FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT BY A NEW MEMBER.
THE Unionist majority is impressive, with few traces of " die-hard " reaction, and for that reason all the more formidable. But a glance across the floor of the House revealed the fact that what the Opposition lacks in quantity it makes up for in quality. Mr. MacDonald, Mr. Snowden, Mr. Thomas, Mr. Wheatley, Mr. Graham, Mr. Lloyd George, Sir John Simon, and Sir Alfred Mond, should be able, between them, to keep the Treasury Bench thinking, a consummation devoutly to be wished, both for the country's sake and for the sake of the Government.
Nothing would be more disastrous than a repetition of the years 1918-1922, when the prestige of the House of Commons was lowered almost beyond hope of redemp- tion. It would appear that the polities of the country have crystallized for the first time since the War. But they are rash who prophesy that we have now settled down to a further lengthy period of two-party strife, on the lines of the present division of the House of Commons. Mr. Baldwin keeps his party united under his hand because he has throughout managed to retain the confidence of the extreme right, and at the same time give a clear lead to the Tory democrats of the left. But it is not difficult to conceive of Unionist dissension if anything should happen to Mr. Baldwin. The Liberals are not yet dead, and any sort of revival in that quarter must complicate the situation in the future. In the Labour Party there remain all the elements of a serious and final split. On the whole, it may safely be assumed that the present Parliament will remain in existence for three or four years. Hence its importance.
Perhaps the three most interesting. figures in the new House are Mr. Churchill, Mr. Lloyd George, and Mr. Wheatley.
Mr. Churchill is genuinely detested by all sections of the Labour Party, and his first appearance on the Treasury Bench was greeted by expressions of disapproval from across the floor—a foretaste of what is bound to come, for a great deal of debating work will fall on his shoulders. As Chancellor of the Exchequer he will be called upon to undertake work of the highest kind, both inside and out- side the House. How will he acquit himself ? No man can tell. We know him to be possessed of brilliant debating powers, of courage, and of vigour. But with regard to the great questions upon which he will have to give decisions, his mind is as yet a sealed book. What is his opinion on the Debt question ? He will almost certainly have to settle it. Has he any, and if so what, views on taxation, on credit expansion, and on the cur- rency problem ? Insurance also falls to his lot, and in this connexion it is interesting to-note that he is evidently prepared to disburse more money than his Labour prede- cessor. Mr. Churchill must be a dominating personality in any assembly he adonis, but doubly so in the present House of Commons. For upon his handling of Treasury affairs so much depends, and he has never shown a dis- inclination to accept responsibility or to shoulder burdens.
Mr. Lloyd George is, with the possible exception of Mr. Maxton, the most dramatic figure in the House. As, one watched him rise to congratulate Mr. Whitley from the fourth bench below the gangway, one's mind auto- matically reverted to the days—little more than two years ago—when he held a breathlessly admiring and submissive House under his spell, the acknowledged master, the dictator of Britain—almost of Europe. " I rise on behalf of my friends . . . ." " All of them ? " interrupted a Labour man, for the Labour men were inclined to jeer. But they were silenced by a look. Mr. George's star has waned, but if he were to find a new one, who knows ? The vicissitudes and the possibilities of politics are infmite, as Mr. Churchill can testify. It is to be feared, however, that Mr. Lloyd George has now become a cynic, a role for which he was not intended. In modern politics there is room for almost every type, but the cynic does not reach the heights, or if he does, he cannot stay there long. The masses do not like cynics.
The Clyde men were cheered by the Labour benches as they entered the House, and rightly so, for they are a virile, vital force, and likely to be of great value if they exercise a certain degree of control. Their leader, Mr. Wheatley, is probably the ablest exponent of pure Socialism in the country, and an acknowledged debater. of merit. He must be regarded as a possible future leader in politics, and his actions and attitude during the next few months may have a decisive effect on the fortunes of the Labour movement. Mr. MacDonald gave the impression of being a tired and somewhat disappointed._ man.
Of Mr. Baldwin himself little need be said. He has gained the confidence of the electors to a greater extent than any other politician. The victory has been his own, and he knows it. Mr. Churchill expressed surprise the other day that his appointment was received with " tolerable acquiescence." The reason is that he received that appointment at the hands of a man in whom the people have placed their trust. The measure of Mr. Baldwin's power with the people is the measure of his responsibility.
A final word. This Parliament and this Government will succeed or fail in proportion as they bring the country nearer to a solution of the industrial problem The Imperial policy outlined in the King's Speech augurs well for the future, and Mr. Neville Chamberlain can be depended upon to increase the supply of houses. But it is by modern industrialism that we are likely to be over- whelmed, unless we grasp the monster boldly, with both hands, and bend him to our will. The problem to be solved is simply how to reconcile the proper economic status of the manual workers of Great Britain with the maximum industrial efficiency, under modern conditions.. A great deal depends upon the industrialists themselves, employers and employed, from whom the chief effort. must come. It may be that the politicians cannot do. much. But they might do better than quarrel on rigid party lines with almost incredible bitterness, and with a total disregard for facts, about economic questions of fact, - such as whether the present state of industry is due to lack of capital and the high cost of production, or lack of demand. If the House of Commons is able to debate these matters in a fairly reasonable atmosphere, perhaps we shall discover some causes. Before applying remedies,. it is as well to try to diagnose the trouble. But then it may be seen that the way of salvation lies neither in the Socialism nor in the Individualism at present• advocated, and in that case it may be pretended that it is the duty of all good party men on both sides to put Party before, Country; and to hide the inconvenient truth!
House of Commons, December 9th, 1924.
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