12 JULY 1834, Page 13

TOPICS OF THE DAY.

STATE OF PARTIES ; FORMATION OF A NEW MINISTRY.

THE extreme difficulty of forming an Administration likely to last, is admitted by all who are aware of the state of parties and of public feeling..

For, in the first place, a Tory Cabinet is out of the question.

I As long ago as the period of Lord LiveerooL's demise, Sir ROBERT PEEL WM GEORGE the Fourth that the materials for forming a Ministry ou Tory principles did not exist. Since then, the materials have been in a rapid decay ; and though a rash at- tempt in;elit be made to govern thecountry for a few months by Tory Ministers—and we are by no means certain that the result of the attempt would not be beneficial, though the intermediate process would be unpleasant—still it is in the highest degree im- probable that any such prceeeding will be countenanced by the more influential men of the Tory paity. Indeed, the formed and penetrating spirits among them do not scruple to ex- press, in private. whatever they may pretend in speeches or in pa- ragraphs, a decided opinion, that the tendency of the age is to Radicalism,—' Ilia even their own south are imbibing, in spite of Oxford ; and that the sun of Tory domination has set for ever.

Would it be possible, then, to form an Administiation composed of avowed Radicals ? We think, decidedly not. Who are the men among the Radicals with aptitude for office, supposing that it were open to them? Where is the party in Parliament to sup- port them ? The Members of the Independent section of the House cf Commons do not act with confidence or in concert. They acknowledge no leadeis, and carry on a desultory, uncertain watfare against abuses. Every one among them seems, as the American phrase is, to be " fighting on his own hook." No—the case will be very different in a few years hence, but there is not the least chance of forming a Radical Ministry at the present time.

A Coalition Ministry of Whigs and Tories is thought by many to be a more feasible speculation ; and it is not impossible that an effort may be made to put one together. But its existence would be uneasy, dishonourable, and brief. In political chemistry, coalition signifies dilution — weakening. Each of the parties coalescing loses something, each takes something from the other. In the case supposed, the Cabinet formed by a junc- tion with the avowed Tories would be less Liberal than that which has just fallen to pieces, for no other reason than that there was too much Toryism in it already. For it should be kept con- stantly in remembrance, that it was the Toryism trititin, not the Toryism without, which has ruined the GREY Administration. The external pressure came not from the Conservatives. It was the Liberal party whose mercy and foibearance the late Premier bespoke. In the existing state of public feeling, and while much work remains to be done, Whigs and Tories, Liberals and Oh. structives, cannot act together. When the King wished all his horses to run for the same stake at Ascot Races, he was made to comprehend, that though one would win, all the others would be beaten, and thus there would be no victory to the Royal stud— that the noble animals would only jostle against and hurt each other. May it please his Majesty to apply the parable ; and to be assured that nothing better than sprains and tumbles will be the result of an attempt to harness together all his prime cattle, of various sizes, colour, and blood, in the same state coach.

As neither a Tory, Radical, nor Coalition Ministry can be formed with the least prospect of enduring for more than a few months, if so long ; it would seem that the new Cabinet must, unavoidably, be constructed out of the materials of the old one, with sonic Liberal additions, and some improvement, if possible, in the fashioning and adaptation of parts. Should this plan be tried, the Whigs and Liberals have a Premier ready-made : and great will be the astonishment of half the country to learn, that Lord ALTHORP is the man! It appears to be the almost univer-

sal opinion, that the House of Commons will not go on with any other Leader. His popularity in the House never was surpassetl, perhaps never equalled, by any one of his predecessors in the same situation. This is no doubt owing, in the first place, to his suavity of demeanour, and to the genuine good feeling he uni- formly displays. We cannot call to mind a single instance of his having behaved discourteously even to the most insignificant among his opponents. He appears to be incapable of those displays of official insolence of which his subalterns are not un- frequently guilty. Then his rank and large expectations weigh much in his favour: the Reformed House will not be led by a plebeian ! These circumstances account in some measure, although

not altogether, for Lord ALTHORP'S extraordinary influence in the ruling Chamber of the Legislature. But has he the talent

and information requisite for the head of the Government?

He is proverbially obtuse. In this respect, however, it i. be- lieved that considerable misapprehension exists: those who Ewe

been in the habit of working with him, and of seeing him nearly, give him little credit for those qualities of stolidity which currently pass as his most distinguishing attributes; and our readers may remember that more than once we have intimated our own sus-

picions on this point. Assuredly, bright gleams have occasion- ally burst from him. his reply to STANLEY last week was ad- mirable: CANNING himself could not have set down the fiery young gladiator with more felicitous phrase, and the manner was his own. Lord ALTHORP'S real opinions are also supposed to be altogether Liberal. He has no conscientious qualms about touching the surplus of Irish Church property. He has no fondness for Coercion Bills, or any other Tory modes of carrying on the Go.. vernment.

But, admitting that Lord ALTHORP possesses the requisite ta- lents and information to make a respectable Minister—admitting that he conscientiously disapproves of the illiberal and anti • reform- ing practices to which his late colleagues were prone—what de- pendence, it may be fairly said, can be placed on a man who was so facile or so unscrupulous as to keep his own principles in abey ance, and be made the ready instrument of defending measures and opinions against which his own feelings of right and honour re- volted? The reply to this is (and it is a very unsatisfactory one), that in different circumstances Lord ALTHORP would act differently and better. With a majority in the Cabinet as well as in the House of Commons, he would feel more confidence and courage. He has hitherto laboured under a dread of being left in a minority, and of thus perhaps causing the overthrow of a Ministry which he wished above all things to support. This has led him to distrust his own judgment, and has put him in a false position. When backed by Literal colleagues in the Cabinet, he would have no hes:tation in proposing Liberal measures in Parliament, where his majorities would be greater than ever supported a Minister before. It is hoped that Lord ALTHORP, under such circumstances, would act with sincerity, and in accordance with what are well known to be his real principles. Such are the arguments used by Lord Ammeter's apologists and backers. They by no means convince us of the propriety of selecting him for the head of affairs at this critical time, were there (which u e fear there is not) a better choice left open to us. Neither can we believe that the country will all at once be brought to place that confidence in Lord AL-11watt which the House of Commons bestows so readily.

On the supposition, however, that the Cabinet were recon- structed on Liberal principles,—that its policy were reconsidered, and the determination made henceforth to move with the " spirit of the age," and to take the lead in plans of Practical Reform in Church and State,—supposing all this re-olved upon bs Lord AL- moat's late colleagues, or others who may be brought to act under him (and it is only under such circumstances that we can indulge the least hope of benefit or satisfiiction to the country from placing Lord ALTHORP at the head of affairs),—is it clear that he would himself consent to return to office, in the re- sponsible character of Prime Minister? We can easily believe that he would hesitate in stepping into Earl GREY'S place; for such an act would make it manifest that Earl GREY was the only obstacle in his course, after the removal of Mr. STANLEY and his friends, and that if Earl GREY had resigned first, Lord ALTHORP would not have resigned at all. This would be awkward. But there is no help for it; and personal feelings, however amiable and respectable, ought to yield to the superior claims of public and general good.