Three Ministers were reelected on Saturday; Mr. Henley for Oxford-

shire, Sir Fitzroy Kelly for East Suffolk, and Lord Henry Lennox for Chichester. In no case was there any opposition.

Mr. Henley was proposed by Mr. Hammersley, and seconded by Mr. Lechmere. Very few persons were present in the Oxford County Hall, and the whole proceedings occupied less than an hour. The two promi- nent subjects in Mr. Henley's speech were Parliamentary Reform and Church-rates.

.Parliamentary Reform. "I have been asked what I would do upon this or that question ; and among the rest it has been said to me, What about Reform ?' To that question I have always, before my constituents or other- wise, given this frank answer when other men have been in power, Let me see what they are going to do, and then I will tell you whether I will sup- port them or not.' That has been the answer I have given here before, and many may remember it. Now I will tell you how I stand on this ques- tion at present. I could not have joined any Government in which my hands were to be tied upon that subject. But I feel that the question is one which has been dangling for some time before the eyes-of the country, which has been put into the mouth of the Sovereign by several successive Prime Ministers, though none of those Ministers have chosen to bring any scheme before the country,—for I don't think the most ardent Reformer will affirm that the one or two bills introduced by Lord John Russell seven or eight years ago can be called schemes of reform. For this reason, no ques- tion having been brought fairly before the country, I have not felt in a po- sition to say whether this or that particular measure should be adopted. But this I may tell you—that I would not have joined any Government if I were not able to say to my constituents that. I stand unfettered upon this subject ; that I am free to take into consideration that or any other subject I please; and that I am at liberty to act respecting it according to what I think to be for the good of the country ; and whether the support I receive in that line of conduct be small or large, or none'at all, to that I will ad- here. This I think is as free an expression of opinion upon the subject as you can expect any man in my position to give. I believe there is not a single person now standing before me who three weeks ago might not have considered he had as good a chance of being called to the councils of his So- vereign as I had. Members of a party who see four hundred gentlemen sit- ting opposite them in the House of Commons, you may conceive that about the last thing in the world which those with whom I have the honour to act could expect was to be called on to form a Government." Under these cir- cumstances, it was not natural that his party should discuss these questions, but wait to see what Lord Palmerston brought forward. Church-rates. " You ask me my opinion about church-rates. I don't believe there is any man among you who does not know it. (Laughter.) However, that is no reason why you should not have it over again. Now, I will tell you. I believe that out of about twelve thousand parishes in England, between nine and ten thousand pay church-rates ; their own open vestries, where every ratepayer has a right to vote, agreeing so to pay them. Now, I have never heard any reason advanced why, if the vestries choose to agree upon the rate after full discussion, Parliament should take from those nine thousand odd parishes that which they have always had the right of voting beyond the memory of man. [A Voice—" But the rich man has six votes and the poor man one."] As to the other two thousand five hundred parishes, they, following their own Will, as pronounced in open vestry, do not pay church-rates. Well, now I really don't think it is very easy to put things on a better footing. In this country we are bound by majorities. All parishes are just in the same position. Those who like to have church- rates pay them and those who don't like them don't pay them. But I have something else to say upon this subject. I inherited my estate, and my father bought his estate subject to these payments, provided the rated inha- bitants choose to levy them. If church-rates were to be done away with by law, that money would go into my pocket. Every tenant when he comes to take a farm says, What are the rates and taxes and the rent ?' Gene- rally speaking, he asks for the amount of the rates the first thing. Now, of course, if the rates are lees the rent will be more ; and therefore I see no reason why in those parishes which like to have them church-rates should be taken away from maintaining the fabrics of churches into which many poor people go without paying a farthing of rates, and should be put into the pockets of the landlords. You have asked me a question and I have given you as plain an answer as I could. My reasons are not very-long, but I do not think they are very bad ones."

The East Suffolk election took place at Ipswich. Sir Fitzroy Kelly was proposed by Mr. Schrieber, and seconded by Mr. Barthropp. He made a longer speech than Mr. Henley. The salient parts of his address were those relating to Parliamentary Reform and Law Reform; and in treating the former, the Attorney-General was not so reserved as the President of the Board of Trade.

Parliamentary Befomn. "It has been supposed—nay, it has been pub- licly stated within these eight-and-forty hours, with reference to plans to which I have from time to time here and elsewhere alluded—that I desire to deprive of the elective franchise the freeholders, tenant-farmers, and others in the county of Suffolk and throughout Great Britain. So far is that from being correct, that on the contrary I declare that I will never be a Party to any scheme of reform by which one single British man who now Slara the franchise shall be dispossessed of that franchise. My policy is all for extension ; and when we reflect that there are now men in this kingdom—not numbered by hundreds or by thousands, but by hundreds of thousands—who are well qualified by education, by property, by character, by position, by all that can entitle a free man in a free country to the possession of the elective franchise—who have it not, and who are among the unrepresented in this country, I feel that we ought not, whenever the time shall come to legislate upon this subject, to leave one man in Britain, who is by the qualifications to which I have adverted entitled to the elec- tive franchise without it. I therefore desire—and I hope that there is nothing that the humbler classes of society will complain of when I say so—to begin at the upper end, and to descend in conferring the franchise as the state of education and intelligence among the people will permit. Whether in counties or in towns, I would certainly confer the franchise upon every individual who possesses a sufficient income to afford a pro- spect of his exercising that franchise independently. I would likewise confer it upon every man in Britain who can show that he possesses a liberal education. I do not mean a first-rate classical education, but that he has a sufficient knowledge to justify the expectation of an intelligent, right-thinking, and reflective exercise of that franchise, even although he might not be a freeholder in a county, or a ten-pound householder within a borough. It is necessary also—but here we come upon a task full of delicacy and difficulty—that a great number of towns throughout Great Britain, the population of which has in- creased of late years until they have become places of great impor- tance and consideration, should no longer be deprived of the elective franchise. When you find, for example, towns like the neighbouring borough of Harwich with a small population returning two Members, and others with a still smaller, or perhaps even with a larger population— for you all know that the number of inhabitants in a town varies from time to time from circumstances over which the Legislature has no control—re- turning. one Member to Parliament, while we have great and extensive towns in the North of England and elsewhere, with thirty thousand or forty thousand inhabitants, returning no Member at all, you must feel that

i that is an evil which ought to be remedied. I know no reason, for example, why my old friends and constituents in Ipswich who live in ten-pound houses in the borough should continue to enjoy the franchise, when it is refused to the inhabitants of the neighbouring town of Hadleigh, who are equal in character, in property, and in intelligence to the inhabitants of this town. These are some of the evils which I would seek to remedy ; and moreover, I cannot but feel that a great and undue disproportion exists under the pre- sent law between the population and the number of Members returned. I would therefore, as far as may be, endeavour to restore the balance and to do equal justice to all the inhabitants of this country. I do not say—for it would be absurd to dream of such a measure—that I would endeavour to parcel out the nation into districts, with an exact proportion of population to members returned; but I cannot see why some fifty-two counties in- England and Wales, with half a million of electors, and I am afraid to say how many inhabitants, should return but a hundred and fifty Members, while the boroughs within those counties return Members in the proportion of at least three to one. While attempting to do justice, then,

to the population at large, and to extend the franchise so far as educa- tion, the intelligence, the property, and the general improvement in all classes of the people will permit us to do so with safety, let us at the same time dojustice to the counties, and take care that the number of Members returned by the counties of England hnd Wales shall bear something like a fair proportion to the immensity of their electors and of their population." Law Reform. "We hear in all the great commercial towns of England loud complainta of the state of the law of bankruptcy and insolvency, as affecting the relations of debtors and creditors. I have already, during the very short time that I have been in office, directed my attention to that sub- ject, and I am in communication with persons conversant with commerce and commercial exigencies in all their details in several of the great com- mercial cities and towns of England. I trust therefore that I shall before long be enabled to submit to the House of Commons a measure which at least will remedy the greater number of those evils under which the mer- cantile community have so long laboured. Again, there is a measure for the registration of tithes and for facilitating the transfer of land. That is a subject in which every inhabitant of this country must feel a personal in- terest ; because the expenses attendant upon the smallest transaction in the way a selling or charging a little piece of land are such as often to deter people from taking those measures in their domestic relations and for per- sonal purposes which may be very essential to their interests; or they are such if those measures be taken as to bring upon persons difficulties and embarrassments without end. Let me here assure a class of persons in whom I myself take a sincere interest—I mean the attorneys and solicitors of England—a class to whom I will not say that I owe, but certainly through whom I have obtained whatever I may possess of fortune and station—a class of persons for whom I entertain the sincerest respect—let me assure them that I should with infinite reluctance become a party to any measure which would in any way prejudicially affect their interests. But I believe that no such consequence will follow. I believe, if we shall succeed in pas- sing a measure which shall enable every man to transfer or to charge his land with the same facility as he might transfer or charge so much stock in the funds, that so far from injuring the interests of attorneys and solici- tors it will for many years to come,. at least during the first and primary working of the measure' increase their occupation, without prejudicially af- fecting the interests of the community."

On Monday, Mr. Disraeli was reelected for Buckinghamshire, Lord John Manners for North Leicestershire, and Mr. Adderley for North Staffordshire.

The Bucks election took place at Aylesbury. Mr. Disraeli was pro- posed by Mr. Philip Dauncey, and seconded by Mr. Harvey of Langley Park. Dr. Lee, a locally well-known politician, said ho was quite pie- pared to propose a candidate, but he did not wish to throw down the apple of discord, and he would be perfectly satisfied if Mr. Disraeli would give due consideration to a string of questions he handed in. Mr. Disraeli made merry with his "learned friend," and said that as the settlement of his eight questions would demand as many years, he must anticipate that Lord Derby's Government will have a long tenure of office. Passing from Dr. Lee's question; Mr. Disraeli entered upon more serious subjects—the French question, the government of India, and Parliamentary Reform.

The French Question. Mr. Disraeli spoke on this subject at great length, and with much elaboration of his materials. He laid it down that a cor- dial alliance should be cherished between France and England, as the only means by which the independence and importance of Europe in the scale of the world can be maintained. Whatever may be the form of government in France the maintenance of that alliance should be the essence of French and English policy. [Here he amplified an eulogium on the French Ens- peror, as a statesman eminently gifted, and a faithful ally, not in mere courtly phrases, but "in the deeds of a nation, sealed in blood and crowned by victory."] The English people are favourable to the alliance, but among the great body of the French people a prejudice against England survives ; so that the ruler of France has a much more difficult task in order

to cherish and consolidate the alliance than the English Government.. When the life of the Emperor was attempted, the drat feeling in this coun- try was one of indignation and disgust. Unfortunately, the French Go- vernment and the French people visited that atrocity upon the land and laws of England. That was a great error. But when the act of accusation was handed in by authority, it was not met by the English Government in

a manner or spirit adequate to the occasion. Instead of a public reply, we had private conversations." Instead of a frank and firm exposition of our feelings, there was on the part of the English Government vacillation, timidity, intrigue, manoeuvre—anything but an open assertion of our rights. It was under these circumstances, not by any of the routine of faction but as it were by a judicial act, that power fell from the hands of a Ministry, and Lord Derby took the helm at the instance of her Ma- jesty. Lord' Derby has to solve a difficult problem—to maintain the French alliance and vindicate the rights and privileges of Englishmen. That cannot be done by pursuing a course which the majority of the Eng- lish people has already condemned. "In considering this question, I re- gard with great confidence the character of the Emperor of the French. The custom of that prince,. arising necessarily from the great transactions with which he has to deal, is to leave the conduct of affairs for a consider- able time to his Ministers and to subordinate agents. This is the necessary consequence of the Emperor's dealing himself, more or less, with the entire administration of his empire, both foreign and domestic ; but it has happened before, as I hope it will happen in this case, that when by their mismanagement and by their misconduct a critical state of affairs has occurred—when the peace of Europe or the independence of countries has been in question—when difficulties have appeared to take such an inextricable form that no solution was at hand—the Emperor him- self has then interfered, and has brought to the survey of the whole transaction that sagacious and unimpassioned intelligence which he pos- sesses, viewing the state of affairs, as I believe he will do on this occasion, solely with regard to the interests of France. The Emperor of the French, I feel assured, will not permit those great principles of policy of which he has been the chief supporter, if not the originator, to be sacrificed for want of intelligence, or from deficiency of judgment on the part of those indi- viduals who have had the previous management and conduct of these matters. I feel persuaded that when the Emperor himself brings—as no doubt at this moment he is bringing—his personal investigation and super- vision to all the circumstances of this difficult case, he will not hesitate to recognize the original error of his Ministers ; that he will not hesitate to place confidence in those laws of England the efficiency of which has not even yet been tried to obtain for him the just remedy which he solicited. I

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am confident that when the Emperor has investigated in such a spirit all the circumstances of this ease, while he recognizes the first error of his Ministers —while he recognizes what has too late been acknowledged, the efficiency of the existing law—if his hopes are frustrated, if it be proved that that law is inefficient, (which I am not inclined to believe,) and if the monstrous doctrine can be demonstrated to be the law of England that an alien in this country may commit with impunity a crime which one of her Majesty's own subjects could not commit without incurring the penalties of the law,— then I am sure the Emperor of the French will not send dictatorial messages or menaces—he will leave them to Counts and Colonels—but he will appeal to the justice of the English nation, and he will ask them, Do you wish it to be the law of England that an 'alien may commit with impunity a crime which one of your Sovereign's own subjects cannot commit without punish- ment, and that such a crime may be perpetrated against the person of your faithful ally ?' " With respect to this situation, Mr. Disraeli will watch the trials now pending. A case of magnitude and gravity will soon be before the courts, and the law will be completely tested. For himself, he has confidence in the law of England. [Here he vindicated the French Emperor from calumnies in circulation representing him as seeking to pick a quarrel with England while we are at some disadvantage in consequence of the disturbances in India.] There is no prince in Europe so well-in- formed of our means of defence. "The Emperor of the French, who is this well-informed prince, knows as well as I do, that notwithstand- ing the fine army which we have sent to India, we have at this moment in this country a larger effective force than we have had at any period for the last twenty-five years. He knows as well as I do, that in twenty-four hours we could man with able seamen the snost powerful Channel fleet that ever rode upon the English waters. The Emperor of the French, who is the best-informed prince in Europe on English politics, knows, I dare say, as well as I do the last monthly return of our recruiting rota; and he knows that in this country, where we have no conscription, and where we can only appeal to the patriotism and public spirit of the people, there is a larger recruiting going on at this moment for every arm of her Majesty's service than during any month of the Crimean campaign. Then what a calumny it is to pretend that he has picked an oc- casion to quarrel with us on account of our Indian difficulties !"

The India Bill. In regard to the Government of India Bill, Mr. Disraeli said the position of the new Ministers has been misrepresented. They do not bow to the decree of the House of Commons ; they look to the effect of that decree. " Who can suppose that the East India Company will exercise any influence in India when the House of Commons has condemned it as in- competent ? The Directors of the East India Company must feel like corpses ; they must be conscious of being dead men ; and I should suppose that their greatest anxiety is to get their burial over as soon as possible, and that their obsequies should be consummated in the most decorous and even in the most splendid manner." The present Government will deal with the subject in a spirit very different from that shown by the late Government; but he would not enter into details.

Parliamentary_Beform. Mr. Disraeli went back to 1832 in dealing with this question. He disapproved of the measure of that period—it was a party manoeuvre to place theigs. in power. When the public enthusiasm in its favour cooled and the Tories grew more powerful, the Whigs raised the cry that if the Tories came back they would alter the Reform Act. In spite of Sir Robert Peel's assurance that he would not seek to tamper with the bill, the Tories were kept out of power for ten years. "I, along with every other member of the party with which I act, have always looked upon that as a solemn compact given by Sir Robert Peel that we should adhere to the settlement made by the Reform Bill. To the great surprise of the world, seven or eight years ago the most distinguished member of the Whig party, who had introduced the original Reform Bill, announced his intention of introducing a new one. From that moment I looked upon myself—and I believe the same was the case with every gentleman with whom I act, not merely in the Government but in political matters generally—as honourably emanci- pated from the engagement made by Sir Robert Peel." Since 1850, the Whigs have promised Reform Bills year after year. Whenever they were disturbed, they cried, "Only let us remain in a little longer, and you shall have a Reform Bill." Is it honest and honourable that this question should be made the stalking-horse of faction ? "I am convinced that it is the opinion of the people of this country that this question should be settled, ay or no. If a Reform Bill be necessary, it must be produced, and it will be carried ; and if it be unnecessary, the Minister who is not prepared to gray lewith the question ought frankly to state that this is his conviction." But he was asked when the Reform Bill would be brought in ? "The course which we shall take will be this. We shall give to that subject our most earnest and serious consideration, with the view, if possible, of bringing for- ward a measure which shall not be a mere party measure, which shall not be devised merely to prop up a faction, which shall not be invented merely to increase the political influence of a political section, but a measure whiCli, dealing largely and completely with all those questions connected with

the subject which are entitled to consideration, will, I trust, recommend itself to all temperate, rational, and sober-spirited men, as a measure ade-

quate to the occasion. Being ready to act in that spirit, I do not think that I am asking too much for her Majesty's Government that we may be per- mitted to give consideration to the construction of that measure, and that we may have the time for thought and for labour which the responsibility for so vast a theme demands."

At the tail of his speech, Mr. Disraeli was at pains to show that the Derby Government is not a government on sufferance, and to appeal to the generous feelings of the House of Commons against the factious com- binations of political intriguers. Had the House of Commons learnt no wisdom from what took place in 1852 ?

" The destruction of Lord Derby's Government in 1852 brought on the war with Russia. (Cheers and expressions of dissent.) I am stating that which I know to be the fact, and I repeat that that act brought on the war with Russia—the war with Russia brought on the war with Persia, the Eastern disturbances, and the Indian mutiny. (Cheers and a laugh.) A gentleman in the crowd, I see, laughs at that statement. He is one of those,

I believe, who in this very hail cheered Mr. Cobden, and proclaimed him to be the very man to represent Buckinghamshire. But what does he say to the language of his favourite statesman on this very point? Mr. Cobden is undoubtedly one of the most eminent men who ever sat in the House of Commons. He was a strong opponent of Lord Derby's Government in 1852 ? he was one of the majority which expelled that nobleman and his colleagues

from office. But what did he say a year or two afterwards in the House of Commons ? Of all the votes, he declared, which he had given in the course of his political life, that which turned Lord Derby out of office in 1852, was the one which he most regretted, for that vote had cost this country mil- lions of treasure and thousands of more precious lives." (Loud cheers.) Lord John Manners was elected at Loughborough. He was proposed by Sir George Beaumont, and seconded by Sir G. Palmer. Mr. Frewen

appeared, after having announced himself as an opposition candidate ; but on the hustings he explained that in deference to the advice of his friends he did not offer opposition on that occasion.

Mr. Addcrley's reelection took place at Stafford. He was proposed by Mr. Ingram, and seconded by Lord Ingestre. There was not the least opposition. Among other remarks on the question of Reform, Mr. Adderley said- " I can only state my firm conviction, that the promise of a political Re- form Bill made by Lord. Derby is far more real than was any such promise made by the late Government. I looked upon it, as I stated here, simply as a juggle between Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston. I thought that each of the two thimbles was anxious to make the country believe that the

pea was under it, in order that the country might take it up. And I am convinced that a promise from Lord Derby given under no such pressure offers a much more certain prospect of realization. As to my own opinions upon this subject, I need but repeat what I said in so many words on the hustings at the last election. In a free country like this, admission to the political franchise ought to be the rule, exclusion the exception, and as pro- perty and intelligence spread so ought the franchise to be extended pan paesu."

In anticipation of a general election, Sir Francis Baring and Lord Monck have paid a joint visit to the constituency of Portsmouth. The two Liberals have coalesced, in the expectation that two Tories will ..be opposed to them.

There was a meeting at Hanley in the Potteries on Tuesday,—tbe Mayor in the chair,—to promote the cause of Parliamentary Reform. Mr. Ricardo, Member for Stoke-upon-Trent, was the chief spokesman. He regretted that political men have, apparently, forsaken principles to become the followers of Lord Derby, or Lord Palmerston, or Lord John Russell. Lord Derby occupies an unconstitutional position ; he is trying to govern without a majority of representatives. Mr. Disraeli had said that the subject of Reform is under consideration ; but unless the Government be compelled to go forward, it will stick at con- sideration. Mr. Disraeli, too, gave them another hint ; he said that the country did not ask for a Reform Bill. Then, the cry of Reform must be raised. The Government must be made to understand that the people mean to have it—that having been bamboozled so long, they mean to stand it no longer. Let the Government be put upon its defence, and let them be called upon to show, not the man who is worthy of the franchise, but to give a good reason why every man should not have it. The franchise was the birthright of Englishmen—it was a legacy which they left to their children ; and he thought the working classes, as a body, are quite as capable of exer- cising it with discretion as any class that now enjoy it.

The Town-Council of Newcastle, at a meeting on Wednesday, adopted a petition'to the House of Commons, praying that the House would in- stantly demand the release of Watt and Park, the engineers of the Ca- gliari, and satisfaction for the " public outrage on our country committed on the persons of our countrymen."

Lord Chief Justice Campbell has complained more than once of the want of accommodation in the Assize Court at Leicester; but the local authori- ties have done nothing to improve it. At a recent meeting of Magistrates, one of them, who was for making no improvement, remarked that perhaps Lord Campbell would not come again. But he has been again ; and when they heard that he was coming the Magistrates suddenly resolved that en- larged courts should be provided. When the Chief Justice addressed the Grand Jury in the inconvenient court, he gave the Magistrates, of whom there was a small attendance, some hits. "My Lord Curzon and gintlemen of the Grand Inquest of the county of Leicester—It might have been ex- pected that there should have been a more. numerous attendance of the Ma- gistrates of this county, who assist in the administration of justice when her Majesty's representatives are commissioned to appear in your county. But this may probably arise from the severity of the season—possibly a many are snowed-up in their own residences. I have excuses from John Manners and Mr. Frewen, and perhaps other gentlemen are circum- stanced in the same manner ; therefore I absolve you from all disrespect in that matter. Gentlemen, I confess I am rather surprised to meet you in this court exactly as it was when I first had the honour of coming here. If I thought that proceeded from any determination to avoid what I consider to be the duty of magistrates, I should be obliged to say something severer and to do things which would be disagreeable. But I am happy to be in- formed that it is merely from obstacles unforeseen and difficulties almost

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insurmountable that it has not been done. You are all sensible of the ne- cessity there is for an improvement. There is my Lord Curzon, your noble foreman—the representative of a great family—and there being no box for the Grand Jury he stands at the bar like a criminal to receive sentence. (Loud laughter.) There is no box for the Petty Jury, there is not proper accommodation for witnesses, and lastly, not for the Judge. It so happens that two yearn ago I had to try in this court a case of murder which lasted a day—a long day ; and when the Jury retired it would have been agreeable to me, after such a long and anxious duty, that I should have had a little repose. But during the whole time the Jury were deliberating, I had to stay here amid the noise and confusion which necessarily arose in a crowded court. That is not handsome treatment of a Judge. I want no splendour or luxury, but I should like decent accommodation. I think you are quite right in avoiding extravagance, and in not launching into great expenses at the cost of the ratepayers of the county ; but I think you will agree with me something ought to be done."

At Worcester Assizes, Mrs. Mary Eberhardt, a widow lady residing at Stourbridge, brought an action to recover a sum of money from Mr. Josiah Mason, an electroplater of Birmingham, for breach of warranty in regard to certain pictures which he sold to her. Mr. Mason has a picture-gallery ; Mrs. Eberhardt has a fancy for pictures ; a Mr. Nixon, a dealer, took her to Mr. Mason's to see some pictures which he alleged could be bought ‘• cheap." Mrs. Eberhardt, assisted by a friend, selected a number of paintings at Mr. Mason's ; Mr. Mason valued them at 17771., and the widow agreed to buy them ; subsequently the purchase was made up to 20001., several pictures being added. Mrs. Eberhardt and her witnesses alleged that Mr. Mason warranted the pictures as originals—Miillers, Paul Potters, Landseera, Snyders,.and the like. They were in fact all copies—some tolerable, some good "pieces of furniture," some very bad. Mr. Foster, the London auc- tioneer, and two other gentlemen, were called to show what the pictures really were—what was their probable value. On the other side, Mr. Mason denied that he had warranted the pictures—nay, he had expressly said that he could not warrant some of them, though he had bought them as the work of such or such an artist. A "Paul Potter" was charged 601.: Mr. Mason deposed that he told the plaintiff if he were sure that the picture was genu- ine he could get 20001. for it. The witnesses for the plaintiff admitted that the prices charged were much too low for genuine pictures, though too high for the actual works. The Jury decided that there was a warranty, in the shape of a piece of paper on which the names of the pictures, with their painters, had been written down in Mr. Mason's presence ; and they gave the plaintiff a verdict for the full amount she claimed-5191.

At the same Assizes, twelve men and one woman pleaded guilty to a charge of riot and assault at the Kidderminster election. These people took part in the blackguard attack on Mr. Lowe and his friends. It had been arranged between the counsel that no punishment should be called for; and the accused were merely ordered to enter into their own recognizances to appear to receive judgment if called upon. Mr. Baron Watson admon- ished them that if they misbehaved again punishment would be inflicted for their former offence.

At the Hertford Assizes, Jeremiah Carpenter, a labourer, was tried for the murder of Policeman Starkins, at Stevenage. Carpenter was suspected of robbing his employer, a farmer ; Starkins was watching for him or any other who had been robbing the farmer ; it was supposed that the two met as Carpenter was returning home in the evening, with some of his master's corn in his possession, and that a deadly struggle ensued. Starkins was missed; his -body, with the throat gashed, was found in a pond ; numerous circumstances fastened suspicion on Carpenter. At the trial the circum- stantial evidence was strong against the prisoner ; a piece of direct testi- mony failed. Policeman Quint swore that he had heard Carpenter con- fess his guilt to a convict in the prison-van. After some conversation about the murder, the convict said " Do they know who done it ? " and Carpenter replied, " I done it, but nobody knows it." Such was Quint's story : while under cross-examination, this witness fainted. Mr. Justice Williams sent for the convict who had conversed with Carpenter, and solemnly exhorted him to speak the truth. The man denied that Car- penter had used the words deposed to by Quint. Other witnesses cast doubt on Quint's statement. In itself it was highly improbable, the con- vict being a stranger to Carpenter, and the two occupying different cells in the van ; the cells, however, having a grated communication between them. The Jury were not convinced of Carpenter's guilt either by the eir- oumstiuitial evidence or by Quint's statement, and they pronounced a verdict of " Not guilty " adding, however, that they thought it was a case of great suspicion against accused.

The Police have arrested the ruffian who garotted and robbed Mr. Wain- wright in a first-class carriage between Manchester and Littleborough. He was apprehended at Liverpool, identified by Mr. Wainwright, and sent by the Magistrate to Rochdale. He is a well-dressed young man, calling him- self Michael Brennan.

Wynnstay, the mansion of Sir Watkin W. W. Wynn, about six miles from Wrexham, has been destroyed by fire. Sir Watkin and Lady Wynn, the Earl and Countess Vane and their children, and the Honourable Major and Mrs. Cotton, arrived at Wynnstay as visitors on Friday last week. At two o'clock on Saturday morning the nurse to Earl Vane's children was aroused by their coughing and sneezing—the house was on fire, and the room filled with smoke ! The nurse raised an alarm, and the inmates had to make a hasty retreat—some of the ladies in their night-dresses. Unfortu- nately, some one set open the door of the room which was on fire, and the wind instantly fanned it into a blaze. Attempts to combat the flames, even When engines had arrived, were fruitless ; and little of the contents of the building could be saved. Lady Wynn's jewellery, the family plate, and the title-deeds- of the estate, were rescued, but not much beyond. Nearly all the furniture, the library and paintings, the Countess Vane's jewels, worth 60001., and Mrs. Cotton's jewels, worth 15001., became a prey to the flames. The entire loss is estimated at 70,0001.: there was no in- surance. Among the paintings destroyed were one by Vandyke, one by Schneider, and the Portrait of Richard Wilson by Mengs. Four family picturesand the " Wynnstay Hunt" were saved. The library contained

rich store of manuscripts and rare books. No one was hurt ; but Sir Wat- kin and the house-steward had a narrow escape from the fall of a mass of brick-work. The fire is supposed to have originated by a spark falling among shavings in a room that was under repair.