OUR ASSOCIATION WITH RUSSIA.
AN opinion is gradually but markedly coming to the front among a certain school of thought—not, we are glad to think, a large one—that the ultimate victory of the Allies will simply mean the substitution of a new trouble for an old one. Politicians of this group have at last had their eyes opened to the real character of German ambition; they no longer deny that, while they were insisting on the pacific and enlightened motives of Germany, the world was all the time in deadly peril of being visited by the worst assault upon civilization and international honesty that could possibly occur in our modern world. But they say in effect : " No doubt we were wrong about Germany. But, after all, we are now the military allies of Russia, and if Russia, partly with our help, should be triumphantly able to dictate terms to Germany, what are we to expect in the future ? Will not King Stork replace King Log ? Or, even if it should not be so bad as that, will there be really any appreciable improvement in the freshly arranged Europe that will succeed the Europe we know ? Look at the Russian traditions of despotism. The Cossack with his whip is the very symbol of autocracy imposing itself on an oppressed people. Look at the ruth- lessness with which every move towards democracy has been suppressed. Look at the Russian designs upon Scandinavia. Look at Russia's treatment of the Jews. Remember her pogroms. Look at her aggression in Persia. Do not forget her ancient ambitions on the Indian frontier. Look at the sorrows of unhappy Finland. Is it not certain that as Russia, with her incalculable resources of territory, wealth, and population, grows in strength, a Russian domination—a Russian attempt at hegemony—will replace the German domina- tion of Continental Europe ? The Teuton will have had his poisonous fangs drawn, but the fangs of united Slavdom will be quite as deadly. The time will come when we shall undoubtedly have to resist a new pretension to universal tyranny. Nothing will have been gained by the war. Gigantic naval and military expenditure will still go on ; it will merely be directed against a new enemy." We have stated these opinions as baldly and brutally as we can because it is as well that they should be met openly. In this imperfect world there is no association between nations of necessarily different codes and intel- lectual conceptions which is not open to very easy criticisms ; but we undertake to say that the case against our association with Russia is, from beginning to end, a hollow one. Dangers there are, of course ; but the present advantages, and the prospect of eventual benefit to the world as the result of the association, are overwhelmingly greater.
It is a strange irony that the few English politicians to whom Russia is a bugaboo always found a great deal of good to say of her till she became our friend. When the Russian menace on the Indian frontier kept some Tories awake at nights, the present critics of Russia used to tell us that her aims were as harmless as they subsequently pro- nounced German aims to be. We confess that we do not admire or trust this frame of mind, which shows its chief animus against newly acquired friends. But let that pass. Let us also give no more than a word to the obvious and pregnant fact that but for Russian co-operation we should have little hope at this moment of saving the European poli- ties from Prussianization. To speak frankly, we believe in the plan of meeting each danger as it arises, not in the plan of allowing ourselves to be engulfed by a very present danger because it is likely that the dim future holds others. The prime necessity of working with Russia now would be just as urgent if all that the small band of critics say, and much more, were indisputable. But there are very good reasons for believing that our co-operation with Russia contains seeds of very positive benefit to Europe and Asia. To begin with, Russia is not at all likely to wish to become a great naval Power like Germany. Her territory is already immense ; she does not desire to send forth heralds of a future Empire over the seas. But it may be said that she will be free in her vast continent to rule despotically, and to push forward the influence of that despotism across many land frontiers, and that we Englishmen shall be in the painful position of having given her our sanction. In answer to that, we ask whether the friendship of a self-governing people like ourselves will have no effect upon a nation less advanced in the ways of Constitutional government. We believe that the effect will be enormous. We have often argued iu a similar manner in discussing the effects of the Anglo-Russian Convention in Persia. The critics of Russia pretend that Britain has lent herself in Persia to an unscrupulous spoliation. But view the matter from the other side. The Convention has always given us a hold upon the rather independent Russian agents in Persia. Without it we should have had absolutely no bold. We could not have made a single demand upon Russia that we were not ready to support by force. As it was, the Conven- tion entitled us daily to discuss, to advise, to restrain. It is not as though Russia were an obscurantist Power. Her face is set towards the light. She has hitched her waggon to a star. She is ever on the onward and upward track. Only a few days ago we had a. proof of this in the Tsar's i admirable proclamation to the people of Poland, in which he promised them autonomy under Russian suzerainty. If it be said that this was a mere cynical military expedient, the force of our argument is scarcely diminished. If Russia should be victorious, the pledge must be re- deemed. But how- could it conceivably be redeemed without a stream of corollaries ? The Jews in the rest of Russia could not remain in bonds while the Jews of Poland were free. And the example of self-government must spread. Finland would have strong and fresh hopes for the restoration of her privileges. The Duma itself would not consent to be founded on a dummy franchise while fringes of Russia rejoiced in an ample democratic apparatus. Russia is a learning Power. We need only watch her military progress in Galicia and East Prussia to be assured of it. Her strategy has been bold and enlightened. She has admitted no distractions and been diverted by no opportunities of showy but empty military display. She has tackled her enemy in full strength, and been contented with nothing less than a shattering blow against the Austro-Hungarian field army. Russia, in fine, has learnt from Japan. Are we to believe that she will learn nothing from Britain? To believe that is to be utterly unjust both to Russia and ourselves. Russian conduct in the field, so far as we can judge, has been a model of restraint and consideration. There is not a word of such brutal devastations and ruthless executions as mark the tracks of the German armies.
A correspondent has written to us to complain—from quite the opposite point of view to that we have been deploring—that there is not nearly enough outward sympathy with Russia among English people. The Russian flag, for example, is almost unknown in our streets. Though there may be few visible signs of our sympathy with Russia, it is deep and real, nevertheless. The reasons for the lack of manifestations are, we think, entirely accidental. Russia is a distant land ; France and Belgium are very near; and for one Englishman who knows Petrograd thousands know Paris, Brussels, Antwerp, Louvain. But the affinity of Englishmen to Russians is natural, and cannot be suppressed. When an Englishman meets a Russian he almost invariably likes him. He admires him as a man, and respects his intellec- tual brightness and fertility. The fellow-feeling here for Russians in their gradual march towards Constitutionalism and civic liberty is a very powerful sentiment. We believe that we shall never have cause to abandon it, but that it will be fully justified, and that in the re-established comity of nations we shall be proud to remember that with our help Russia fought gallantly and successfully for the salvation of Europe and of herself.
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