POLITICS IN TURKEY
By BR. MALCOLM BURR
AFTER many centuries of absolutism, the broad mass of the Turkish people was more puzzled than gratified by the pro- clamation of the Republic on October 29th, 1923. The common herd would probably have been more interested in the reduction in the price of bread, and was indifferent to the magic of the blessed words liberty, republic and constitution. The men in power de- cided that these blessings should be doled out in small doses at long intervals. This process is slow, and today, twenty-two years later, there is still only one party in Turkey, no organised Opposition in the Grand National Assembly, no liberty of the Press. The outward forms are adhered to, but in practice the Government is in the hands of an oligarchy. During the war the administration has been benevolently autocratic, as was inevitable with the country mobilised and a state of siege in Istanbul. But with the end of the war in Europe, a certain relaxation was felt. This has been notice- able in parliamentary procedure and in the Press. AFTER many centuries of absolutism, the broad mass of the Turkish people was more puzzled than gratified by the pro- clamation of the Republic on October 29th, 1923. The common herd would probably have been more interested in the reduction in the price of bread, and was indifferent to the magic of the blessed words liberty, republic and constitution. The men in power de- cided that these blessings should be doled out in small doses at long intervals. This process is slow, and today, twenty-two years later, there is still only one party in Turkey, no organised Opposition in the Grand National Assembly, no liberty of the Press. The outward forms are adhered to, but in practice the Government is in the hands of an oligarchy. During the war the administration has been benevolently autocratic, as was inevitable with the country mobilised and a state of siege in Istanbul. But with the end of the war in Europe, a certain relaxation was felt. This has been notice- able in parliamentary procedure and in the Press.
Some weeks ago the Government introduCed an innovation in permitting the publication in the Press of tolerably complete abstracts of proceedings in the Assembly. This was a definite step forward, that led to the quickening of public interest in the debates, and criticism, sometimes quite bold, in the Press, seen particularly conspicuously in the pages of Tan, edited by Zekerya Sertel, an American-trained journalist. He is not afraid of making enemies, for he vigorously attacked. many of his contemporaries, in particular Tasvir, accusing them of reactionary sentiment manifest in hostility to the freedom of the Press. How can a journalist be opposed to the freedom of the Press, he asks. Bitterly does he reproach his con- temporaries for their failure to brandish aloft the standard of liberty of the Press. " Our constitution guarantees all the democratic rights," he protests, " but our laws have done everything to reduce these rights to nothing. These laws are contrary to the constitu- tion." It is a fact that the Cabinet, or any Minister, has the power to suspend a newspaper for an indefinite time, and, what is more serious, without giving account to anybody. This power is frequently exercised, so that leader-writers are bound to be very circumspect. Not once has the Grand National Assembly called for the justification of any suspension. Sertel points out that the notorious Clause 50,
the source of this autocratic power, is taken bodily from the Press law of 1867 of the Sultans, that it is an unadulterated relic of Ottomanism, which is supposed to have been swept away root and branch. Assim Us, in Vakit, however, points out that restrictions on the Press are inevitable in war-time for reasons of security.
Yeni Sabah joins forces with Send against those journalists who contend that Turkey is not yet ripe for democratic liberty, which in the eyes of many is not a commodity suitable for import, that a
people 8o per cent. of whoni are illiterate is not ready for the democratic principles of the Anglo-Saxons. Yeni Sabah insists
that this is a total misconception of Turkish history, and of the
political movements that have so often been expressed in the de- positions of Sultans. " With us, liberty and democracy have a long and painful history. The 1945 model does not come to us from abroad." Siireyya Sungur, in La Turquie, raises an interesting point. Cause 5o of the Press Law, he points out, throws the responsibility upon the executive, which must take action if any writing appears that may disturb the political situation, especially in relations with foreign Powers. It thus performs the functions of a censorship. During the war, when feeling between the bel- ligerent parties struggled to express itself in propaganda on Turkish territory, this control, was necessary. But the effect was that the Press Attaches of the respective countries found frequent oppor- tunities to lodge protests with the Directorate of the Press. This meant the thin end of the wedge of foreign- interference in Turkish domestic affairs, and a sword of Damocles over the heads of all the newspapers. One of the fundamental points in the National Pact was uncompromising opposition to any form of foreign influence.
More striking have been the debates in the Grand National Assembly upon the Budget. There has been very lively criticism of several of the Ministers. No fewer than 24 deputies put pointed questions to the Ministe.' of Public Works upon matters of detail, and the Ministers of Commerce and Economy came in almost for heckling. They were blamed for inactivity, for neglecting to take steps to reduce the cost of living, and to suppress the black market. Feridun Fikri, deputy for Bin Gel, was particularly active. He condemned the increase in the fiduciary circulation and the ac- cumulation of enormous stocks of food, much of which had been allowed to rot, by the Office of the Products of the Soil, to the serious disadvantage of the public. Another deputy, Mazhar Milrif Kansu, maintained that the Budget deficit should be cleared by economies and not by internal loans. Ismail Sabunja, deputy for Girasun, talked for two hours and twenty minutes, attacking all .departments indifferently, especially the Sumer Bank, whose liquida- tion is demanded by many, on account of the high prices of all products. It is disgraceful, he cried, that a man should have to pay 30-35 Ltqs., the equivalent of L4 5s., for a shirt. Ibrahim pressed for the exemplary punishment of all concerned, and Hikmet Bayur went so far as to demand the resignation of the Government. " If our statesmen cannot prevent robbery and speculation, it is their duty to mace way for someone who can." This is all very interesting. It clearly shows not only the widespread discontent in the country, but that the Turkish public is beginning to become articulate. In the vigour of this criticism we may see the embryo of the party system. In fact, one deputy, Ali Rana Twrhan, is described as President of the Independent Group of the party.
In reply, the Prime Minister, in a long speech, claimed that all this criticism really strengthened the Government. The Cabinet depended upon the Assembly, and so long as it had a majority of one single vote, it would retain power. But when it came to voting, something happened. The Budget, of course, was passed by a majority of 37o against 5. But Hikmet Bayur stated that he refused to accept this as a vote of confidence. The Premier re- torted by calling for a vote of confidence, which, equally, of course, was carried, but with a reduced majority 359 for and 7 against. The 7 were perfectly well aware that they had not the remotest chance of bringing the Government down, but as a token, their opposition is very important. Also, it had immediate effect, for Memduh Shevket Esendal, General Secretary of the Popular Party, resigned, ostensibly on grounds of health.
There will be further effects, for in Ankara there have been rumours for several weeks of the impending formation of a second party.* Yeni Sabah, on June 1st, reported that the matter was brewing, and that probably a Democratic Party would be formed, led by Tevfik Riishtii Aras, formerly Minister of Foreign Affairs and Ambassador in London. In fact, the birth of a Democratic Party is now regarded as certain, though no outward steps can be taken much before the general elections, which are due next spring.
* The formation of what is called " The National Regeneration Party " has been reported from Istanbul this week.
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