THE POLITICS OF CAPITAL AND LABOUR.
VTR. GLADSTONE in closing the North London Industrial Ill Exhibition last Monday spoke with his usual eloquence of the bearing of such exhibitions on the future of the work- ing class, and especially with pointed emphasis of their bearing on "a larger admission of that class to the direct rights of citizenship." It is quite true that such industrial exhibitions have such a bearing, and are indeed in the nature of demon- strations which, if widely repeated throughout the country, might make it morally impossible to withhold from a class so intelligent and ingenious the "direct rights" alluded to. Had the capitalists of the country not already had a full share in the representative system, their great demonstrations of power and influence in 1851 and 1862 would certainly have carried home the sense of the vast power of capital so em- ployed to the most exclusive of official monopolists. And so, on the influence they had already gained. investing energy so as to give a sure future return. The mere Now, there is something in the respective educating in- professional expert who exchanges his scientific labour for an. fluences of capital and labour which might have led us immediate reward has had no training that will compare to expect this contrast, and we think it has no unim- in value with that of the great capitalist in choosing the portant bearing on the kind of political influence the two means for bringing about a specific end. And no class have classes are likely to exert. The great difference between shown so much unity of political purpose, so much prudent the imaginative effect, if we may so speak, of the life political audacity, and so much power of effective political of a capitalist and the life of labour is that capital repro- combination, in proportion to their numbers and social weight,. duces itself with a profit,—money invested flows back in as the greater capitalists. But not the less have the habits of more money,—while labour once expended seems to have their mind told in great degree in narrowing the range of vanished away with the wants which it satisfied, and the plea- their political thought, and impressing too interested and too. sures it purchased. The effect of this difference is no doubt very purely negative a character on their political efforts. The great. The capitalist's mind is always considering whether a capitalist school of politicians have done very much indeed to special employment of his capital will restore it to him fully remove foolish political restrictions and to prevent rash national with large or small profit. The labourer's mind is only fixed actions, but they have needed an infusion of a wider and more- upon the means his toil will place at his disposal for obtaining intellectual cast of thought to enable them to enter thoroughly- the enjoyments or privileges he values most. Hence the into the larger wants of the nation, and understand shades of capitalist never regards his capital as expended, only as fructi- ambition and feeling which have no business value. fying ; the labourer regards his labour as mere expenditure The political character of the working class will probably of toil in exchange for life and its enjoyments. Thus while the be less affected, both for good and for evil, by its daily occu- capitalist is forced to think, by the very nature of his work, of potion than the political character of the capitalists, either the future returns of what he is doing, the labourer thinks large or small. They will neither be so prudent nor so only of its immediate purchasing power. Hence we are not stupid as the small shopkeepers. They will have many more- surprised that the habit of mind which makes the capitalist, opinions on subjects on which they know little, and there- the habit of using every past gain as a platform for the future, fore will probably exercise much less influence in proportion should show itself in exhibitions in which every one took his to their numbers on those few greater questions on which the stand upon what he had done most successfully, and tried to prejudices or the instincts of the present electoral class induce- make it the basis of further success; while the habit of mind them to declare themselves. In short, we should expect which spurs on the labourer, the desire to purchase with his them to be altogether more inclined to embark in superficial labour some fresh privilege or enjoyment to divert his leisure political views than the capitalist class, and much less capable hours, should show itself in an exhibition in which every one of working out a policy with effect. They will probably have displayed, not the ingenuity exercised and hired out in his more generous sympathies,—more delicate a sense of responsi- daily occupation, but that which he had made his own in the bility,—less of the hard capacity of actual partners in the- hours he had won for himself and guided wholly by his own Government,—than the political class of capitalists. They will, tastes. The capitalist does feel the capital his own, and knows at first at least, be more of amateurs in political life, showing he can recover it with increase, and naturally therefore feels little of the clear-headed thrift of self-interest and more of- fer his business much of the pride which the labourer only the lively sensibilities of spectators. They will carry into- feels for his hobby. The labourer is more in the position of politics a much less practised judgment, a much more lively professional men whose energy does not accumulate in any intelligence,—less caution, more enthusiasm,—less adminis- tangible form before their eyes, but is simply exchanged for a trative sagacity, more detailed ingenuity and invention,— reward. And hence no doubt it happens that labourers of less disposition to rely sleepily on tried men, more crotchetti- either class, the mechanical or the intellectual, having no busi- ness,—less constancy, more presumption,—less scepticism,. ness of their own in which they can invest their savings, are and more hope,—than the class with which we have con much more apt to spend their reward as they earn it, on trasted them. The contrast between the Industrial Exhibi- tastes which they can in a truer sense regard as their own, tions and the two Great Exhibitions is, we suspect, a good than the capitalist whose savings may be used directly to in- omen of the contrast between the political character of the crease the magnitude of his business and the power of his exhibiting classes themselves. social influence. No doubt, too, the higher the kind of labour the more willingly and closely do wo identify ourselves with SIMONOSAKI. it, and therefore professional men are much more likely to SIR RUTHERFORD ALCOCK has at least one qualifi- identify themselves personally with pursuits in which they 0 cation for an English proconsul—he is lucky. lie has can acquire eminence than labourers of the operative class, evidently determined to bring japan for all political purposes who naturally prefer to express themselves in their leisure in under his own rule, and to effect this object if necessary by arts somewhat above the mechanical. For all these reasons an unsparing use of force. If he cannot succeed by milder it is easy to see why the habits of the capitalist, large or means he will conquer each prince one by one, battez the small, are in many ways more moulded by his calling, and Secular Emperor's capital about his ears, and carry the Spiri- too, no doubt if the working men choose to organize, with as I more likely to follow him so far as ho may venture into much skill as they showed at Islington, local demonstrations politics, than the habits of the labouring class. of their ingenuity and industry, there can be little doubt For, first, the business habits which the management of- that such an impression will be made on the imagination of any capital, however small, fosters, prevent a taste for- the present governing class as always must be made before what we may call theoretic politics. Their effect upon the Englishmen give up privileges. But if the local multiplica- small shopkeepers, who constitute the mass of the electoral tion of these industrial exhibitions, which Mr. Gladstone class, is to keep them from meddling much in any way with spoke of as imminent, is to be looked at in this political light, anything that they would regard as a fancy article not suited there is a good deal of interest in the inquiry what kind to their line of life. They often make up their minds no- of political qualifications they seem to indicate. We have doubt as to the tone they like to hear in a politician, and the- ourselves pointed out at some length in first noticing this man or family they think most likely to be safe, but they avoid- exhibition, and Mr. Gladstone touched upon the same point doing more. The result is that they are very ignorant about last Monday, that the character of the working men who political questions, that they do not care much for a knowledge were the chief exhibitors expressed itself in a very different which might cross their interests, that they only wake up on way from the character of the capitalists who filled the a question of great domestic moment, such as peace or war, Crystal Palaces at Kensington and Brompton. The former but nevertheless, whenever they do wake up, exercise from the were anxious to demonstrate not their professional skill mere narrowness and coherence of their prejudices or instincts as working men, but that they are not mere working a very great influence. Their business instincts keep them men, that they have a mind outside their profession. The quite outside theoretic politics, and so ensure their acting very latter were eager to exhibit their chefs dceuvre as men of busi- much together when politics rise out of an intellectual into. ness. The former made the exhibition an advertisement of a momentous and urgent practical interest.
their versatility, the latter of their concentration of purpose For the large and educated capitalists the very same business- as tradesmen. The former claimed, as it were, a higher training that keeps the small shopkeepers prudently out of gene- place than is ordinarily allotted them as men, the latter coo- ral political interests operates to secure them a very powerful peted with their commercial rivals for a higher place in the influence in them. All other professional trainings are compare- public custom. The working men thought of their exhibition tively technical and without general bearing on public business, less as an investment than as a protest, the capitalists almost except the training of the great capitalist, who must have ac- wholly as an investment. The ambition of the former was to quired a forecasting habit of mind, a quick command of means, gain reputation in a new direction ; that of the latter to trade the art of organizing labour, insight into men, and caution in on the influence they had already gained. investing energy so as to give a sure future return. The mere Now, there is something in the respective educating in- professional expert who exchanges his scientific labour for an. fluences of capital and labour which might have led us immediate reward has had no training that will compare to expect this contrast, and we think it has no unim- in value with that of the great capitalist in choosing the portant bearing on the kind of political influence the two means for bringing about a specific end. And no class have classes are likely to exert. The great difference between shown so much unity of political purpose, so much prudent the imaginative effect, if we may so speak, of the life political audacity, and so much power of effective political of a capitalist and the life of labour is that capital repro- combination, in proportion to their numbers and social weight,. duces itself with a profit,—money invested flows back in as the greater capitalists. But not the less have the habits of more money,—while labour once expended seems to have their mind told in great degree in narrowing the range of vanished away with the wants which it satisfied, and the plea- their political thought, and impressing too interested and too. sures it purchased. The effect of this difference is no doubt very purely negative a character on their political efforts. The great. The capitalist's mind is always considering whether a capitalist school of politicians have done very much indeed to special employment of his capital will restore it to him fully remove foolish political restrictions and to prevent rash national with large or small profit. The labourer's mind is only fixed actions, but they have needed an infusion of a wider and more- upon the means his toil will place at his disposal for obtaining intellectual cast of thought to enable them to enter thoroughly- the enjoyments or privileges he values most. Hence the into the larger wants of the nation, and understand shades of capitalist never regards his capital as expended, only as fructi- ambition and feeling which have no business value.
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