Thus closes the eventful session of 1835. The Tories pretend
that their principles have gained ground in the course of it. But facts give them the lie. What was the state of their party, and of public feeling in February last—what is it now ? At the commencement of the session, Sir ROBERT PEEL, backed by the Ultra Tories, was Prime Minister of England. It is unde- niable that his professions of anxiety to carry out the principles of the Reform Act, and the moderate politics he pretended to have taken up, had the effect of staggering many well-meaning persons in their opposition to Toryism. There was a disposition, arising from a false estimate of the man, as well as of the party by whom he was supported, to give him what in the cant of the day was termed a "fair trial.' In spite of the majorities against him in the House of Commons, Sir ROBERT PEEL had his fair trial ; for he was not forced from power until he had an opportunity of ex- plaining almost every one of his measures of Reform to Parliament and the Country. He was placed in the balance and weighed ; but found wanting. Had he proved the sincerity of his avowed adherence to the principles of the Reform Act by bringing forward even one leading measure decidedly Liberal in its character and extensive in its proposed operations, it is more than probable that he would have retained his place at the head of the national councils. But this he was not permitted to do. He was hampered by his associates, pro- bably forced upon him by the Duke of WELLINGTON; who was, and is, and will continue to be, thoroughly ignorant of the real opinions and habits of thinking among the great mass of his countrymen. Sir ROBERT PEEL, however, did his best for the Tories. Had he been thrust out of power by the vote on the Speakership and the Address, it might have been said that the extent of his Liberalism was unknown. But as it turned out, we repeat that he had his "fair trial." During the brief Premiership of Sir Ronaar "Past, 9,Iong as it served their purpose to wear the mask of LitierakiMiwthe Tories were more popular as a party than they bare been iteeelpe com- mencement of the struggle for Reform-: Doub1liOs4lrisi'p4er o
f
distributing the loaves and fishes bait tendeicartnwah emen's opinions in their favour. But, from the perk id 4-the l'ing-up of their Ministry in the Spring, Viwy .064.11.6n 44.km:coming
•
more odious to the nation. It was disgusting to see how eagerly they reassumed their old mode of acting and speaking, as soon as the sordid motive for deception ceased to ornate. Englishmen can pardon violence in an honest Minister; they make too much allowance for the errors of the well-meaning het mistaken state,- man ; but hypocrites for the sake of place they heartily despise. Thus we see that, since the session opened, the Tories have not only lost all the power which the possession of the Executive Government of this vast empire conferred, but are deprived of the means of again acquiring it, in so far as they have become the ob- jects of popular odium and scorn.
In defiance, moreover, of the means of obstruction possessed and so wantonly used by the Peers, Toryism has had to sustain stabs that must eventually prove mortal. We have spoken at length of the Corporation Reform Bill, and need not again enlarge upon its intended and certain consequences to the system of Tory misrule ; but had the session produced nothing more, we should say that it had been well spent. In addition to this great measure, we may point to the proceedings in Parliamentary Committees against the corruptionists of Ipswich, York, and Yarmouth. Every successful attempt to expose the practice of bribery and punish its authors, is a gain to the cause of the People, and a loss to Toryism, whose very pabulum viten is the corruption of electors. The discovery of the Orange plot tells in the same direction ; for the Orangeists are Tories to a man. The illegal, not to say the treasonable practices of these pseudo-loyalists—the secret organi- zation of their armed confederacy—their conspiracy to seduce the military from their rightful allegiance—their probable design of disturbing the line of succession to the Throne, by substituting their Grand Master of CUMBERLAND for the Princess VICTORIA— and their systematic tampering with the administration of justice —have all been brought to light. The immediate result is the threatened expulsion from the Army of all members of Orange Lodges; but we see further, that Mr. HUME—whose honest energy in the conduct of the investigation into the principles and practice of the Duke of CUMBERLAND'S armed myrmidons is above all praise—has given notice that next session he shall move an address to the King for the dismissal of all Orangemen from the civil service of the country. If this blow is followed up as it ought to be—if the law is enforced against rich as well as poor— against Royal Dukes and Field Marshals as well as men of low degree—we may congratulate ourselves on the uprooting of this pestilent conspiracy, and the lopping off of the right arm of Toryism in Ireland.
There is no occasion for discussing minor matters; but we ask the most industrious Tory to peruse the Parliamentary journals, and lay his band on any one proceeding which can fairly be deemed disadvantageous to the Liberal cause, or one which is likely to promote the interests of Toryism. We are at a loss to remember one. There are some measures, such as the Irish Tithe and Registration Bills, which if passed would perhaps have been serviceable to the Liberals ; but we feel certain that other mea- sures, more favourable to the good cause, must soon be introduced in the place of the rejected bills ; and in the mean time, materials have been supplied for the continuance of that agitation by which the Tories have never gained any thing yet. It is, indeed, with reference to their effect on the public mind, that the events of the session of Parliament just closed must be viewed as most disastrous to Toryism. This time last year, there lurked a very general distrust of the Government, which People had not then learned to appreciate fairly, or to distinguish from the pre- ceding Administration of Earl GREY. It was with great difficulty that, at the succeeding election, the Liberal voters could be spurred on to the necessary exertions in favour of the then Opposition candidates. There was much apathy mixed with not a little dis- gust. Now the whole country is in excellent heart. Reform Associations and Registration Clubs are everywldre in active ope- ration. The popularity of the MELBOURNE Ministry has never been exceeded by that of any Government within our recollection. It is seen that it is worth while to struggle with the foe in their behalf. They have proved themselves true to the People's cause, in defiance of the Court and the Oligarchy. On the other band, the spirit of Reform his received a new impulse and a new direc- tion. Preparations are in progress for attacking the very citadel of Toryism—the House of Peers, and subjecting it to a system of "vigilant popular control." If Lords are to exist in future as a distinct order, it can only be by becoming useful, and by conform- ing their words and actions to the wishes and interests of the great bulk of the community. Every one now asks "of what use is the House of Lords ?"—a question which, as Sir W s LT sst MOLESWORTH said, would till very lately have excited astonishment. Mark the change, inquire into the cause, and ponder on its consequences. You will find, if we mistake not, that the wanton insolence of the Tory Peers, during the bygone session of Parliament — their infatuated opposition to all the measures most earnestly desired by the country—has produced it; and that nothing but a miracle can prevent its being succeeded either by the utter demolition or the entire remodelling of the Upper Legislative Chamber. This, then, is the position of the Reformers at the close of the session of 1835, as contrasted with that which they occupied this time last year. Activity and hopefulness have succeeded to apathy and disgust. In the place of a lazy and ignorant reliance on the all-sufficiency of the Reform Act, there is a conviction of the necessity of further extensive organic improvements, and ,a deter- mination to effect them. The value of the elective franchise, to se- cure which, in 1834, hundteds of thousands would not make the slightest exertion, is now duly appreciated as the instrument for obtaining good government. Instead of distrust and disunion— engendered, we must say, principally by the misconduct of the Whigs, and the impolitic insolence of their organs of the press— the most perfect sympathy of feeling seems to pervade the whole body of Reformers in their opposition to the Tories. Looking to the other side of the question, we cannot deny that the Tories are also most active. They are unceasing and unscrupulous in the use of means to regain their lost ascendancy. They avow that the battle is to be lost or won in the Registration Courts; and we m. ay rest assured that, notwithstanding some apparent divisions in their ranks—notwithstanding the abuse with which some of the more vehement of the faction assail him who alone is capable of lead- ing them in the House of Commons—when the day of battle arrives the Tories will move together as one man. We are by no means disposed to commit the fatal error of 'underrating the power or vigour of the enemy ; but we conceive the odds to be on the side of the Reformers, and therefore we look forward to coming events with high hope and sanguine expectation. The stirring events of the session have called forth a display of talent and energy highly creditable to individual members of both branches of the Legislature. Lord MELBOURNE stands pre- eminent among the Liberals. He appears to us to have more correct notions of the proper function and tone of a Prime Mi- nister than any one among his predecessors whom we can call to maid. From his bearing in Parliament, we should infer that he deems it his peculiar post to watch over the general policy of the Administration, and to see that all its measures of importance are conformable to the principles on which he professes to conduct the Government. Although lie has never, that we are aware of, shown any deficiency in knowledge of details, lie always presents large, comprehensive, and massy views of his subject to the Lords and the Country. He stands alone in the House, assuming and maintaining the tone proper to the First Minister of the British empire. His mind always seems to be made up on the subject under discussion, as if he had maturely considered the course he ought to take, and was not to be easily driven from it. His posi- tion in the front of a powerful majority, maintained in defiance of that majority by the force of public opinion and the stanch sup- port of the People's Representatives, has doubtless contributed to bring out more prominently the decisive tone of Lord MELBOU:YE'S character. There never has been the slightest obligation on him to give way. His true policy has been to preserve an undaunted front. He might defer to the wishes of the House of Commons, —for there his friends, and the Representatives of the People whose Minister he is, have the predominance ; but not an inch would he yield to his haughty and insolent foes in the Upper House. Though not a brilliant speaker, Lord MELBOURNE sel- dom fails to make a deep impression, by his grave and earnest manner, and the distinct statement of his case. He is just the man to inspire confidence among his friends, and to discomfit his anta- gonists, by his clear-sighted common-sense views of subjects, and by his almost invariable command of temper. Last year, Lord MELBOURNE became Premier as it were by accident : the Liberals were disposed to give him credit for the talent ascribed to him by his friends, but had no means of ascertaining whether he had been correctly appreciated or not. He stands on a very different footing now : he has established his reputation for ability, discretion, firm ness ; and is looked upon as the best man the country can furnish for the post he occupies in the present state of affairs.
Among the other Liberals in the House of Peers, Lord PLUNIEET, Lord HOLLAND, the Marquis of LANSDOWNE, and though last not least, Lord BROUGHAM, have distinguished themselves. Lord PsinsitEr's cue has been to annoy the Tories by his debating quickness and his logical method of dealing with a sophism. An attack upon the Dissenters, in one of the debates on the Corpora- tion Bill, had the effect of rousing Lord HOLLAND from his long silence ; it seemed as if a cherished feeling had been rudely as- sailed, and he spoke in behalf of his old friends with something of his former vivacity and all his wonted cleverness. On several subsequent occasions he brought his tact and readiness asa de- bater to the aid of his colleagues. His manly vindication of O'CONNELL, when the whole Orange pack were yelping against him, was highly to his honour. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE also has repeatedly exerted himself in debate ; and has at length avowed Liberal opinions without reserve, and as if he were not ashamed of them. Of Lord BROUGHAM we have bad occasion to speak almost every week. His incessant activity, his drollery, his blunders, his vacillation, his enormous power of talk, render him certainly the most remarkable Peer of the realm. He has again and again done good service ; but, alas! in almost every week of the session he has also been guilty of some escapade— some niaiserie—as if to warn us against any firm reliance on him as a statesman, or even as an auxiliary in a Parliamentary dis- cussion. There is but one Tory Peer who claims even a line of notice in this sketch: of course we mean Lord LYNDHURST—the Duke's
Lieutenant. This crafty and clever renegade has done his best for the Tories. He probably sees, that in the struggle which has
commenced between "the two principles, trimmers and neutrals will fare badly. His musings may be after this fashion—It is no time for half-measures. The only section of the Tory party to the counted on in a stand-up fight, is the Ultra or Orange faction, ,t e WMABAGLIFFILS and Hsaeowaiss are as broken reeds; and PEiti. is perhaps already thinking of a more toile other sae of kbe Mouse." Having therefore cast his lot among the Tulles, LYND- HURST thinks that his best chance for distinction and profit is to join the thoroughgoing worthies of the party. This is the only solution we can give of the apparent earnestness with which this man, notoriously destitute of all political principle, adopts and de- fends the extreme views of Toryism.
The Ministerial leader in the House of Commons has been re- peatedly praised and blamed in our eclumns. In addition to what we have formerly said, we can remark with pleasure, that as the plot thickened and the crisis approached, Lord Jenne RUSSELL assumed a bolder bearing. His last speech was peril; ps his best —though the tone was a little too subdued; but we must bear in mind the mild character and imperturbable temperament of the man.
We mention Lord JOHN first as a matter of courtesy to the " Manager of the House of Commons;" but the two foiemost men in that assembly are without question Mr. O'CONNFLL and Sir ROBERT PEEL. 11/r. O'CONNELL has profited by his Parliamen- tary experience. He was always an orator of the very highest class—having argument, sarcasm, wit, drollery, pathos at com- mand, with a voice rich, sweetly-toned, and sonorous, and a tall athletic figure. But O'CONNELL has become a skilful tactician, and has learned how to deal with an assembly of English gentlemen. Except when provoked by the wanton attacks of the Orange-Tories, he has been remarkably courteous, and has carefully shunned giving unnecessary offence. The support he has affoided Minis- ters has been uniform and consistent, as it has been to them all- important. He seems to have gained golden opinions from Libe- rals of all shades; while the incessant railing of the Tories in and out of Parliament, and in the newspapers of the faction, proves bow much more formidable he is every day becoming.
During the last six or seven years—that is, since he carried the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts—Sir ROBERT PEEL'S Parliamentary life has been little more than a confession of past errors, with apologies for abandonment of old opinions. As Mr. SHEIL told him, he always lags behind in the course of improve- ment. His inability to discern the signs of the times has been manifested fully as much during this as any former session. Sir ROBERT has had to begin almost every speech on important ques- tions by declaring, that "he was bound to admit, that the time was come" for doing something that he had opposed all his life. He has bean, as usual, the plausible, uncandid, laborious rheto- rician—masterly in the disposition of his few facts, and happy in the expression of his meagre ideas. He has not been very good- tempered ; and it has been noticed that an unamiable expression Las settled on his countenance. He certainly has had enough to sour him, in the series of defeats which he has encountered from the very first day of the session.
We have not room to mention the other Representatives who have distinguished themselves in one way or another during the past session ; but a perusal of the debates will convince their con- stituents, that they are fortunate in possessing such Members as Mr. HUME, Mr. GROTE, Mr. SHEIL, Mr. Sergeant WILDE, Mr. WARD, Mr. C. BULLER, and Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH.
