NEWS OF THE WEEK.

THE readers of Parliamentary debates cannot complain of any want of variety in the topics discussed during the week. We have had speeches on Greece—" conversations" on Mexico on the state of the country—on tithes—on our exports and their" official value" — on the' amount of gold and silver in circulation ; we have had a " communication " from Ministers on the affairs of India, which has led tahe appointment of Committees to collect evi- dence on that great question ; and we have had motions on Parlia- mentary Reform, on Law Reform, and on the expediency of reducing official salaries.

Lord HOLLAND, on Friday, brought the affairs of Greece before the House of Lords; and after enlarging on what he termed the im- becility and faithlessness of Government in the policy which it had . pursued towards Russia, as well as Turkey and Greece, moved

"That no pacification or settlement of Greece will appear to this House permanently advantageous to the interests of Europe, or honourable to his Majesty's Crown, which does not give to that country a territory sufficient for national defence, both by land and by sea, and does not establish a Throne and Government, with full powers to adapt the laws and institutions to the wants and wishes of the people, and to protect the subjects of Greece from all foreign interference in their domestic concerns."

The Earl of ABERDEEN and the Duke of WELLINGTON defended the policy which they had adopted, and showed clearly that the sitions which Lord Holland had assumed were untenable. The Earl of ABERDEEN contended that Government were warranted in desiring to preserve, had it been possible, the integrity of Turkey ; and added that Mr. Fox also had seen the necessity of doing so. This, Lord HOLLAND could not admit. Mr. Fox, he stated, had always declared the existence of the Turkish power in Europe to be a disgrace to the more civilized portions of it. From what source. then, did the Earl of Aberdeen learn that Mr. Fox had ever expres- sed a desire to preserve the balance of power by means of Turkey ? The Earl of ABERDEEN said that he had learned Mr. Fox's opinion on the subject from an official paper which Mr. Fox had addressed to Talleyrand in 1806. The motion was got rid of by moving the previous question.

Sir ROBERT WILSON introduced a discussion of the affairs of Mexico. He noticed that the British Government had prevented the Mexicans from invading Cuba, while Spain had not been prevented from invading Mexico from that point. Mexico was exposed to in- vasion at any moment. The consequence was, that it was forced to support a large naval force at a ruinous expense. Commerce was paralyzed, and the Mexican Bondholders remained unpaid. No one could doubt that this country was deeply interested in the prosperity of the South American Republics. He wished to know whether in fu- ture strict neutrality would be observed towards Mexico as well as Spain ?—whether Mexico would be permitted to invade Cuba, or take any other steps which she might deem necessary for her defence ? Mr. PEEL entered at some length upon an exposition and defence of the motives which had actuated Governmentin the course of policy which it had formerly observed towards Spain and her Colonies. The Mexicans had been prevented from invading Cuba, because the object of the projected invasion was to arm the slaves against their masters. He did hope that Spain would now cease to urge the war with her former Colonies; but should the efforts of Britain to secure peace prove unavailing, he declared on the part of the British Government, that in so far as the lawful operations of war were concerned on either side, the strictest impartiality would be observed towards both

parties.

The affairs of India were brought before both Houses on Tuesday, by Lord ELLENBOROUGH and Mr. PEEL. Government, it was stated, had determined upon nothing: there was no engagement, express or implied, to renew the Company's Charter. It was merely proposed to institute a full investigation into the affairs of India, and to appoint a Select Committee for that purpose. The speeches of both the Ministers, however, showed a decided bias in favour of the Company.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH, in particular, said- " For his own part, he felt great satisfaction that the publication of the Papers would tend to dissipate many of the fallacies which hiul been industri- ously circulated through -the country4 For the last sixteen years, or since the existence of the present Charter, the territorial finance had derived much. benefit from the commercial profits, which had been sufficiently large to pay all the dividends on proprietors' stock. Since the present Charter had beeft in existence, confirming to the Company the monopoly of the China trade, the commerce in tea had been carried on more for the benefit of the finance of England, than for the benefit of the Company itself. Their Lordships were aware, by the papers that had been already laid on the table, that during the last few years the consumption of tea had greatly increased in this country; and their Lordships were also aware, that while the consumption had increased, the price had considerably diminished. In fact, the quan- tity of tea now consumed was more than in the year when the Company's Charter was renewed, and equal to the consumption of the whole of Europe, except Russia ; and the whole of this increased consumption,. amdunting to more than five million pounds, was obtained at a consi- derably liss cost than the smaller quantity was formerly obtained. * He could assure their Lordships that the East India Company had gone far- to increase the facilities for trading to India. The duties on metals im- ported into India, twhich formerly were 10 per cent., had been removed.. The duties on woollens, on blankets, &c., which were 5 per cent., had also been removed. The duties on cottons, from 74 per cent. had been lowered. to 24 per cent. The duties on exports had all been reduced in the :tame manner. The export duty on indigo, of 5 per cent., had been removed. The duty on cotton exported had also been removed. He could assure their Lordships that the greatest attention was now paid by the Government of India, to afford every advantage and facility to trade which the state of the, finances of the country would allow." The discussion of Indian affairs naturally introduced the subject; of Lord ELLENBOROUGH'S letter to Sir JOHN MALCOLM. Lord EL- LENBOROUGH believed the letter to be in substance that which he had written, though he had 'retained no copy of it. Nothing could have been farther from his intention than any design upon the inde- pendence of the Judges in India; but when Judges attempted to. usurp power, as Sir John Grant had done, it became necessary tsa, withstand them.

The Duke of WELLINGTON declared that Sir John Grant he, be . hayed with great impropriety; and that his noble friend wa's war- ranted in all he had written upon the subject, and certainly had never meant to trench on the independence of Judges. Lord MELVILLE observed, that it was very well to talk about the independence of Judges, but their independence in India wax a name merely. The Judges in India were not in situations at all analagous to Judges here. 'They were called on to exercise discretion in the administration of law. They had no right to oppose themselves to the Government. .They might, no doubt, prefer complaints to the British Government against the local government, but their imme- diate duty was compliance. What had Sir J. P. Grant done? He had shut up his court, and denied justice to those who might require it. Lord Ellenborough had been warranted in all he had written upon the subject; and Lord Melville, for his own part, had more than once had occasion to advise his Majesty to recall a Judge from India. Mr. G. BANKES, in the Commons, apologized for the embarrass- ment with which he had on a former evening entered on Lord. Ellenborough's defence. He had not at that time seen his noble friend. He begged to state, too, that in a copy which he had seen— a copy sent by Sir John Grant to this country—the expression which Lord Ellenborough, had used was "we will review the Charter;' in- stead of" we will renew the Charter." (Cheers and laughter.) Mr. Husxissois declared, that in his opinion Lord Ellenborougles letter tended to lower the dignity and independence of the In.dian Judges. He thought, too, that there were symptoms of a disposition on the part of Government to uphold the present system of things in India. He would ask whether Government meant to deal with another great charter which was about to expire ? To the Think of England were to be ascribed most of the evils which now afflicted, the country. Its charter ought not to be renewed without modifi- cations. (There appears to have been no answer made to Mr. Hus- kisson on this point.) Mr. PEEL gave it as his opinion that one Committee on the affairs of India would prove more efficient than two or three, and proposed• the following gentlemen as members of it. "Mr. Baring, Mr. Astell, Marquis of Chandos, Mr. Huskisson, the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer, Alderman Thompson, Mr. Ward, Sir C. Burrell, Sir H. Vyvyan, Mr. C. Ellis, Mr. C. Wynn, Sir R. Cutlar Fergusson, Mr, R. Grant, Mr. E. Stanley, Sir J. Mackintosh, Lord Ashley, Mr: G. Moore, Mr. S. Rice, Lord G. Cavendish, Mr. G. Banks, Mr. Hume, Mr. P. Courtenay, Mr. W. Whit- more, Mr. W. O'Brien, Mr. P. Thompson, Mr. W. Peel, Mr. S. Wortley, Mr. Hart Davis, Lord Milton, Mr.Arbuthnot, Mr. Littleton, Mr.Bayl ey, Sir JAMES MACDONALD, though unwilling to make objections that must seem invidious, thought that the general complexion of the list was not such as would satisfy the commercial and manufacturing in- terests. General G-ASCOYNE thought that Mr. W. O'Brien's name had no business in the Committee list. Mr. Husrossort did not see- of what use mere country gentlemen, such as Sir C. Burreftwere likely to prove in the Committee. Mr. Hums thought the Directors of the East India Company should be declared ineligible; while Mr. ASTRLII. begged to give it as his opinion, that no man was better calculated, lp be useful in Committee than himself, althoi waif-a-Director.. The appoiutmegt of the Committee w - - , The sessional discussions on the franchise of East Retford began on Thursday.

Mr. N. CALVERT moved for leave to bring in a bill to prevent bri- bery and corruption in the borough of East Retford, by extending the right of voting to the Hundred of Bassetlaw. Mr. TENNYSON, on the contrary, moved that the right of returning representatives should be transferred to Birmingham. Lord HOWICK declared partial reform to be a mockery: in con- senting to it, he would but play the game of the opponents of reform. Why should East Retford be singled out ?

"Did any man suppose that corruption would be stopped by an occasional disfranchisement? If four sessions were supposed, to be usefully employed In the consideration of the propriety of disfranchising East Retford, surely

they could not be better employed than in devoting a portion of their time to a consideration of the whole state of the representation. He feared, how- ever, that the motives of the supporters of even the partial reform were very different ; and that they were disposed to punish the clumsiness of the criminals, not to put an end to the system which made them guilty. He feared that it was little more than a device to distract the attention, and to guard and keep from the light of day all the vices of the system which they were afraid to see exposed."

Mr. O'CONNELL deemed the preceding argument an extraordinary one. To maintain that East Retford should not be disfranchised because other places where bribery was equally prevalent escaped, seemed to hint as wise as it would be to abstain from killing a wounded wolf because the rest of the troop to which it had belonged had been able to elude pursuit. Mr. HUSKISSON called upon the House to transfer the franchise of East Retford to Birmingham, and by doing so to check the growth of abstract principles of reform throughout the country. This was an increasing enil ; and rather than lend himself to it, he would fall back upon another, but still a defensive position or security against the wild and dangerous principles now prevalent. The events of late years ought to have taught our statesmen practical wisdom. He rejoiced in the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts. He re- joiced in Catholic Emancipation. He rejoiced in the adoption of Whig principles by the Government. He rejoiced in the nomination of the present Attorney-General and of the Chief Baron of Scotland. From these symptoms, he had hoped that Government might have been induced to abandon their original intention, and to transfer the elective franchises of such places as East Retford to Manchester, Birmingham, or Leeds. These places were not sufficiently repre- sented. Had they been so, their representatives must have been named members of the Indian Committee. When he had named a gentleman (Mr. Marshall) on the other evening, as fitter than the member for Sussex to discharge the duties which the Committee would impose upon its members, he had been told by Mr. Peel, "with a gravity that nearly overcame his own," that the Member for Sussex represented the wool-trade! Every one in the House represented, in a greater or less degree, the wool-trade ; but who re- presented the iron or the hardware trades, of which Birmingham was the centre ? He cautioned the House against resisting the Amendment. Let the members look to the Political Union which had just sprung into existence at Birmingham, and they must recog- nize in it the counterpart of the Catholic Association. It had its funds, its resolutions, and its great agitator. For his part, he loved to see these agitators in the House of Commons, where all great questions could be temperately discussed. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER thought that Mr. Huskis- son, when his declared hostility to Reform was considered, was pre- pared to go a long way on the road towards it. For his own part, he thought the House of Commons superior to any similar body in the world; and therefore he should support the Constitution, and oppose the first steps to theoretical innovations. Mr. CHARLES GRANT defended the sentiments which hadbeen ex- pressed by Mr. Huskisson. He thought the country must fully understand the meaning of resistance to first steps. (Cheers.) Mr. PEEL declared the speech of Mr. Huskisson to be unworthy of his talents and attainments; nor could he perceive any thing ridi- culous in his own desire to have the wool-trade represented in the Indian Committee. The evidence from every quarter went to prove that the China trade opened markets for our woollen goods ; and it appeared to him that the woollen manufactures and the wool-trade had some connection together,—though he must admit himself to be at a loss to discover any connection between the Indian Committee and East Retford. (Cheers.) He could not agree with Lord Howick, that corruption was universal. Sure he was, that the counties must be exempted from such a charge ; and he contended that many bo- roughs—that for instance which he had the honour to represent-- were equally inaccessible to bribery. (Laughter.) He would not consent to such a stigma being cast upon his respectable constituents. He held that it would be an act of impolicy arid injustice to rob small boroughs of their franchises. Large towns were always ade- quately represented. The county of Nottingham returned only eight members—why should the number be lessened in order to give two to Birmingham? "I hope, whatever may be the decision of this night, there will be no un- necessary delay. lean assure my right honourable friend, that if he should

succeed, although I shall certainly take the sense of the House a second time,

yet would I not on any account interpose any vexatious delay between the vote and the period when it should be carried into effect. (Cheers.) I can

assure the House that nothing would be more satisfactory to me than to have this question at length brought to a conclusion, and to know that I was never to hear the name of East Retford again."

The division wag—for Bassetlaw, 154; for Birmingham, 55. , Mr. Suonsx, the Solicitor-General, took the field on Thursday as a law reformer. He moved for, and obtained leave to bring in "a Bill

to facilitate the payment of Debts out,of real Estate ; a Bill for amend-

ing the Law relating to the Property of Infants, Femmes Couvertes, and Lunatics ; a Bill for amending the Law relating to Lunatic and Infant Trustees, and Mortgagees ; and a Bill for Amending the Law relating to Process of Contempt, and Commitments for Contempt by Courts of Equity." Mr. O'CONNELL, Mr. HUME, and Sir CHARLES WETHERELL spoke upon the question of Law Reform ; and the two former gentlemen blamed the predecessors of the Solicitor-General for having delayed it so long. Lord Eldon, in particular, it was observed, had pocketed more than half a million of the public money, without having been the author of any measure that had been beneficial to the public. Mr. ATTWOOD moved for a " Return of the issue of sovereigns and half sovereigns, from the 1st of January 1826, to 31st of December 1829, both inclusive ; distinguishing the amount paid, the amount received, and the balances." He declared that the Duke of Welling- ton's estimates on the amount of the moneysin circulation were un- founded; and contended that the country laboured under severe distress, caused solely by want of money. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER went at some length into a defence of the accuracy of the Premier's calculations, but agreed to Mr. Attwood's motion.

Mr. G. LAMB on Monday gave occasion to a rambling conversation on the state of t1ff. country, by deeming it necessary to state his reasons for having; supported Sir E. Knatchbull's Amendment. He had no confidence in Ministers. They were regardless of the national distress. They were reckless in their management of our Foreign re- lations. They had lowered the character of the country, which Mr. Canning had exalted. They were afraid of war ; they were about to recognize Don Miguel ; and they had betrayed Turkey. To these observations, Mr. PEEL replied, generally, that Govern- ment had evinced no unbecoming fear of war. He denied that they had exercised the slightest influence in procuring the appointment of the present Prime Minister of France.

Mr. Alderman WAITHMAN declared that the distress of the country was not confined to the agriculturists : the retail-dealers suffered quite as much. "Five out of six failed in business, and all confidence was lost between man and man."

Mr. SADLER deemed the distress all but universal. He had just seen a statement of the result of a public meeting at Manchester; which statement proved the distress to be overwhelming. The bank- rupt-list and the poor-rates bore testimony to the same truth. Mr. O'CONNELL testified that Ireland was miserable—on the au- thority of letters which he had just received; and Mr. FYLER de- clared the sufferings of Warwickshire to be unparalleled. In opposition to this, Mr. HART Davis and Mr. BARING relied on the authority of letters which they had received, and which bore wit- ness to the increasing prosperity of the country ; and the former gen- tleman had even dined with a friend who had been lately" in Dublin, in Ireland," and who had seen nothing that did not indicate a most flourishing state of affairs. Mr. BARING believed that the agricul- turists suffered deeply, and that the iron and silk trades were de- pressed ; but the woollen trade prospered, and the distress of the far- mer was to be traced to the corn-laws. He approved of the Foreign - policy of Government. Mr. ATTWOOD was astonished that any one should hold the Go- vernment to be blameless of the present distress, when it was unde- niable that it had altered the value of money, by a recurrence to cash payments. Mr. TRANI thought that the agricultural interests were in a bad state, for bad seasons seemed to injure the farmer, and good seasons augmented his distresses.

Mr. MABERLY denied that agriculture was entitled to protection more than the iron or the cotton trades.

Mr. GREENE moved for leave to bring in a Bill for the commuta- tion of tithes. Its object was to procure the appointment of Com- missioners, whose authority should supersede the necessity of apply- ing to Parliament in every instance where a change in the mode of ' collecting tithes should be agreed on by the parties interested.

"Those Commissioners (he said) being necessarily 'men of education— men placed beyond the suspicion of countenancing anything unfair—justice may reasonably be expected to be done to all parties. They would be JudgeS of the reports of the tithe valuers, by whom the value of the tithes of any parish for the preceding fourteen years should be ascertained; and whatever that might prove, should be affixed as a rent charge upon the parish for ever, variable, however, by averages of the price of wheat to be struck every seven years, so as to meet the changes in the value of money. In order further to provide against alterations which may take place in the value of agricultural produce, enclosure and improvement of land, each party at the end of twenty- one years may call for a fresh commission to ascertain the actual value of ail such matters as may have been decided by the award of the First Commis- sioners to be tithable ; but they are to have no power to disturb the deter- minations of the former Commissioners respecting moduses, or other partial or entire exemption."

Mr. HUME objected to the clause that gave the possessors of tithes a right to participate in the advantages of capital spent on the land. Such a privilege was most hurtful to agriculture. A change in the mode of paying tithes was now necessary. Lay tithes were valued and sold every day.

"As to the clerical tithes, he would have them all brought into one fund, and have the clergy paid out of it. This would relieve the agriculture of the country; and thousands, he might almost say millions, of persons now un- employed would then find employment; for many who now avoided invest- ing their money in property liable to tithe according to its increased value, would then endeavourtto make improvements in it, and by so doing, would give employment to a great number of persons. The principle of interference was now, he was happy to say, recognized and admitted, even by the right honourable gentleman opposite ; though, when he first introduced it, he was as IMigh decried, as if he were a robber on the highway. (C1eas.) Though he thought this bill did not go far enough, he would yet support it ; but he should be mach pleased if the clause which limited these agreements to twen- ty-one years were withdrawn, and they were permitted to be perpetual."

Mr. Alderman WAITHMAN made a speech on the difference between the official and real value of exports. These exports, he contended, en- tailed a loss upon the country of eight millions a year. In the retail trade, too, ruin stared the dealer in the face. Prices were by much too low, and differed widely from what they had been in those days when he bought goods of Sir Robert Peel, and was in the habit of ob- taining a reduction upon them of 12 or 15 per cent. No diminution of taxation within the power of Ministers could avail the country— not even a diminution of one-half of our burdens.

Mr. HIIME endeavoured to quiet the Alderman's fears; and to find in the reduced prices of the raw material, and in the influence of ma- chinery, a natural solution of the appalling mystery of low prices. Mr. ROBINSON and Mr. FYLER could see that our distresses were to be ascribed to the refusal on the part. of Foreign countries to ex- tend to us the benefits of reciprocity in free trade. Mr. ATTWOOD, as usual, was convinced that the disorders of our commercial system sprung from the disorders of the currency. Mr. POULETT THOMPSON said that the proposal to return to a de- preciated currency was nothing hut a fraud. Mr. ATTIVOOD—" If any gentleman means to impute to me any other than the most honest and upright intentions, I say his state- ments are false."

The SPEAKER—" I am sure the honourable member for Dover will see the necessity of giving such explanation as cannot fail to remove any unfavourable impression of a personal nature, which his language might have otherwise created." Mr. POULETT THOMPSON proceeded to explain ; but, contrary to his usual practice. spoke in a tone of voice so low and indistinct, that what fell from him was very imperfectly heard. He was understood to say that he had no difficulty in repeating his Jetliner assertion, that the depreciation of the standard must have the effect of operating as a practical fraud—that such was its tendency, though he had no in- tention of imputing to any member the desire of being instrumental in bringing about that fraud. , Mr. Husxissorr would not enter upon the subject at so late an hour: if anything could have provoked him to do so, it would have been the tissue of absurdities to which he had been compelled to listen.

The routine business of voting the Supplies met with an unexpected obstruction. On Tuesday, the order of the day for the House to resolve itself into a Committee of Supply having been moved, The Marquis of BLAP:DFORD ssid that the distress of the country was so great, and the declarations of his Majesty's Ministers were so vague, that he opposed, in limine, the grant of one shilling till the public grievances were redressed. He mated, therefore," That this House will not vote any supply to his Majesty, until the grievances and distress of the people be taken into consideration and redress be granted." The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER hoped that the noble Lord would withdraw his motion till Friday. If he persevered at present, the House could not proceed. The Marquis of BLANDFORD—" I am no party to any understanding as to any motion on Friday. If members are not present to do their duty to the people, it is no fault of mine. Here sin I to do my duty. I shall divide." A division then took place ; but there being only 28 members pre- sent (4 in favour of the resolution, and 24 against it), the House ad- journed. The Ministerial band mustered in greater force on Thursday. On Thursday, when the Committee of Supply was moved, Mr. GORDON adverted to the salaries of public officers, and asked whether, in point of fact, naval and military servants of the Crown did, while they re- ceived civil allowances, also receive military or naval allowances ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that the honourable member might move for official returns upon that point. Mr. WAITHMAN and Mr. HUME opposed the voting away of the public money at so late an hour. Mr. PEEL said that the motion was a pro forma one. Mr. WAITHMAN then withdrew his opposition ; but the Marquis Of BLANDFORD stood out against it. "He was quite sure his Majesty had been imposed .upon, and was not aware of the extent of the distress which existed in the country. The best mode of awakening his Majesty's mind to that fact was, in his opinion, the constitutional one of refusing to grant a supply for the public service. He should therefore move, 'That the House do now adjourn.'" The adjournment was rejected by 109 against 9, and the business of voting the money proceeded.

Last night, when the report of the Committee of Supply was brought up, Sir JAMES GRAHAM moved, "That whereas in consequence of the 47th Geo. III., whereby a restriction had been placed upon cash payments by the Bank of England, large augmen- tations had been made from time to time to salaries and payments on ac- count of civil and military services to the country, in consideration of the diminished value of money; and whereas the alleged reason for this increase is now removed by the operation of 59th Geo. ill., which has restored a me- tallic standard of value ; it is expedient, in order to relieve the people from the great burden of taxation, that all augmentations should be revised, and that all reductions should be enforced, which could be effected without the violation of existing engagements, and without detriment to the public service."

Sir James gave the history of the successive additions that had been made to the salaries paid from the public purse. The act of 1819 had increased the value of money in a greater degree than he had antici- pated. He had "pinned his faith to Mr. Ricardo," and that gentle- man had erred in his calculations on the point. Some alteration in the currency seemed to him necessary. A double standard—a stan- dard of silver as well as of gold—seemed to him the best measure J who formed a, maioriq would not allow the landlords tu put false state! that could be adopted. The House should reconsider the whole sys- tem of banking—but that, the Duke of Wellington would not permit it to do ; and if the question were keenly argued in print, the Attor- ney-General was ready to pounce upon them. Nothing then remained but a reduction of public salaries. From this reduction, however, he would except the King's Privy Purse, the salaries of the great officers of the Crown, and the expenditure of the Royal establishment. He would also preserve faith with the sailor and soldier ; but in every other quarter he would reduce wherever reduction was possible. After all, wheat was the real standard of value; there was great unfair- ness in doubling salaries while our standard had sunk to 'half its for- mer value. He deemed the Duke of Wellington entitled to the public gratitude for his public services as Minister, But political gratitude was short-lived—events were pressing on events, and the tide was continually driving onwards, and therefore they must not lag behind. If, then, they found all classes of members—political economists, lawyers, free-trade men, Whigs and Tories—all rallying under the Govern- ment, he did not think that there was anything improper in other persons forming what might be called a taxation party,and endeavouring to reduce the burthena of the country. (Cheers.) And he was the more inclined to this, when he observed the strange fashion in which the noble Duke sought after his recruits. To-day he got Lord Rosslyn for the Ordnance; the next he stepped into the ranks of the old Opposition for an Attorney-General ; the next he dropped amongst the free-trade men for a tame elephant to preside over the Board o,f Control. In all these adventures he was successful, and seemed, in fact, to have discovered some nostrum to dissolve the • links of party, while an experiment was carried on with all these discordant materials thrown into the crucible, and fused down into one heterogeneous mass, for the benefit of the alchymist who blew the coals. (Loud Cheers.) Sir James, however, thought that there could be much public virtue.when there was no such thing as party. Mr. G. DAWSON and Mr. CROKER contended that Government did really act as far as possible on the most economical system ; and con- tended that the increase in public salaries had either not been to the alleged extent, or been subsequently reduced. Mr. DAWSON had, however, no wish to get rid of the motion ; but if it were withdrawn, he should propose the following resolutions.

"That whereas his Majesty was graciously pleased, in answer to an address of that House, to assure the House on the 27th June 1821, that his Majesty would cause an inquiry to be made into all the departments of the civil Go- vernment, with the view of reducing the number of persons employed in the various offices, and the amount of salaries paid—Resolved, That an humble address he presented to hii Majesty, that his Majesty might be graciously pleased to lay before the House an account of the progress which had been made in such inquiry, and of the measures that had been taken in conse-

quence. Also, that it was the opinion of that House, that, in every establish- ment of the state, every saving ought to be made consistently with the due performance of the public service, and without the violation of existing en- gagements." (Much Cheering.) MR. HUME liked this amendment better than Sir James Graham's motion. He thought at the same time that the House should boldly ask the King to reduce his expenditure. , Mr. M. A. TAYLOR agreed with Mr. Hume, and thought the pre- sent Ministers entitled to the gratitude of the country.

Mr. PEEL defended the act of 1819; and remarked, that there was little difference in opinion between Sir James Graham and himself after all. It was merely a question between them as to a double or single metallic standard. He should never consent to rescind the act which gave certainty to our standard of value. He pledged himself that every reduction consistent with the interests of the public service should be made. He could not allow the distress to be so general as had been represented ;—and as the state of Ireland had been alluded to, he begged to express his opinion that the Relief Bill had been fol- lowed by more desirable results than could have been anticipated in so short a period. He added- " I say, because I feel it to be my duty to say, that with a perfect know- ledge of the painful results to myself, both as a private individual and a pub- lic man, of the part which I took in forwarding Catholic Emancipation, were the whole affair to be again transacted, even were those sacrifices still greater than they were, I would not shrink from pursuing the same course. Sir, we made the great sacrifice which we did make for the public good, and for the public good alone. We have made, and we will make no sacrifices for the purpose of keeping office. We are determined to persevere in that policy which we believe to be the most advisable ; in that policy which, while it enables us to maintain all the valuable institutions of the country, will induce us to apply to those institutions that temperate reform which change of circumstances may have rendered necessary. Whatever may appear to us to be conducive to the permanent interests of the country, we will instantly propose ; but we will not propose any measure which cannot be lasting; we will not, for the sake of a temporary and fleeting popularity, involve the country in a state of durable evil. These are the principles of our internal policy, as the preserva- tion of peace, if it can be preserved consistently with the honour and just influence of the country, is the principle of our foreign policy. Sir, I say it with perfect respect to all, but, whatever combination of parties may occur in this House, we feel that there is a prevailing good sense in the country, which, without reference to Ultra Whig or Ultra Tory, will ultimately sanc- tion and confirm the course which it is our intention to pursue."—(Much cheering.) Mr. Dawson's resolution was carried unanimously ; and the report was ordered to be taken into consideration on Monday.

Mr. WESTERN found himself under the necessity of presenting the Essex petition last night—an amendment on one which he had sub- mitted to the county the day before. He took the opportunity, how- ever, of characterizing it as one which "no man of judgment, consi- deration, or prudence, would put his name to." It contained a most unjustifiable attack on the higher classes. In short, he liked his own petition much better. Mr. D. W. HARVEY advised Mr. Western to forget his defeat as fast as possible. The Essex meeting was a most respectable meeting. It was a patient meeting too—for it had listened to one of Mr. Western's longest stories about the currency. That honourable gentleman had denied the respectability of the meeting, simply because the tenants ments about the universality of the distress into their mouths. The tenants wanted a reduction of rents as well as a reduction of taxes ; and they called upon Parliament to tax the rich in proportion to their ' means. This could be done only by an income-tax. Mr. Western might for his own purposes clamour about the distresses of the farmers, but he refused most obstinately to lower his rents. Lord Howicx confessed his surprise that the assertion of Mr. Harvey had been met with the cheers of those who classed themselves among the ranks of political economists.

"Did these gentlemen not recollect, that there was such a thing as a free trade in land as well as a free trade in corn or in commerce, and that the rent of land rested not on the cupidity of a landlord, but on the competition in the market? It was, indeed, a remarkable fact, that at this moment, when the farmers were complaining of the amount of the rent and of the general dis- tress, that whenever a farm fell into the hands of the landlord the competi- tion for it among farmers was greater than at any recent period."