Brbatts anb Vroctebings in Varlianunt.

MINISTERIAL MEASURE ON THE CORN-LAWS.

The House of Commons, on Wednesday, was filled in every part long before the usual time for commencing public business. About five o'clock, Sir ROBERT PEEL, who had taken his place a few minutes before, moved that the parfigraph in the Queen's Speech relating to the Corn-laws be read by the Clerk. This having been done, and the House having resolved itself into Committee to consider the laws relating to corn,

Sir ROBERT PEEL proceeded to explain the measure which he was about to introduce for their modification. It was difficult, he observed, to discuss the subject without making statements or admissions which would be seized by opponents ; but he trusted to the reason, the mode- ration, and the judgment of Parliament. He would not, however, ex- cite the hope that his measure would tend materially and immediately to mitigate the existing commercial distress, produced by a combina- tion of causes. He had before seen depressions as great, and revivals of prosperity almost as sudden and extraordinary as those depressions ; and to the operation of natural causes he confidently looked for such a revival. Sir Robert briefly enumerated the causes to which he assigned the em- barrassment, which had been in operation for the last four or five years,—the stimulus given to great undertakings by the connexion be- tween joint stock banks and our manufacturing establishments; the immigration of labourers from the agricultural districts to the manu- facturing, and consequent building speculations ; the immense increase of mechanical power ; the reaction of monetarydifficulty produced by similar causes in the United States, and the diminished demand for our manufactures there ; interruption of commerce with China ; the war- alarm in Europe, and stagnation of commerce consequent upon it. He did not think that any alteration of the Corn-laws could be a remedy for some of the evils inseparable from these causes. "Extend your foreign commerce as you may, depend upon it that it is not a necessary consequence that the means of employment for manual labour will be proportionate to that extension." The hand-loom weavers were an in- stance of the disastrous effects upon particular classes of those sudden improvements in machinery which produced the general wealth of the country ; a hard but inevitable condition. He referred to the exports to show the working of some of the causes which he had named. We are too apt, upon comparison of the last few years at any time, if we find a decline, to infer that the sources of our prosperity are drying up : we should extend the comparison over larger periods. But even dur- ing a very recent period, the general exports showed an increase- " On referring to the returns, I find that in the year 1840 the exports of British produce and manufactures—I speak of their declared value—to all parts of the world, exceeded the exports of 1837 by 9,355,0001.; that they exceeded those of 1838 by 1,345,0001.; that they fell short of the exports of 1839 by 1,817,0001.—a falling-off sufficient, no doubt, to create great and natural anxiety and apprehension; but the causes of that falling-off will be amply accounted for if you will refer to the state of our commercial transactions with the United States. In 1839 there was an export to the United States of 8,839,000/., whereas in 1840 the total amount of exports was only 5,283,0001.; thus leaving a deficit in the state of our exports with the United States, in 1840 as compared with 1839, of the amount of 3,556,000/. Now this fact is sufficient to account for the falling-off in the general amount of our exports in 1840 as compared with 1839. In the mean time, it is satisfactory to view the progress of our Colonial trade. In 1837, the proportion of our exports to the Colonies was 11,208,000/4 in 1838, it was 12,025,000/.; in 1839, it was 14,363,000/.; and in 1840, it was 15,497,000/. Now let us look at the state of our commercial transactions with those countries in Europe which are the chief sources of our supply of food. Let us look at the state of our export trade with Germany, Holland, and Belgium. In 1837, the value of our exports to these three countries was 8,742,0001.; in 1838, it was 9,606,000/.; in 1839, it was 9,660,0001.; and in 1840, it was 9,704,000/. So that even with respect to those countries which are the chief sources of our supply of corn when we stand in need of any, which are supposed to be such formidable competitors of our manufacturers, and with which the sale of our productions is supposed to be so rapidly declining on account of our exclusion of their corn, it appears that on the whole there has been a progressive increase in the exports of our commerce. Sir, I cannot, therefore, infer that the operation of the Corn-laws is to be charged with the depression which unfortunately prevails in the country at the present moment." Various opinions obtain in the country as to a change of the Corn- laws. Some oppose all change : Sir Robert believed their number very small, for most agriculturists believe that the Corn-laws may be altered with advantage. Others demand immediate and absolute repeal, reject- ing all modification : and those who advocated repeal of all taxes on subsistence appealed to topics which gave them a great advantage. A comparison is made between the dearness of food in this country and its cheapness in others ; but that led to a fallacious conclusion : the true question is, not what is the price of bread, but what command the labouring classes have over bread, and what command they have over the enjoyments of life. The price of corn is much less in Prussia than in this country; but what is the condition of the Prussian people? The evidence of Dr. Bowring before the Import-Duties Committee should ITHe said that he had made an estimate of the consumption of different articles, (and, I believe, he had in his possession the means of calculating,) and that he found that in Prussia, with a population of 14,000,000, the consumption of butchers-meat was 485,000,000 pounds, or very nearly thirty-five pounds an- nually for each person. But the honourable gentleman says that, in this country, 25,000,000 of persons consume fifty pounds of meat annually: he says that it cannot be less than fifty pounds, and it has been frequently estimated at double that amount. Now, I will take it at the lowest calculation ; and from that it appears that the inhabitants of Prussia consume but thirty-five pounds yearly, whereas in this country fifty pounds are' at the lowest estimate, con- sumed annually. Observe, that I am not at all denying that distress prevails in many parts of the country : I feel perfectly convinced that, in parts of the country, distress prevails to a great extent. Indeed, I could not have been pre- sent at the debate last night, and heard the details with respect to the state of Paisley, without being satisfied of the existence of distress. I certainly do not mean to draw the inference that, while there are 17,000 persons out of employ at Paisley, the consumption of meat is upon this scale. Not at all; but it is impossible to argue the subject fairly with reference to particular cases. You must not be driven away from the inference by being taunted with the question as to whether at Paisley, Stockport, or Oldham, there is such an amount of consumption. 1 admit that there is no such consumption ; but in drawing general conclusions with respect to legislation, you have no other alter- native than to deal with general averages and comprehensive results; and by

that means to ascertain, upon the whole, what the consumption of a country is. I will now proceed to the consumption of sugar ; and before you deter- mine that high prices are necessarily an evil, I would recommend you to com- pare the consumption of sugar in this country with that of other countries of Europe. I again refer to the authority of Dr. Bowring. The honourable gentleman said, that in France the consumption of sugar, according to the last returns, was about five pounds a head : he said, indeed, that the amount of consumption of sugar was four and three-tenths a head, but I think it better to take five pounds, because there may be a certain amount of beet-root sugar, which he may not have taken into his calculation. Therefore, taking the con- sumption at five pounds a head in France, it will be found to be the highest in Continental Europe In the states of the German League it is four pounds; and in Europe generally it is two and a half pounds a head. The consump- tion of Great Britain, however, the honourable gentleman calculates at seven- teen pounds a head. I will now take the consumption of corn-of the article which is the subject of our present discussion. Mr. Deacon Home, a gentle- man whose loss we must all sincerely deplore, made the calculation that each individual in this country consumed one quarter of wheat per annum : the honourable gentleman makes the total consumption for 24,000,000 of inhabit- ants 45,000,000 quarters of grain; which is not very far from two quarters for each person. The honourable gentleman also gives us the consumption of the Prussian states: he says the Prussian states contain 14,000,000 of inhabitants, and that they consume 13,000,000 quarters of grain in the year. Observe, that this is less than one quarter an individual. But while Mr. Hume calcu- lates the consumption of wheat in this country as a quarter for each individual per annum, the honourable gentleman's calculation was that of one quarter of bread consumed by each person in Prussia three-fourths, at least, consist of rye. The honourable gentleman also says that throughout the Prussian states the consumption of rye-bread is in the proportion of three or four to one when compared to wheat. The consumption of 124 towns in the Prussian League would be 65A- pounds of wheat and 240i pounds of rye for each individual; makiug in the whole 306 pounds. This would give, for the 124 towns, the consumption for each individual, one bushel of wheat, instead of one quarter of wheat, which was the consumption of Great Britain." He quoted similar evidence respecting the comparative consumption of tea, salt, and woollen cloth. On the other hand, the consumption of tobacco and butter is less in England than in Prussia. A reference to Belgium also proved that the wages there did not give the same com- mand over the comforts and necessaries of life as in other countries.

It was Sir Robert's firm belief, that total repeal of the Corn-laws would aggravate the manufacturing distress, by adding to it agricultural dis- tress; the prosperity of the two classes being identified. There are ad-

vantages in a fixed duty, which do not apply to a variable duty ; but the objection to the principle of imposing any duty on corn was equally ap-

plicable to both. Nor could a fixed duty be permanent. He did not think that they could impose any amount of fixed duty, sufficient for the protection of agriculture in years of average supply, which they could determinately and fixedly impose in times of distress and scarcity. In considering the question, it became a matter of importance to con- sider what is the probability that this country could supply its own po- pulation with corn from its own resources- " Now, I am not prepared to admit that this country is unable in ordinary years to supply its own population. If I formed my judgment from the cir- cumstances of the last four years, I should have been compelled to conclude that we were dependent on foreign supply for a great proportion of our con- sumption: I should have been compelled to come to this conclusion, because the average of the last four years' importation of foreign corn into this country was 2,300,000 quarters. But if we take a longer period-if we take twelve or thirteen years, then it would appear that on the whole the annual average importation of foreign corn was very considerably smaller. In proof of this, I beg to state, that taking the quantities of wheat and wheaten flour imported in those years, it appeared that the whole did not amount to more than 12,000,000 or 13,000,000 of quarters : from July the 5th 1828 to January the 1st 1841, the whole quan- tity of wheat and wheaten flour entered for home consumption was 13,475,000

guartere. No doubt, during the last ten years, the population was greater than it was during the preceding ten years ; but that increase had not been of such

magnitude as to occasion a greatly increased demand. It was true, also, that for the last four years there had been a necessity for a great supply of foreign corn ; but then, on the average of the six preceding years, there was almost a sufficient supply raised in this country. I am therefore not necessarily bound to admit the conclusion that there must be a large annual im- portation of foreign corn to supply the demand of the 'home market. In turning our attention to this subject, we have to apply ourselves to

years in which there is a comparative abundance, as well as those in which there is a scarcity. It might happen that in the next six years there

might be good and abundant harvests. This might occur, as formerly ; and if it did occur, what I fear from a fixed duty is, that the given amount of duty which you could maintain in times of scarcity would in such seasons expose this country to the greatest disasters, by causing so great a fall in the pnce of agricultural produce as not to afford sufficient means to enable our farmers to continue the cultivation of the soiL It has been observed by writers of experience and eminence, that productive and unproductive years follow in certain cycles, and that you do not have a year of abundance necessarily follow a year of scarcity ; but you must take a period of five or six years of abun- dance being followed by five or six years of deficiency or scarcity. The effect of a fixed duty on corn would be, that at all times, and under all circumstances, you must admit foreign corn into this country ; and you should also recollect that the periods of favourable harvests in the countries whence you derive your chief supplies of foreign corn generally corresponded with favourable har- vests here. The great corn-producing countries of Europe are in the same parallel of latitude with this country, and are effected by the same causes; so that it will be found as a general result, that an abundant harvest here is contemporaneous with an abundant harvest abroad. When there is an abundant supply in the market, if a slight additional quantity of corn is brought in it pro- duces a very great effect. All experience tends to convince me that, with respect to corn, fluctuations must arise in consequence of the various produce of dif- ferent seasons; and that we could not calculate entirely on steadiness of price arising from a supply from abroad. No law passed could insure a steadiness of price when there was a deficient harvest here and a deficient harvest abroad.

Take the United States which were not subject to the operation of our Corn- laws, and there you will find, that, in consequence of the fluctuations of seasons, there have been great fluctuations of price-indeed, as great as in this country. In Prussia, I find that in rye-a species of grain not affected by our Corn- laws-there is as great a fluctuation n price as there is in the price of wheat in this country. These fluctuations must depend so much on the seasons that I am of opinion that no law can guard against them."

He came to the conclusion that it was not advisable for Parliament to alter the principle of the existing law ; and the alteration which he proposed went on the principle of retaining a duty on corn varying inversely with the price of corn in the home-market ; and the mainte- nance of that principle necessarily involves the maintenance of a system of averages-

" Itj said that there would be great advantages resultihg from sweeping away altogether the system of averaps : but we cannot dispense with a system of averages, while the present Tithe Commutation Act exists ; and therefore I say, that if we are to determine the amount of duty on corn by a system of averages, it would be inconvenient, on the one hand, to have two systems of averages in the country at the same time, and it would be inconvenient and unjust to depart materially from that system under which the arrangements under the Tithe Act have been made. I propose, therefore, as a necessary in- cident to a varying duty, to retain a system of averages."

He doubted whether there had not been much exaggeration as to the frauds and combinations to influence the averages-

" It is a prevailing idea that the returns for London have an undue influence upon the Provinces and upon the entire kingdom in this respect ; and there is a general belief that in Leeds, Wakefield, and other great corn-markets in Yorkshire, there have been great and repeated combinations for the purpose of influencing the averages ; but I am inclined to think that the apprehensions which have been entertained on this subject are greatly exaggerated. If we take the averages of the kingdom for six weeks in 1840-if we take those for the weeks ending the 6th, 13th, 20th, and 27th of August, and the 3d and 10th of September-the average of the kingdom for these six weeks was 735. Id. If we exclude the London market altogether from the averages, the general average would then be 72s. 10d.; if you exclude the Yorkshire markets, the general average would then be 71s. 10d. ; so that, as far as we can judge from figures, I really think the apprehensions that have been entertained as to very extensive frauds in the averages are greatly exaggerated. The differ- ence of the average, by excluding London, is 5d.; by excluding the Yorkshire markets, Is. 3d.; and by excluding London Leeds, and Wakefield, Is. Id. It must be recollected, too, that the price in London is much higher than else- where; and therefore, no imputation of fraud necessarily arises, even if the average of London greatly exceeds that of the rest of the kingdom." Various proposals for alterations of the system had been submitted to Government, and duly considered. It had been proposed that returns of averages should be made only by the growers; but that would be im- possible with Scotch and Irish wheat, and to exclude that would have a material effect in raising the price. The great secret of preventing fraud was to remove the temptation to it. The proposal of Govern- ment with respect to the taking of the averages was this- " We shall propose to take the averages in the present mode, from the factor, the miller, or the purchaser. We shall propose that the duty of collecting the returns shall devolve on the Excise. The Excise is perfectly competent to this duty ; it has officers employed in each market-town, fully qualified for the dis- charge of this duty, by having greater duties to perform, and who will be able, at a comparatively small increase of expense, to fulfil this employment ; and by their intelligence, their business-habits, and the responsibility which attaches to them as public officers, they will afford far greater security against fraud than can be obtained by intrusting this duty to individuals. We propose that these averages, taken as they are at present, shall be returned to the officer appointed in each market-town by the -Board of Excise. Another security which we propose to take is to widen the range from which the returns are to be made. At present, one hundred and fifty towns are named in the Corn Act, from which returns are received. In this number of one hundred and fifty, many considerable towns are not included. Towns have grown up since the passing of that act which have become market-towns, where large quantities of corn are sold. We propose, therefore, not to leave any discretionary power in any

executive authority to add towns ; but in the bill we shall introduce we propose to name the principal towns having corn-markets, which are not included in the one hundred and fifty towns ofthe Corn Act. The more we can widen the range from which to collect the corn-returns, the greater security do we realize against the averages being improperly influenced by combinations, and the

greater the facility presented in determining what is the average, by ascertain- ing the price of corn in the largest possible number of market-towns. We shall propose to limit the number of these towns, as at present, to England and Wales. The three precautions, then, which we thus propose to bring forward, as the most effective against fraud in the averages, are these,-first, to widen the range from which the averages are to be taken; secondly, to employ re- sponsible officers, acting under the authority of a public body, for the purpose of collecting these returns. But the main security which we rely on as pro- viding against fraud, is such an alteration in the duty as shall diminish the temptation to commit fraud." He now approached the most important part of the subject, the amount of protection to be given to the produce of this country- " At the present time, the House is aware, the duty varies in this way : when the price is 59s. and under 60s., the duty is 27s.; it then diminishes ls. in duty with every Is. increase in price, until corn reaches the price of between 66s. and 67s., when the duty is 20s. 8d.; it then falls 2s. in duty with the increase in price, so that when the price is between 68s. and 69s. the duty is 16s. 8d.; at 708. the duty is 13s. 8d., and at 71s. 10s. 8d. ; it then falls 4s. with each in- crease of price, so that at 738. it is 2s. 8d., and at 73s. and upwards Is. and no more. The main objection which has been urged to that mode of levying the duty is this-that the reduction of duty is so rapid that it holds out tempta- tions to fraud. For instance, at 60s. the duty is 26s. 8d. ; at 73s. the duty is ls. only ; so that between 60s. and 73s. there is an increase of price of 13s. and a decrease of duty of 25s. fid., affording a great inducement to fraud, or to combinations for the purpose of influencing the averages, giving, as it did, to parties so inclined, the advantage in the sale of one quarter of wheat of no les' than 38s. 8d. At 668. the duty is 20s. &L; so that even between 66s. and 73s. there is an inducement to parties to hold back corn of 7s. in the price and 19s. 8d. in the duty, making a total amount of pecuniary inducement to retain the article of 26s. 8d. At 66s. the inducement to retain corn, in the hope of its rising to 70s., is 4s. in price and 10s. in duly; a total inducement of 14s. At 70s. price, the inducement for retaining corn till it reaches 73s., is 3s. price and 98. duty ; together 12s. Thus the consumer is injured, by the withholding of corn until it is dearer the revenue, by the forced reduction of duty ; the agriculturist, by the withholding of corn until it has reached the highest price, which is then snatched from him, and his protection defeated; while commerce suffers from the uncertainty."

The scale of duties which he had to propose had been devised with the desire to protect agriculture, but to facilitate as far as possible a commerce in corn with other countries. As to the term " remunerat- ing price," he was almost afraid to name a thing so disputed : but the two points to be aimed at were, to determine the price which would encourage the home growth of corn, and that at which foreign corn might safely be admitted-

" If we take the average of wheat that determines the commutation of tithe, the principle on which the Tithe Bill goes-the average, namely, of seven years, on which all the calculations in that respect are founded-I find that the price of wheat was about, on an average, 56s. 8d. If we take the average of wheat for the last ten years, that average is, I think, about 56s. 11d. But in this average there enters the average of the last three years; during which, corn was certainly higher than, I think, any one can wish to ace it again. Now, for myself, I should say, that for the agricultural interest, as far as I can forms judgment-I should say, that if the price of wheat in this country could always be near a certain amount, and its oscillations be limited to something between 54s. and 58s., I do not believe that it would be for the intereste of agriculture that the price should be beyond that. But all calculations of this kuid must be exceedingly vague; and when I epeak of this average, I do not mention it as the pivot on which a remunerating price should turn, or as a price that the Legislature can guarantee; for I know very well that it is im- possible for any legislative arrangements to guarantee any price of corn what- ever-it is quite beyond our power. By a fixed duty, or any other duty, we could not guarantee it; and an over-abundance may so reduce the corn that it may be placed under the reach of the Legislature. In 1835, when you had what some thought a nominal protection of 64s., the average price of corn here did not exceed 39s. 8d. The idea pf determining that a certain suro is mecca- eery as a remunerating price, or to give the agriculturist any freedom of pro- tection, I hold to be mere fallacy and delusion. The quality of the land, the rent paid, a thousand other'eonsiderations, enter into this question,- and no- thing can be more futile than to attempt to define what the price should be."

Greater difficulties occur in fixing the value of foreign corn ; for its quality as compared with that of England, freight, distance, and other considerations, all disturbed the calculation. Sir Robert now described his own scale- • ,

" We propose that when corn is at 50s. and under 51s. in price, a duty of 20s. shall be taken ; but that in no case shall that duty be exceeded. We pro. pose that when the price is 51s. and under 52s., the duty shall be 19s.; and after this we 'propose that there should be what I may call a rest in the scale- that at the three next items of price the duty should be uniform. Thus it would be-when the price is 52s. and under 53s., the: duty should be 18g.; when 53s. and under 54s., 18s. ; and when 54s. and under 55s., still 18s. When the price is 55s. and ,under 56s., we propose that the duty shall be 17s.; when 56s. and under 57a, that it shall be 16s.; when 57s. and under 58s., that it shall be 15s.; when 58s. and under 59s., that it shall be 14s.; when 59s. and under 60s., that it shall be 13s.; when 60s. and under 61s., that it shall be 12s.; when 61s. and under 62s., that it shall, be lls.; wiien.62s. and under 63s., that it shall be 10s.; when 63s, and under 648., that it shall be 9s.; when 54s. and under 65s., that it shall be 8s.; and When 65s. and under 664.,, that it shall be 7s. At the three next items of price I propose smaller rest in the aCale, similar to the former : I should propose upon the next three a duty of as.; that it to say, when the price is 66s. and under 67s., when it is 67s and under 68s. and when it is 68s. and under'69s., in each of those cases the duty would be es. 'When the price is 69s. and under.70a, I propose a duty'of 5s.; when 70s.-and under 71g., a duty of 4s.; when 71s. an& undbt 72s., a 'duty of 3a; when 92.s. !and under 73s., a dut7 of 2s. ; and when 73s. and under 74a, a duty of Is. the quarter-when that ;price is arrived at, I propose that the duty should:altogether cease." .{The dead silence which prevailed while Sir 'Robert wag reading the proposed scale, was followed, when he had concluded, by a good deal of laughteialong the line of the Opposition benches, and a loud buzz of conversation on both sides of the House, which did not quite subside, during the remainder of the speech.1 The maximum duty, when corn is under 51s.,, would. be 20s.; and Sir Robert was perfectly satisfied that it would be useless to take a greater amount.of protection than that." lie described the nature of the changes with respect to other grain than wheat= The,proportions of the existing law are these-assuming wheat to be va- lued at 100, then barley is taken at 53, oats at 40, and rye pear, and beans at 58, Supposing the price of wheat to be 56s., the duty will be 16s. if barley be 29a, the duty will be 9s.; if oats be at 22a, the duty willte 6s. 3d.; audit rye; peas, and beaus be 32s., the duty will be 10s. 34d. I am not aware of any reason for altering those proportions which I. find established with respect to other grain than wheat in the existing law." The maximum duty on -oats, with a price of 19s., would be 8s.; on barley, at 26s., lls.

Colonial wheat- .1 "The law regulating the import of British Colonial wheat is at present to this effect. British Colonial wheat and flour may be importedInto this 'coon-

try at a duty of 5s. whenever the price of British wheat is below 67g.; - when British wheat exceeds 67s., Colonial wheat. is admissible at a' duty of' 6d. a quarter., I propose to givethe same advantages to-Colonial wheat with respect to admission that are to be given to other wheat. Considering tbat'that sudden drop in the duty from •5s. td on,account of tbe difference of a shilling in the price; as variancewith the principle of the law which we seek to establish, namely, as equable and uniform a reduction of duty as possible, we proposeto make.this arrangement with respect to Colonial wheav-that whets the price of British wheat is under 55s., the duty,per quarter on Colonial wheat shall be 5a Whim the price is from 55s, to 56s., the duty on Colonial wheat to be 4s. ;' 56s. to-57s., ; 57s. to 58s., 2a.; 58s. and upwards, Is.; this removes the sudden fall in.the amount of duty on Colonial wheat which takes place under the•ex- ;sting law, but leaves to thatwheat the advantage of the reduction made in fa- vow of other corn. With respect .to flour, I propose to adopt the same calcu- lation, and to admit it on the sane terms as those proposed for wheat."

Sir Robert enlarged on the reductions which his scale effects-

When the price of corivis 59s. and under 60s., the present duty is 27s. 8d ; the duty which I propose is 13s. When corn- is at 50s., the existing duty is 36s. 8d., and it continues tO increase as the price falls; I propose to make the duty at that price 20s., and■that it shall not increasebeyond that. When tire price is at 56s., the existing duty is 30s. 8d..; according to my scale it will be t6s. 'When the price is 60s., the existing duty is .26s. 8d.; the proposed duty is 12.s. At 63s. the existing duty is 23a 8d.; the proposed duty is 9s. -At 648. the existing duty is 22s. 8c1, ; the proposed duty is 8s. 'At 70s. the existing duty is 10s. 8d.; the proposed duty is 5s. At 71s. the existing duty is 6s. del; the proposed duty is 4s. It is therefore impossible to deny, comparing the duties which we propose with the duties as they exist at present, that there is a very Considerable decrease of protection for the home.grower. There is a de- crease of protection which in my opinion can be made consistently with justice to all the interests concerned."

He disclaimed all idea of legislating for particular interests-

., It is my belief, and the belief of my colleagues, that it is of the highest im- portance for this country-of the higheit importance for the welfare of all classes-that you should take precautions to insure thatThe main source of your supply of food should be derived from domestic agriculture. I believe that any additional price which you pay for that purpose is not to be, and cannot be, vindicated as a bonus or, premium to agriculture. :You are entitled to place such a duty on foreign, corn as is equivalent to special harden& linen° by agri- culture ; but any additional protection, I 8131: WW1 to admit, can only be vin- dicated on the ground that it for the. interest Of 1 classes call the community. I consider it to be for the interest of all classes that they AMIN pay occasion- ally a small additional sum for domestic produce, to obtain s'eenrity against the calamities which. would ensue if they were altegether, or in .graat -part, de- pendent open foreigners. My belief is, that the alterations of seasons will con- tinue to take place. Whatever law youintay pas, you will have occasionally deficient harvests ; and you .must expect Mk harvests in other eoutitries will Often be deficient at the eam¢ time with your own.' If you shduld find yourself, therefore, dependent. 'on foreign countria for some shch import as -four or five millions of quititersy“ and if that calamity of a' deficient harvest should be a general' one, their:Jed may dePend on it that the interest of self-preservatioii will prevail in thoseforeien countries over all others : impedi-

•

ingots will be placed on exportation, and their own ,domestic produce will be applied to the sustenance of their own people. I certainly could not be a party-not on account of the special interests of agriculture, but on account of the general and comprehensive interests of all classes-I say 1 could notjse -a party to any law the effect of which would be to make this country perma- nently dependent on foreign countries for a considerable portion of its 64 That it must in a series of years be occasionally dependent on foreign coun- tries, I cannot deny. There may be many years in which a considerable por- tion must come from foreign countries; but I do not abandon the hope that this country, on the average of years, may produce sufficient for its own con- sumption. , Even if that hope should be disappointed-if yeti must receive from foreign countries under ordinary circumstances an addition to your owa supply of food-I draw a material distinction between that supply on the one hand, which is casual, which is limited in quantity, and which is brought in for the purpose of repairing an accidental and comparatively alight deficiency ; and, on the other hand, that supply which is of a more permanent and exten- sive nature."

Its conclusion, Sir Robert said that he considered the present not an unfavourable time to consider the subject : there was no great stock of foreign corn on hand to alarm the growers; the recess, notwithstanding the distress, had been marked by unusual calm ; there was no popular violence to interrupt legislation ; and there was a disposition to view any proposal for the adjustment of the question with calmness and Moderation. Whether his proposition were accepted or rejected; be hoped that the question Would be adjusted in the way most consistent with the permanent welfare of all classes.

Lord Jolts, RUSSELL, without any expression of opinion on the mea- sure, asked for a list of the towns to be selected to return the averages.

Sir ROBERT PEEL promised it by Friday. • Mr. COBDEN said a few words. He was not surprised at the propo- sition, constituted as the Government is ; for he had not expecte* to get !grapes from thorns or figs from thistles." Bathe denounced, it as an insult to a suffering people.

No other Member spoke.. The -debate 'was fixed for Monday ; and the House adjourned Soon after eight o'clock. *

Colonel Stirrnoar askkil on Thursday, whether it was Sir Robert Peel's intention to make e duty payable when, corn was brought int? this country; or when it was taken out of bond? • 'Sir Itonknr PL said was not his intention to make any alteration in 'the period in Which the duties on corn were Paid. ,•Colonel Sfirrnone then pie nbtiee, that on Monday he should move that • the duty be paid on the importation of Corn. Lord JOHN' RUSSELL. gave 'notice, that on Monday/he should move a: resolution to the effect that it was not advisable,' in any alteration of the Corn-laws, to adopt the principle of a graduated sliding-scale; Mr. CHARLES VILLIERS, that on going into Committee he should take the sense of the House on the policy of imPOking any duty Whatever on' to- reign corn or food imported into this country.'

JUDICIAL RESIGNATIONS.

Lord Joaw Russ= moved, on Thursday, an address to the, Crown praying for copies of letters of /he late Lord President of the Court of Session in Scotland and the late Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench in Ireland, on resigning their judicial offices. The Judges are placed in an almost irresponsible position, observed Lord Jolla; and the public is entitled to expect that they should give a total and entire devotion to their judicial duties, and that nothing of a political character should attach to them- , Now, circumstances had occurred in the cases to which he referred which certainly were prima facie of a suspicious character ; for no sooner was one set of Ministers changed for, another, than two of the highest judicial personages, one holding the office of Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench in ,Ireland, and the other the office of Lord President of the Court of Session in Scotland, re- signed their offices and accepted. retiring pensions. On the face of it, it would appear that one of two things had taken place-either that the Judges, during the period in Willa they retained their offices, had been for some time unfit to perform their duties with that vigour and intelligence which were requisite ; or that, being still in full possession of their powers, they had resigned their judicial situations into the hands • of those whom they considered their political friends, and obtained retiring pensions, thereby depriving the public of the use of those talents which ought to be devoted to its service. 'This :slight be explained by the letters for Which he had moved : it might appear to have been the case, however singular and strange, that in September or October 1841 such an infirmity or illness had attacked both 'these eminent persons, as led to the resignation of their offices, and rendered, them unable any longer to perform their duties ; and then all suspicion would be at an end. At the same time, there were other circumstances that made it more necessary for such an explanation to be given :Abe Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench in Ireland, had seldom attended circuit for some time; and when the Lord President of the Court of Session retired, his,nesr relative had been appointed to the vacant seat.

Lord John made no charge against the Executive Government in the • matter : it was simply their duty, when the resignations were tendered,

to see that they were correctly made and the places properly filled up. He asked for the letters as a warning to persons in high judicial situa- tions not to allow themselves ,to be bent by political partiality. Sir JAMES GRAHAM, after the best reflection he could give to ale notice of Lord John's motion, had remained in the gravest doubt as tie what could be the motives or intentions of the noble lord in bringingit forward- The noble lord had no complaint to make of the mode in which that slaty had beeen discharged by the Executive Government : his motion was not for the purpose of reflecting on the character of those venerable Judges who had lately retired, but as a warning to future Judges not to follow their example; Sir James had not the hotund of knowing either of those eminent pers3nS; but he should say that their conduct, so far from giving such a warning, had left a

bright example to be followed by their successors. '

Sir James cited the teatimony of the address presented to each Judge on his retirement by the Bar of his country. Chief Justice Bushe had been distinguished'alniang' such men as Mr. Grattan,' Mr. Curran, Lord plunket, and the most eminent of his day. The Lord President bad presided in the Court of Session for more than thirty years, and his in- tegrity had not been for one moment called in question. Perhaps, thought Sir James, Lord John might be anxious to know whether the Government bad.followed the example of their predecessors by entering

into negotiations- • .

He thought the noble lord might have been anxious to know whether some expectant Solicitor-General, waiting-to be Lord-Advocate, had negotiated with the Lord President respectiug a clause to he introduced iato a bill before. Par. liament to secure his retiring allowance, upon condition of his immediate resig- nation ; that the Lord-Advocate might be made Lord President, and the nego- tiating Solicitor-General succeed to the post of Lord-Advocate. He thought that a supposition of some such proceeding might have aroused the constitutional jealousy of the noble lord, or that his suspicions might have been excited by his own past experience in office. In thinking that such might have been the motive of the noble lord, Sir James Graham felt strong hi the consciousness of not having been a. party to any transaction of that description. He could state on the part of theHovernment, that neither directly norindirectly was any commu- nication made to the Lord President with respect to his retirement from office, or the amount of his compensation. As to Ireland, it was not only a Lord Chief Justice that had retired; they had heard of a Lord Chancellor retiring—not upon the accession of a Government to office, but when a Government was vir- tually condemned by Parliament and the country, and the continued existence of that Government must have been known to the members of it themselves

to be impossible., Plunket had publicly stated that he was not anawerable for his own retirenient, but that it had been requested of him "as a personal favour." , Sir James could not consent to a motion so unusual ; as it would stamp with something like disgrace the venerable persons to whom it applied.

Mr. Fox MAULE said that the circumstances which attended Mr. Hope's retirement must justify Lord John's suspicions—

It was perfectly well known by every Scotchman—he saw honourable gentle- men sitting opposite who knew it well—thtit the late Lord President had been for many months before his retirement incapable of performing his duties. He would ask the Lord-Advocate, whom he saw opposite, whether, before the late Government brought forward the motion which led to their resignation, the Lord President had not, on the assembly of the Judges, stated that his infirmity was on hirn, and that he must give up to junior Judges the performance of his duties in the Jury Courts ? Was that the first instance of his having done so? By no means. It was by the forbearance of the bar that the learned Judge in question had been enabled to hold his position to so advanced a period. To proVe the state of Lord President Hope's mind, Mr. Maule men- tioned his having so far let his temper get the better of his discretion, borrowing a simile from Lord Stanley to call that venerable body, the Gene;ral "Assembly of the Church of Scotland, " thimbleriggers' ; comparing them to Men who tossed at race-courses and cried, "heads I win, tails you lose." It was reported, indeed, that the Lord President had tendered his resignation during Sir Robert Peel's Administration in 1835. A circumstance which confirmed that report was, the Lord President's having' said that it should never happen to him that his mind shoeld affected before he retired from office; or he had placed his resignation in the hands of his son, to be used whenever he saw his faculties decay.

Sir WILLIAM RAE declared that the charges against Mr. Hope were unfounded : he had heard every jury-case-that came before the First Division of the Court of Session since July last. He had been made the object of attack and vituperation by the Nonintrusion party, but Sir William had never before heard the words now imputed to him. Mr. O'CoNNELz. observed, that Sir James Graham had appealed to him for an opinion of Chief Justice Bushe, as one "opposed to him in politics": a Chief Justiac ought to be opposed to no one "in politics " ; bat, indeed, he was not always so, for he began life as an opponent of the Union, and agreed with him in politics until he became Chief Justice— The Chief Justice had been the rival and the comrade of Grattan, of Curran, and Plunket. He was superior to them in many qualities of intellect and eloquence—he was inferior to them in ndne. There could be no doubt that the Chief Justice had the happiest vocabulary of words that ever a human being yet had at his command ; he was an excellent lawyer—an accomplished gentleman. He was all these, but he is not ; for, alas ! the Charles ushe of former days was not the Charles Basile who held his office but to resign it since the Tories came in. There was a sad decay of nature : he presented a beautiful and mighty wreck but still a wreck. Unhappily he had clung to

the ivlien he was•not fit to rendlin there. For the last four •or five years he never sat at Nisi Prins,. but left his duties to a junior Judge. He Went circuit ; for if a Judge did not go citcuit, it affected the amount of his salary. • . Mr. O'Connell did not know that any great weight was to be attached to a complimentary address from the Bar to a retiring Judge.

Mr. SHAW said, that the Chief Justice did not become aware, from his declining health, of the propriety of resigning until going circuit last summer ; and he then said, without reference to what. party might be in office, that he never again would take his seat in the November term. Mr. Shaw added a' pendant to the case of Lord Campbell- • If he were not under a very erroneous impression; terms were offered by the late Government to Chief Justice' Bustle. He believed also, from what he bad heard,-that terms had been offered to judge Joluison—that an office, a civil otAce, was to be givea to his son, and another to a second son, who was in time Church. He did believe this. And now the noble lord Would recollect that he had provoked -these statements from the Ministerial side of the House. During the latter period ed the rule of the late Administration,. more offices were given away in the public departments—in the Police, in the Stipendiary Magistracies, and other places, than at any former period of the history of Ireland.

Mr. WAIRLEY was amused at the edifying discussion; but he was

puzzled to divine Lord John Russell's motive for raising •

It was his habit to mark the Notices of-Motion in which he did not take any particular interest with certain annotations.: for instance, some he noted is "fudge," others as " nonsense." ; and it was curious that he ,should have marked the notice of the noble lord "suicide." Having so marked it, he thought it might have called for his official interference as Coroner

,-; He trusted that in the future appointments to, the Bench the politics of the,Candidates would not be the consideration.

Sir ROBERT PEEL did not need Mr. Wakley's injunction ; but he was

prepared to defend all his judicial appointments— , The discussion reminded him that he bad placed Mr. Cranstoun on the Bench in Scotland, without reference to political claims. The appointment of Mr: Cresswell to the English Bench had been universally approve& Whets two Vice-Chancellors were to be appointed, the first offer had been made to Lard Cottenham. That noble lord was not to be- blamed for declining the office, in his particular position ; but at least the Government had shown itself anxious not to forego the chance of obtaining his valuable services for the,Court of Chancery. The present Ministers had neither solicited Lord Chief Justice Bushe's resignation of his office since their own accession, nor his retention of it under the Government preceding. The appointment of Mr. Hope's son had been on account of those qualifications which induced the Faculty of Advo- cates unanimously to elect him to their most honoured office, that of Dean. Sir Robert had no remembrance of Lord President Hope's having offered to resign in 1835; and he quoted Mr. Fox Maule's energetic testimony to his un- decayed ability in 1839.

In his reply, Lord JOELN RUSSELL said, that as to his own part in the case of Lord Corehouse, he recollected that when a resignation was tendered which might be considered a conditional one, he directed Mr Fox Maule, then Under Secretary of State, to say that the learned lord must either retire or retain his office. Lord John reminded the House, that in 1834 Sir Robert Peel appointed Sir Edward Sugden Chancellor of Ireland, when he had as little prospect of retaining office as Lord John and his colleagues ; but Sir Edward had not made it a condition of his acceptance that he should have no retiring salary, as Lord Camp- bell did.

Lord John's motion was rejected, by 148 to 75.

REGULATION OF RAILWAYS.

Mr. GLADSTONE moved, on Tuesday, for leave to bring in *bill for the better regulation of railways. The Committee appointed to inves- tigate the subject last'year had expressed an opinion which had been confirmed by subsequent experience, that there had been a considerable improvement in the management of railways. He did not propose to license the engine-drivers ; as the present Board of Trade thought, after mature deliberation, that it would most conduce to public security to leave the directors of the several railroads to the operation of public • opinion. The diminution in the number of accidents on railroads last year evidenced a great improvement in the conduct of the engine- drivers. He described the most important clauses which he intended to introduce into the bill of last year—

The first gave powers to the Board of Trade to postpone the opening of rail- ways until they had been properly surveyed and it was ascertained that the ground had sufficiently settled. Very slight accidents might be caused by the grossest neglect, yet they, might be concealed by arrangements with the parties :

• directors would be compelled ,to furnish returns of all accidents. In cases where roads cross the railroad oh the line, the gates should be closed across the reads, and not across the railroads. In most of the railway acts it was directed that the gates should bd not across the road, but across the railroad ; but expe- rience had proved that this was not the best coarse. Another clause would re- quire occupation-gates on railways to be kept locked : it was out of the ques- tion-that directors should watch all the vast number of gates of that kind on each line, and ,many accidents occurred from the straying of cattle through such gates. A common cause of litigation between railway-companies and road-trustees is the question whether the railway shall be carried over or under a road which it must cross : a clause would provide for referring such, questions to arbitration. Other clauses would check and control the branch communi- cations with railways formed by private individuals—a fertile source of acci- dent; more effectually provide for the placing of private locomotive engines on railways, and would provide for widening cuttings or embankments and dimi- nishing the elope, securing the appropriation of land for that purpose.

After a short debate, leave was given to bring in the bill.

CoLornAL BISHOPRICS. • Lord STAxLTY, on Tuesday, obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend the Act 6th George IV. c. 88,-making provision for certain Bishops' and other ecclesiastical dignitaries and ministers in the diocese; of Jamaica and in the diocese of Barbados and the Leeward Islands, and to enable the Crown to separate the latter diocese— The occurrences of the last few years had much increased the demand for spiritual instruction. He now sought to divide the Bishopric of Barbados, which comprehended also the Leeward Islands and Demerara, into three dioceses ; newly dividing 8,5001., the present emoluments of the Bishop and three Archdeacons, among the three sew Bishops and other dignitaries. With regard to the Bishopric of Jamaica, he proposed to make a similar arrangement when an Opportunity presented itself': - it was not now vacant, but he proposed to take the powers to the Queen that she might, if it was deemed advisable, by letters-patent divide this diocese into two Bishoprics, provided the sum for their support did not exceed the amount at present ex- pended—namely, 6,000/. per annum.

IMPERIAL DUTIES IN THE COLONIES.

'Upon the motion of Mr. W. E. GLADErrome, the House resolved itself into a Committee to consider the acts relating to customs-duties • in the 'West 'Indies and North American Colonies. Mr. Gladstone then stated that the measure he had to introduce was substantially the same with that which had last year been proposed by Mr. Labouchere, and generally welcomed— The progressive relaxations made in modem times, and especially since 1815, had worked satisfactorily ,as far as they had gene; but some imposts were still leviable, too onerous to be justified by reference either to the interests of the Colonies or to the now, recognized principles of Imperial legislation. Of the new changes which he had introduced into the Measure, the first wag, to abolish all duties'at present imposed by the Imperial Parliament on articles the produce of Great Britain ; the principal of -which was spirits. He did not think it consonant-with the true intent of the Act-of 1778, which renounced the im- position of any duties 'except for the regulation of commerce, to keep up any duty imposed upon all articlesalike in the Colonies, or,any duty upon articles of British growth. Such taxation ,w pot for the regulation of commerce, but for revenue; and should be left to the Local Legislatures. In Canada, and he believed also in Newfoundland, there were considerable sums at present levied by Imperial taxation upon British goods; and lest any inconvenience should arise from the sudden removal of those duties by the Imperial Parliament, he proposed to lix thle.clay for the operation of the act at such a period as would afford ample time for an adjustment of the subject, and as would enable the Colonies to make such provisions as they might think fit. To such a renun- ciation he looked as to a fresh act of good-will for cementing the connexion between the Colonies and the Mother-country. In like manner, and for the same reason, he would renounce all taxation upon those foreign articles which did not at all complete with British productions. Ile was of opinion that, in- stead of taxing all articles not British on their importation into the Colonies, the better course would be to leave all imports whatsoever free from taxation by the Mother-country, except those which she might select to be taxed for the regulation:of commerce. And he would state, in passing, that Government had it in view : to consolidate the Customs establishment in the Colonies, there beiugi now doable sets of officers there. The Canadians at present pos- sessed an exemption in the instances of corn, wheat, flour, and salt meat, from the duty leviable on other articles not British when imported into the Canadas. He proposed that henceforth an import-duty of 3s. should be levied on corn imported thither from the American side of the border. This, he believed, would be agreeable to the Canadians themselves. The Legislature wished to give advantages to British colonists in theconsigninent Of their produce to Eng- land; but the settlers of the United States had no claim to transmit American produce hither through the Canadas duty-free, as if it were the produce of those colonies. The resolutions, then, which he should move, would beta re- peal all existing duties—to impose new ones which should be in addition to any imposts of the Colonial Legislatures—to regulate exemptions on articles for the use of the fisheries—to put the produce of the Channel Islands on a level with that of Great Britain—and to declare the expediency of consoll- datiiig all existing acts upon the subject. On wood imported into the Colonies he proposed to place no duty. Such a tax not only checked the comforts and the industry of the West Indies, but enhanced the price of production there, and consequently the cost of sugar to the home consumer. On other articles he would propose two sets of duties, one fixed and one ad valorem ; the schedules of which dutieshe then read and explained.

Mr. GLA.DSTONE moved the first resolution.

Mr. LABOUCHERE expressed his unalloyed satisfaction at the measure of Government, admitting that the alterations it had undergone since he himself had brought it forward last year were improvements. He felt, too, that this measure greatly advanced another object of the late Ministers-the reform of the duties levied in this country on Colonial produce, especially sugar and coffee.

Lord Joim RUSSELL objected only to that part of the plan which went to introduce a duty upon corn imported from the United States into the Canadas : it should be very deliberately considered. The consequence would be the formation of a party in the Canadian Legis- lature opposed to all free trade ; and it would encourage an expectation among those who desired monopoly in the colony, which it would be difficult to deal with. As to the rest, he was glad to see the assent of the present Ministers to the policy of their predecessors.

Sir ROBERT PEEL reminded the House that he had supported Mr. Labouchere's measure last year, as an act of justice to the West Indies. After some further remarks, the motion was agreed to ; the House resumed; and Mr. GLADSTONE stated that he should proceed with the measure on the 21st.

MISCELLANEOUS.

DISCUSSION OF Prrrrroxs. Pursuant to notice, on Monday, Mr. WALLACE called attention to the regulation of the House which pre- vents the discussion of petitions on their presentation ; and he moved that it be rescinded. After a debate, in which Sir ROBERT PEEL ob- served that the public were already impressed with the feeling that there was too much talking in the House, the motion was rejected, by 237 to 50.

POOR-LAW AND FACTORY LABOUR. Mr. WORTLEY asked Sir J. Graham what were the intentions of Government as to the Poor-law, and what as to the regulation of factories? Sir JAMES GRAHAM said, that he should propose a bill for continuing the Poor-law Commission, and that it would comprise such amendments of the existing system as might be necessary and prudent. The period for the introduction of such a bill must depend on the time consumed by prior business: as far as he yet knew, that introduction could not be before Easter. On the Factory question he could state, that the bill to be introduced would (with some alterations respecting the labour of children between nine and thirteen years old, and of young persons between thirteen and eighteen,) be nearly the same as that of which he had found a draught in his office, prepared, he believed, by Mr. F. Itaule, in conformity with the recom- mendations of a Committee. He had no intention, however, of pro- posing a limitation of labour to ten hours. Lord ASHLEY pressing for information on details, Sir JAMES objected to entering into particulars, lest necessarily imperfect explanation should lead to misunderstanding.

CHURCH-EXTENSION. Sir ROBERT INGLIS, in reply to Mr. HamEs, declared his intention of introducing a measure on the subject of Church- extension during the present session of Parliament.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. In answer to a question from Mr. Fox Memos, Sir ROBERT PELL could not say when he would introduce a measure touching the state of the Church of Scotland. That answer raising a laugh, Sir Robert observed, that it was not to be construed to mean that no measure was contemplated : he would not pledge himself against the introduction of a measure.

Sir ANDREW LEITH HAY gave notice, on Thursday, that on the 23d February he should call the attention of the House to the present state of the Church of Scotland.

COPYRIGHT. Mr. GODSON requested leave to bring in a bill for the protection of copyright ; which was granted.

DISTRESS AT PAISLEY. Mr. WALLACE moved, on Tuesday, for an inquiry, by Local Commissioners, into the distress of Paisley. Sir JAMES GRAHAM, fully admitting the distress, expressed his fear of exciting false hopes by an inquiry which could open no source of relief, and which would be useless, as the main facts were not disputed.

DISTRESS IN BOLTON. Dr. Bowniso called the attention of the House, on Thursday, to the report which Mr. Mott, the Assistant Poor- law Commissioner, made last session on the state of Bolton. Dr. Bow- ring appealed to Mr. Beckett, the seconder of the Address, for testi- mony that the general accounts of distress were not exaggerated, and to the Members for Newark, Sandwich, and Canterbury, who had lately visited Bolton. In conclusion, Dr. Bowring moved for corre- spondence with the Home Office on the subject. Sir JAMES GRAHAM was still satisfied that former statements were unintentionally exagge- rated ; but the subject would be most conveniently discussed when the papers were before the House. He would move that Mr. Alott's report be produced with them. Mr. AINSWORTH and Lord JOHN MANNERS testified to the truth of Dr. Bowring's account of Bolton. The motion, as amended by Sir James Graham, was affirmed.

CHURCH-RATES. Sir JOHN EASTHOPE gave notice, on Wednesday, that after Easter he should move for leave to bring in a bill to abolish church-rates, and to empower the members of the Established Church to levy a tax on the pews and seats for the maintenance of churches.

CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS. The Speaker has appointed to be mem- bers of the General Committee of Elections for the present session- Lord Granville Somerset, Member for Monmouthshire; Sir George Grey, Devonport ; Viscount Sandon, Liverpool ; Mr. James Loch, Wick District of Burghs ; Mr. John Wilson Patten, North Lancashire ; Sir William Meredyth Somerville, Drogheda.