12 MAY 1832, Page 14

POSTSCRIPT.

It has seldom or ever happened that on the eve of a new Ministry the public has been left for almost a week with so few facts on which to speculate. There have been numerous hitches from time in the progress of the Bill, and there seem to be not a few in the progress of its enemies. One of the lists of a Ministry that has been handed about, suns thus—

THE DIME OF WELLINGTON First Lord of the Treasury.

Silt JOHN LEACH Chancellor.

LORD LYNInlititsT Master of the Rolls.

SIR CIIARLES WETHERFT t Irish Chancellor.

MR. ALEXANDER BARING Chancellor of the Exchequer.

MARQUis OF (7HANOOS First Lord of the Admiralty.

Loan MANsFIELD President of the Council.

Loran ABERDEEN Foreign Secretary.

Loan LOWTHER Woods and Forests.

DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.

" Sir B. PEEL has determined ad interim to remain out. The reason assigned by his intimate friends is, that "he has ratted once," and he does not think it consistent with even his character to rat again. When the Bill is finally disposed of, the warming-pan who may till then be placed in the Home Office, will give way for its old occupant. Or does he wait for the Premiership?

, The Duke has not been out of town, notwithstanding the reports to the contrary ; the King communicates with him through the go-betweens Lords LYNDHURST and MUNSTER. It seems the Duke stands pledged toquiet the country in ten days. There is a rumour that the House of Commons will be dissolved on Monday, before it have an opportunity, on Mr. HUME'S expected mo- tion, of more strongly recording its sentiments than even on Thursday. Where, by the by, are Lord 1VIturoN's " strong resolutions," of which so much was said and so mysteriously?

The Chronicle recommends to the inhabitants of Schedule A to Took sharply after the soi-disant voters of those boroughs. A little energy will probably divide the Tory interest even there. Another account describes the Duke of WELLINGTON as having made up his mind not only to carry through the Bill, but to extend it by continuing the scot and lot and potwalloping voters. In that case, we will take the Bill first, and turn out the Duke next, with the weapons that be has furnished. The Tory Peers will, it is said, support the Duke in carrying the Bill with these extensions. This account re- quires confirmation. The following gossip is from the Tunes- ,. The prime movers of the plot were the highmprincipled Lord Lyndhurst, who con- siders political intrigue consistent with the duties of a criminal judge : and the popular and respected Lord Ellenborough. To these were joined Lord Rosslyn, and the noble Earl in whom disappointed ambition has caused the abandonment of time principles pro- fessed, and the friends cherished. during a long life. and whose unwearied abuse and hostility have pursued the late Ministry from the dawn of their career down to the scene which closed it on Wednesday last. The Duke of Wellington, though joined with these worthies, prudently kept himself in the background. By these men the plan of them postponement of Schedule A was concocted : and they lured the tooconfiding and now indignant Waverers, by promising them their support ire the alterations which it was their wish and intention to make in thellill. The Ultra-Turies,—the Neweastles and Manslields. Sze.,—men who, however mistaken in their priociples, are at least honest in the possession of therm—were yet more grossly and unworthily deceived; for they were- induced to join in the vote for postponement, whittled being told a syllable of the in- tended declaration of Lord Ellenlanongh in favour of ' scot and lot' Reform. Indeed, the noble Earl to whom we have before alluded has, since the debate, taken great credit to himself and his coconspirators for having delayed the Elephant Lords declaration till after the. division. ' That; sa id Its, • was ;ulmirably managed.; for had the declaration in favour of Reform taken place early in the evening. we, instead of the Ministers, should have been left in a minority.' What a specimen of unworthy trickery does this one sentence open to us i And yet it is to men capable of such conduct that the deluded Sovereign of this country is willing to intrust the destinies of his people. " So much for the intrigues of the House of Lords : chose of the Court are still less creditable. What shall we say to the eldest born of the Sovereign—to him whom Mi- nisters, at the risk almost of their popularity with the country, elevated to a high rank in the Peerage? What shall we say to his gratitude to his creator, when we hear that he has been among the foremost intriguers against him and his Government. and that he has effected a reconciliation with his lather (who, worn out with his unreasonable demands, had forbid him his presence) upon the pretext of his anxiety to assist in de- Beefing him from the thraldom of his liberal Ministry?

" It is now a notorious fleet, and in truth a most curious one. that at the audience of leave which the Ministers had of their Sovereign on Wednesday last, the latter pressed the Duke of Richmond to desert his colleagues, and continue in his service ; which that high-minded nobleman at once refused. Nay, a greater tier' than even the Duke was subjected to the like blandishments and entreaties,—urged, too,with a force and pertina- city, which, coming from a Monarch, are difficult to be refused. The Chancellor was pressed again and again to continue in his high office, and at once, and peremptorily (though most respectfully), refused."

The Chronicle, on the same subject, says- " There is no use in denying that the King has not kept faith with Earl Grey, who, before he• consented to take office, made an efficient Reform a sine gnu non, and his Majesty was consequently bound to place at his dispose' all the means within the competence of the Crown necessary for the effecting of that object. But though we cannot find any apology for the desertion of Earl Grey, we are not of the number of those who suppose his Afajesty was not in earnest when he consented to the proposition of Reform, and when he gave his approbation to the particular plan or Reform embodied in the two Bills. We have already attributed the change iu his 'Majesty's views to the influence over him possessed by the Queen and others—an influence which has been exerted to the worst purposes, both as regards his Majesty's future peace of nand and the interests of this great nation. There is a material diflarence between irresoluteness and insincerity. The family of his Majesty have not been slow to perceive the advan- tages which they might personally derive from their influence over his Majesty. We have always felt little disposition to draw ashie the veil which concealed. the movements of the Eitzelarence family from the public eve. because, aware of their influence, we deemed it on the whole advisable!, for the sake of the great cause, to wink at many things which in themselves might not be strictly justifiable. We almost w ish that Ministers had, with respect to this family, yielded More than they felt disposed to do. It is, however, IlnderStoOd, that snore unwillingness on the part of Government to revel the insatiable cupidity of the Fitzelarences, has sealed. the fate of the Reform Bill. The Queen, the Fitzclarenees, and the Princesses, were its bitter enemies. The Earl of Munster, it is true, voted for the second reading of the Bill ; the vlse on that occasion was, as has been proved, a very unequivocal test or sincerity to the cruise. From the Quartody Review for March last, it would appear to have been by that timeascertained, that Lord Menster was a good Tory. The Reviewer. speaking ofa publ iceetion of his little Lord- ship's, observes, ' We must for the present leave Lord Munster. Throughout, volume is fall of interest, evidently the work °rattan:am! :Ind gallant mind—an enthusi- astic' soldier of Wellington, and a hearty Tory.' However, hearty Tory as tide humane and gallant nand is, appliances might have been Sound, perhaps. to neutralize his Tory pro- pensities. The extent of the influence of this family in defeating the Refbrinill, might, like many other things, have been more a matter of inference than of direct knowlelge, were not cupidity a passion which is sometimes so strong as to overcome prudence. Where there are rival pretensions. there will often he jealousies and bicker- ings ; and, as in the case of many other great families. the affection of the Fitz- clareeeces for each other has not always been proof against the workings of a stronger passion. In short, it appears that the peace of this family has been too often disturbed Iry quarrels respecting wheat, for want of a more decoroas phrase, we must term the:- division of the spoil. Some allowance must be made for the weakness of the King. good-hearted as he is known to Ire. under all the circumstances of the case. We un- derstand that he actually cried like a child. on taking leave of a fitvourite Minister ; and it is even whispered that he regretted that he must succumb to the wishes of his wife and children. The people of England should know that the Queen and the Fits- elarences are the real causes of the loss of the Bill."

The Post ridicules the notion of attempting to evade the payment of taxes, and more especially the indirect taxes. People, according to the Post, will continue to drink beer and smoke tobacco, although they are Reformers. The Post forgets, that in the event of a general com- bination against taxes, the People may fall on ways and means of drinking beer and smoking tobacco without paying taxes. Suppose manufacturers all over the kingdom should refuse to pay them, suppose importers all over the kingdom should refuse to pay them, and that the -consumers support them in their refusal—bow is the Duke of WEL- LINGTON to levy ? Suppose that no auctioneer will sell, that no man will buy, no jury convict—what will the Duke's 80,000 do for him then?