the facades of their churches, one with the correct and one with the wrong time, so that the Devil may be confused, and when a motor-bus sets out from Valletta the passengers regularly cross themselves, by way of insurance against the perils of the road. The clergy, particularly in the villages, wield considerable authority. Some years ago the Archbishop-Bishop (an ecclesiastic who lived for more than thirty years at Fort Augustus in Scotland) came out openly against the Constitutionalists, but this was due more to personal measures than to considered principle. The Labour Party is less subservient to the Church than the Nationalist and if it ever gains office, there is likely to be conflict over such matters as taxation of ecclesiastical institutions. A scheme is now being organised that will send two or three young priests every year to a Roman Catholic institution in England and the Governor, General Sir Charles Bonham-Carter—perhaps the best Governor that Malta has ever had, a most sagacious and patient admin- istrator who visits all the villages and confers with the people —is anxious to strengthen from England the staff of St. Edward's Catholic College.

But most Englishmen look askance upon a government with no popular representation, however wise and paternal it may be. Malta's Executive Council, which assists the Governor, is composed of able men, but they can be dismissed at any time and the people have no say in their selection. The Maltese are an intelligent people, whose friendship is worth winning. The Grand Masters of the Knights of St. John, who ruled Malta for nearly three centuries, swore to maintain inviolate all the islanders' rights and privileges, but the pledge was too often broken. On the other hand we have the testimony of Coleridge, who for a time was secretary to Sir Alexander Ball, the first British governor and the idol of the Maltese. " In the poorest house of the most distant casal (village) two rude paintings," says S. T. C., "were sure to be found : a picture of the Virgin and Child and a portrait of Sir Alexander Ball." Britain can gain the regard of these people, as she has already gained their respect, by restoring to them some measure of representation. Whether a foreign country will again attempt, with financial inducements, to influence the General Election remains to be seen ; if she does she will be unwise, for the Maltese, apart from any abstract loyalty to Britain, know very well that no other maritime nation will spend anything like the £10,000 a week which is now being paid out by the Royal Dockyard. " If the Turks," said Queen Elizabeth, " should prevail against the Isle of Malta, it is uncertain what further peril might follow to the rest of Christendom." We can clearly not allow any other State to prevail against her today.