anb Vrocedrings fn Warliament.

Tim BUDGET.

The House of Commons having resolved itself into a Committee of Ways and Means, on Monday, the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER proceeded to make his financial statement— Be reminded the House, that, at the commencement of the session last year, Government had to deal with pecuniary difficulties of no ordinary character : there had been, year after year, an increasing deficiency of income; there was a strong feeling in the country that an effort must be made to equalize revenue and expenditure, and that great advantage would be derived from a judicious revision of the import-duties on many articles. He thought that in complying with those feelings Sir Robert Peel had acted on a right principle ; but the immediate result of the reductions of duty which he effected necessarily was a falling-off in the revenue derived from those duties. Government might have sought to evade the difficulty, by delaying the remission of duties until the newly-imposed taxes became available as collected revenue, or by resorting to a loan but the delay would have tended very seriously to aggravate the stagna- tion in trade and manufactures, against which it was the very object to guard; and to a loan there were many strong objections, and especially in that it would have augmented the permanent burdens of the country to meet a temporary deficiency. Mr. Goulburn adverted to the estimates of the revenue made by Sir Robert Peel last year, comparing them with the actual produce. The amount of the Customs-duties previously to the reduction made last year was (in the round numbers) 22,500,000/. That was the estimate as the probable produce of the whole year, without including the intended reductions. The intended re- ductions on various articles would amount to 1,140,000L; and then, adding the sum of 140,0001. additional revenue derived from the duty on coals, they would have left, according to Sir Robert Peel's calculation, a probable amount of revenue for last year of 21,500,000/. The actual produce of last year from the Customs- duties was 20,750,000/. Of this diminution, 500,0001. has fallen off in the Cus- toms-duties on wine alone ; which he attributed partly to the delays of Portugal in the negotiations for a commercial treaty, and not to any falling-off in the consumption of wine. There was also a decrease in the import of foreign spirits attributable to improved habits of the middling and lower classes. The chief articles on which the duties were reduced, were timber, coffee, and cocoa. On timber, Sir Robert Peel estimated the loss at 600,000/. ; it actually proved to be 676,000/. ; but the returns exhibited a tendency to improvement, for the loss on the last quarter was only 78,000/. With coffee the result was similar: the estimated loss was 170,000/. ; the apparent loss in January exceeded the estimate by 110,000/. ; but the increase of consumption since January had been so great that the deficiency of the revenue is less than 48,000/. Upon smaller articles tbe loss was calculated at 270,0001.; it proved to be 316,000/. The revenue from the coal-duty was estimated at 140.0001.: the produce in three quarters had been 79,0001.; so that the produce for the whole year might be estimated at not less than 100,0001. The Committee ought to remember, that subsequently to the estimate with respect to the greater articles, alterations were made with respect to other articles, which certainly covered the difference between the losses and the original estimate. But, taking the whole, the loss on the one hand and the estimate on the other, the result approaches as nearly as possible to the sum at which it had been estimated. And, observing the nature of the articles, it is most satisfactory to remark, that there are great leading articles of the Customs which are most essential to the comfort and wellbeing of the people on which the duty has materially increased, more or less, up to the year ending the 5th April; and between the 5th of January and the 5th of April in a degree out of proportion as compared with that period in the antecedent year. Thus, the increase upon tea exceeded 1,000,000 pounds; and there was an increase on coffee, tobacco, molasses—in short, upon all those articles which were considered essential to the comfort of the people. An in- crease of consumption on articles used in particular branches of our manufac- tures also shows that greater activity has been infused into them : the increase on olive-oil has been from 1,500,000 gallons to 3,800,000; on gum, from 24,000 hundredweight to 37,000. And the same fact is observable here which is stated with regard to other articles—that in the first three months, between January and April, the increase has been greater than the amount for the corresponding period of the antecedent year. Then with regard to cotton, the quantity taken out for home consumption has advanced from 450,000,000 pounds to 537,000,000 pounds in the course of the year; of which there has been taken out for consumption, in the course of the last three months, about 1,625,000 hundredweight, to be set against 1,100,000 hundredweight during the same period of the antecedent year ; and this month 896,000 hundredweight have been taken out, which are to be set against 369,000 hundredweight for the same month last year. He turned to the estimated and actual revenue of the Excise. In the course of last year, the Excise was to produce, according to the estimate, the sum of 13,450,0004 and an additional 250,000/. for Irish spirits, making a total estimate of 13,700,000L : the produce has fallen far short, being at the close of the year only 12,500,0001. ; leaving a defiCiency, in round numbers, of 1;200,0001. upon the Facile-duties. Of that deficiency, no 880,000L arises from the diminution in the malt-duty, which is at all times incident to a shortness or badness of the barley-crop in this country ; and it

must be borne in mind, that as the payment is not made until six months after it is due, it is not the harvest °fleet year which has to be taken into account, but that of the antecedent year, and that was very deficient, especially as re- gards barley. In fact, in the Excise generally, there has hem), with the excep-

tion of pepper, and soap, and three or four other minorarticles on which there has been some increase, a decrease: the general complexion of the Excise has been such as to afford evidence of the distress among the manufacturing portion of the community. The new duty on Irish spirits was estimated at 250,000L

it actually produced only 50,000L additional revenue; the quantity consumed in 1842 having decreased by 1,200,000 gallons. Mr. Goulburn did not attribute this falling-off to the increase of illicit distillation, but to a growing habit of temperance, which had caused a reduction of 2,400,000 gallons in 1841, and 1,400,000 gallons in 1840; and there had been a reduction of the consumption of British spirits in England of 200,000 gallons, and in Scotland of 400,000 gallons. The increased illicit distillation in Ireland he attributed to the abun- dance and cheapness of corn, and the fineness of the season for collecting turf

fuel ; causes always found to produce it. Besides, the increased duty had for a

time been suspended, as there was a doubt whether or not it was an infraction of the Union ; and two large distilleries had been suspended, their owners having been convicted of frauds on the revenue. The estimated amount of the Stamp-duties was 7,190,0001.: they have produced as nearly as possible 7,000,0001. Taxes were estimated at 4,400,000/. ; and they have produced

4,200,0001. In the Post-office account there was an increase of 100,000/. be-

yond the estimate. ("Hear! " from the Opposition.) He wished he could say that it bid been a real increase of revenue. ("Hear, hear " ! from the Ministerial befiehes.) On the whole, the revenue was estimated at 47,640,000V: it actually amounted to 45,600,000/. ; leaving a deficiency of 2,000,000/. The sum received as ransom-money for the city of Canton, 725,000L,

reduced that deficiency to 1,275,0001. That was an amount by no means

unprecedented ; for on one occasion the deficiency as compared with the estimate was 2,700,0001.: and that was the reason why Parliament fixed

on maintaining a surplus of 3,000,000!., to provide for fluctuations of the kind ; a plan which had been abandoned. The Property and Income- tax had, however, placed the finances on a better footing. The estimate was 3,400,000/ ; the amount collected, though but half the annual amount payable, is 2,40,000/. odd. Under schedule A, the schedule relating to in- comes derivable from lands and hereditaments, the amount chargeable appears to be 2,233,7201. ; under schedule B, which relates to the tenancy of land, it is 332,900/. ; under schedule C, which relates to funded property, the amount is 8011,000/.; under schedule D, which refers to the profits of trades and pro- fessions, it is 1,496,3861. ; and under schedule E, which regulates the charge of official incomes, it amounts to 248,686L ; and this is the amount charged on Great Britain alone. The total charge for Scotland, as it is at present made out, is 420,0001., making an aggregate of 5,531,692L From this, however, there are to be made deductions for items reimbursed, and for the charge of collection, which will amount to about 331,6921. ; so that the aggregate sum applicable to the revenue of the country will be about 5,200,000/. That is the estimate ; but, from the circumstance I adverted to at the outset, one-half of the tax only is in the course of collection ; so that the actual receipt for the year is only estimated at 2,450,0001. On the estimated and actual expenditure he needed not to enlarge. The original estimate was 51,380,000/. • and on that, in the course of the year, Government were able to save 222,090/. ; reducing, therefore, the deficiency of income, compared with expenditure, to 2,420,000/. at the end of the year. From this there is to be deducted a sum of 262,000/., provided to pay off the holders of forged Exchequer Bills, whose claims were allowed and ordered to be satisfied by Parliament. The residue, therefore, of deficiency, as it would ap- pear on the accounts of the year, a little exceeds 2,100,0001.; while the Pro- perty-tax due on the 5th April, and not collected, amounts to 2,500,000L In dealing with the deficiency, he should certainly advise the House first to leave it to be paid by surplus revenue over future expenditure, and not by raising a sum to pay nu the arrears.* He turned to the estimates for the ensuing year. First, he called attention to two heavy charges, which do not form part of the ordinary expenditure of the country—payment for the opium seized at Canton, at present calculated at 1,250,0001.; and 800,000/. due to the East India Company for expenses in- curred in the operations against China. Originally he intended to make both those charges payable in India as the instalments of the indemnity from the Chinese Government were received; but representations have been made to the Government, both by the East India Company and the holders of opium, that it is essential to the finances of the Company, and that it is also due to the opium-claimants, that the payments should be made in anticipation. The course which he should propose, therefore, would be to advance the money ne- cessary to the discharge of these items, taking the remittances from China in repayment of the advances; and a sum of 3,550,0001. has atil to be received from China.

The estimates of income for the ensuing year had been framed with every possible desire to guard against exaggeration. The produce of the Customs last year was 20,750,000/; he now estimated it at 19,000,0001.: for last year the extraordinary amount of 1,378,000!. was derived from corn-duties ; and in October next the timber-duties will undergo further reduction. The Excise last year produced 13,000,000/.; and, reckoning on a stimulus likely to be im- parted to excisable articles by the abundant harvest, he set it down at the same. He proposed to take the Stamps at 7,000,0001.; wishing the House, at the same time, to bear in mind, that of the sum which constituted the advance on the Irish stamps, only one-half has been received. He took the Taxes at 4,200,000L, being 200,000/. less than they were estimated at last year; the Post-office at the same amount as last year, namely, 600,000/. ; the Crown-lands at 117,0001., being very nearly the same as last year, though in the present year they have been relieved from a burden which would probably raise them to a sum of 130,000/. ; the Miscellaneous ordinary income he estimated at 250,0001.; to which it is necessary to add the sum of 870,0001. received from the Chinese Govern- ment ; which yields a total of 1,120,000L Adding 5,100,0001. for the Income- tax, the total estimated revenue is 50,150,000/.

Expenditure for the ensuing year came next : it nearly coincided with votes already agreed to by the House. The Army amounts to 6,619,0004 including the expenses of the Commissariat and the Militia. The votes for the Navy amount to 6,383,0001., and those for the Ordnance to 1,850,000/. ; the Miscella- neous estimates to 219,0004 at least so far as the votes have hitherto proceeded; and the whole amount of this branch of the public expenditure will probably not exceed 3,000,0004 even including 26,000/. for Canada, which class of expendi. tare was last year charged ass separate miscellaueous estimate. The whole sup- ply of the year, then, will be 17,852,0001.: the supply last year was 18,497,000/.; leaving a difference in favour of the present year of 645,000L As to the per- manent charges, in the first place there was the Funded Debt, the interest on which amounts to 28,559,9701: ; the interest on the Exchequer Bills to 618,7551. ; the Consolidated Fund to 2;357,000L ; making a total of 31,535,725/. The corresponding amount last year was 31,793,000/. ; leaving a difference in favour of this year of 257,2754 and thus effecting a total reduction of 902,355/. The whole expenditure of the country, then, would be a sum of 49,387,6451.; being • The figures above dO not accord ; but we are not able to rectify the errors which creep amid the contusion of mixed statements, " redo ..mbess," and imperfrOt Veering..

763,0001. less -than the income, which sum might therefore be regarded as the amount of surplus for the present year ; a-surplus which would, of course, be available towards the disehargeof the arrear accumulated last year Under the circumstances, he was obliged to resist various applications to re- duce taxes and alter duties; for he could not anticipate any sudden improve- ment of the revenue; though indications of improvement are visible. " I see plainly enough," continued Mr. Goulburn, " that there are evidences of an im- provement taking place in some portions of our manufactures and commerce, which, I have no doubt, will speedily extend to the others. I venture to pro- nounce these opinions upon facts which show the consumption of various articles during the last three months, and more particularly during the last month. From the statements now before me, I am able to show to the House that a very evident improvement has taken place in the great staple manufacture of cotton, and that that improvement has been for some time advancing much more rapidly than could have been expected. They con- sist of communications addressed to foreign merchants, and they appear to me to contain the clearest possible evidences of a cheering and satis- factory improvement. The first is from London, signed by Messrs. True- man and Cook, a house of the highest honour and respectability ; it is dated the 1st of May, and was sent by the overland mail to India. It com- mences in these words—' Ehe germs of improvement in the internal state of the country, which were visible last month, are in the course of very satis- factory development. Lancashire keeps the lead; its banking was never in a sounder state ; and the prices of most goods yield a fair profit : in some de- scriptions, indeed, the returns are very advantageous. Another branch of ma- nufacture which has been very much depressed has also been improved : flax having fallen 25 per cent, it can be manufactured at a price which brings de- mand from Germany and other parts, and the Germans are now actually taking yarn from England instead of our importing it from them ; so that, notwithstanding the high tariffs of France and the United States, the linen- trade is somewhat overcoming its depression. The accounts from the Scotch manufacturing districts, and from Nottingham and Derby, are also cheering, and Yorkshire shows some increased activity. In Leeds the woollen manufac- turers are now working full time, which they had not done for six months pre- viously.' The next is from Manchester, bearing the signature of 'Jones, Gib- son, and Ord. It was forwarded by them to their correspondents in London, and speaks thus—' Our mills are in full work, our manufacturers are obtaining remunerating prices, and although only a very partial advance has taken place in the wages of the operatives, still the very low price of food places them in a much better position than at any period since 1836. It is particularly gratify- ing to notice, that the handloom weavers are now in full employ, at advanced wages, in some instances as much as 20 per cent. Indeed, activity pervades the whole manufacturing district of this county.'" A third circular from Liverpool was to a similar effect. A further evidence of the improved con- dition is to be derived from the Savings-Banks. The change in the amount of monthly deposits is from 300,0001. to 500,0004 and there is a very evident di- minution in the amounts withdrawn. There is another evidence of an in- creasing prosperity in the marked decrease of the pawnbroking business in the manufacturing districts.

Mr. Goulburn concluded by moving a resolution, " That towards making good the supply granted to her Majesty, there be issued and applied to the service of the year 1843 the sum of 47,9941. 12s. 3d.; being the surplus of Ways and Means granted for the service of the preceding years."

In reply to Mr. LABOUCHERE, the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that there was to be no reduction of the import-duties on such articles as sugar.

Mr. HUME admitted Mr. Goullinen's statement to be fair ; but he severely criticised the results which it disclosed— Mr. F. T. BARING began by pointing out the contrast between Sir Robert Peel's expectations and the results of his policy— Sir Robert Peel professed to form his estimate on the most moderate scale : yet the Customs showed a deficiency of 746,0001., or excluding the revenue derived from corn, about 1,400,0001. That deficiency was partly attributed to the protracted negotiations with Portugal : but the very excuse itself re- dounded little to the credit of Sir Robert Peel's measures. The loss on the Excise, 1,200,0001., was attributed in part to the falling-off in the malt-duty : Sir Robert Peel stated when he proposed his plan, that that bad been a bad malt year, and he shaped his estimate accordingly ; yet the result was thus short even of that calculation ! The deficiency in other branches of the re- venue showed that it had not been confined to one or two branches. In the Postmffice alone was there an increase. Mr. Baring made some sarcastic allu- sion to his own measure of taxation, the 5 per cent augmentation of duties, and Sir Robert Peel's criticism- of it and the disappointment of his expecta- tions. Recurring to the Post-office, he stated that be had left a minute in the Treasury which showed that the benefits of the new system could be extended hi the rural districts with very little expense; and he hoped that Government would take some step is the matter. Sir Robert Peel had counted on a balance of 500,0001.; Mr. Goulburn stated a deficiency of 2,500,000/.; and even that would have been greater, but for the godsend of the Chinese ransom-money : he hoped it had reconciled Sir James Graham to a war which, he said, would be carried on without credit and could not be retreated from with honour. Deduct from the account the Chinese ransom-money, 755,0001., and add the amount of the surplus on which Sir Robert Peel calculated, and the deficiency of the revenue, as compared with the estimate, would fall very little short of 4,000,000/. ; so that, if even the whole of the Income-tax had been collected, there would have been a deficiency. Mr. Goulburn reckoned the produce of the coal-tax at 100,0001. instead of 140,0001.; but he did not state that in the smaller sum he included 12,0001. received on account of the old duty. That reduced the coal-tax income to 88,0001.; and for that amount a rising trade had been checked, and one of the standbies of the shipping interest in times of difficulty had been injured: the amount of tonnage employed in the trade had fallen from 911,078 to 654,000. It was said that the tax would fall upon the foreigner ; who was told, that to raise the tax of 140,0001. they would do all they could to injure his manufactures, at the very time that they preached to him the doctrines of free-trade ! but in fact the tax had fallen on the British coal-merchants and shipowners. The spirit-duty in Ireland was expected to realize 250,000/. : it had realized 56,0001. • and in doing so, it had roused again in Ireland the desire for smuggling—a calamity for which no money-revenue could be an equivalent.

Mr. Baring advocated the abandonment of the coal-duty, and the additional duty on Irish spirits, which work so much injury without adequate advantage; and he recommended Sir Robert Peel to employ the excess of Income-tax over the estimate in further relaxations of the commercial system. He would not urge a large remission of taxation; but some protective taxes might be reduced without injury to the revenue—as that on sugar. Sir Robert Peel had antici- pated a loss of 170,0001. on coffee, but he had lost comparatively nothing on that amount ; let him try the same with sugar. Last year he had opposed the Income-tax, and he had not changed his opinion on the subject ; but he did not feel it his duty in the present state of the revenue—it would indeed be almost madness to attempt it—to quarrel with that tax as it now stood; yet, as they had found it more productive than their most sanguine expectations had led them to hope, he 'should propose to the House the expediency of giving to the people of this country some additional advantage for the amount which, they bad to pay for that tax.

Sir ROBERT PEEL devoted a good deal of his speech to correcting- some misapprehension as to his former remarks on Mr. Baring's anga mentation of the taxes ; observing how uncertain estimates necessarily are. He proceeded to defend the measures of his own Government—

In respect to the Income-tax, he maintained that the reduction of duties on articles of consumption would compensate a person exercising due economy for the 21. 18s. 4d. per cent. paid as Income-tax : the reduction on the great arti- cles of consumption would repay a man of 3001. a year for the 81. or 91. that he has to pay as Income-tax. " So I say of a man with 5,000/. a year. He ie

called upon to pay 150/. as Income-tax : if he is perfectly regardless of the fall in prices—if Ile does not take advantage of competition—if he will let retail.. dealers charge what they please, very well—he has no compensation ; but if ha makes inquiry—if he looks after his own concerns, and avails himself of the lowness of prices—the man with 5,000/. per annum can, with the present price of articles of consumption, effect a saving in his annual expenditure of more than 150/. That was the prediction I uttered. You may say the result has arisen from other causes ; you may attribute it to a good harvest, or to some- thing else ; but the fact, I think, cannot be denied, that for every 21. 18s. 4d. per annum paid upon 100/. income, there is an opportunity of making a saving of much more than that amount. At least, I know I have bed the aatisfactinn of receiving various communications from parties possessing small and large incomes, in which they do admit that, by the exercise of proper economy, a greater saving than I then predicted may fairly be made. I was told by one honourable gentleman, that in the article of timber alone he expected to realize a saving that would compensate him for the payment of the Income-tax." So, also, he predicted a revival of commerce: circumstances, no doubt, with the great depression of trade, contributed to defeat his calculations; for he bad expected the revival to take place sooner; yet he could not but entertain a hope that the worst was past.

He trusted, however, that the House would not press on Government, in the present state of the revenue, any hasty and precipitate reductions of taxation. He did not deny that several duties might be reconsidered with advantage ; but there was still a deficiency to deal with. In the present state of the revenue there are few that would advise a repeal of the tax on property and in- come. There are few who will not admit, that if the financial proposals of the late Government had been carried into effect, they would not have caused such an increase in the revenue of the country as to dispense with the necessity for an Income-tax. Where should we have been now if the Income-tax had not been imposed ? Had the corn and sugar duties been modified last year, still the Chinese and other wars, at the best, would have rendered it imperatively necessary to resort to some other scheme for the purpose of raising additional revenue ; and none seemed half so free from objection as the Income-tax. Mr.- Hume urged reduction of expenditure : but in the case of the military expendi- ture, it could not be reduced consistently with the health of men employed and the efficiency of the public service, probably to be followed by increased expenditure hereafter. Still a redaction of 800,000/. had been effected in the expenditure generally. Ile argued against the supposition that the falling-off in other branches of revenue bad been caused by the Income-tax. He at- tributed it to the depression of trade. No class of taxation ought to have• been so much affected by the Income-tax as the Assessed Taxes ; yet on a receipt of 4,400,000/. the falling-off was only 200,0001. The consideration of the coal, sugar, and other duties, he would leave for the discussion promised by Mr. Baring; and he concluded by saying, that the remission of taxation on articles of consumption would have been most agreeable to the feelings of Ministers, could they have reconciled it to their duty.

Lord Rum RUSSELL contended that the adoption of Mt. Baring's, scheme of 1841 would have rendered the Income-tax altogether un- necessary— It would have raised 1,900,000/. towards meeting a deficiency of 2,500,000L ; and its tendency would have 'Rid the very opposite to that of the Income-tax, for the removal of the prohibition on sugar and the facilitating the introduction. of foreign core at a fixed duty would have increased the trade of the country. In 1833, Sir Robert Peel had himself objected to an Income-tax, that it would cat off a great deal of labour and many occupations that depended on small capital. By the adoption of his own plans, the Minister now had a deficiency to deal with of 4,700,000/. Lord John pointed out Mr. Goulburn's extraordinary proceeding of omitting the cost of the Chinese war and the opium compenute tion from the account of expenditure, while he took credit for the payment by China to this country I Lord John did not think that any great reduction of taxes would be wise, and he would let the Income-tax run its appointed comma: of three years ; but he urged the reduction of the prohibitory duties on sugar., and the like, which would benefit instead of injuring the revenue ; and he ex? • pressed great disappointment that Mr. Goulburn's statement bad no measures, to relieve the trade of the country.

Mr. STUART WORTLEY defended theIncome-tax the unpopularity-of which be believed to be surprisingly small. But he advocated the- re- duction of duty on raw materials, especially wool ; the revenue from which is but 90,0001., while the duty is very oppressive to trade.

Lord HOWICH alluded to the change of performers, from Sir Robert. Peel himself, when the object was to give a flourish of trumpets in announcing very magnificent schemes for the relief of the country, to- Mr. Goulburn, who had come forward in an humbler tone to announce, in spite of every sacrifice that had been made, a deficiency of 2,500,000L He proceeded to canvass the demerits of the Government measure* much as previous speakers had done—

He was curious to know how Sir Robert Peel's boast, of the relief afforded by- the tariff, could be reconciled with the answers given to the complaints of farmers at agricultural dinners. He vigorously attacked the coal-duty ; and he stated that the foreign producer was making arrangements for bringing into the market a large supply of coal to compete with the coal exported from this country. He now wished to ask the House this question —were they to persevere in this course of policy ? Were they to go on with a deficit before their eyes, imposing taxes, pressing directly and severely on production?—because the In- come-tax and the Coal-tax were both pressing severely and directly on pro- duction. Should they go on imposing these taxes, and maintaining others equally injurious to the country and to trade, such as the duty imposed OIL foreign wool; should they go on maintaining these saxes, and not endeavour to find some other resource ? It had been shown that every attempt to deal with differential duties had answered most remarkably, while all impositions of duty had had an effect quite the reverse. The duty on British-grown coffee bad bee* reduced to 4d. per pound, and the differential duty on Foreign coffee had been reduced to 8d. per pound; but even with this monstrous duty of 100 percent. to bolster up our Colonial trade, it was still a great improvement on the former law. What had been the consequence of this reduction ? The Chancellor of the Exchequer had calculated the loss of revenue from this reduction at 100,0001., while the loss had been only 40,000L Thus, where a step was made is the right direction the loss had not been half as much as was expected. If the, Foreign- d utly had been reduced to 6d. instead of 8d., he had no doubt that the revenue would have been kept up. He hoped.that.the House would press,upOn

the Government the policy, not of repealing the Income-tax, but of applying boldly and resolutely this principle of commercial policy-to lower the differential duties ; and this would give a new impulse to the country. The Customs and taxes would then all increase ; and in a short time he would venture to say there would be sufficient surplus to admit of the repeal of the Income-tax. Mr. LIDDELL, Mr. Harr, and Mr. M. BELL, all condemned the duty on coals. Mr. Liddell recommended the extension of the Post-office arrangements to the rural districts. Mr. Hutt asked whether there was to be a reduction of the Three-and-a-half per Cent Stock? In reply to those gentleman, the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER declined to state his intention as to the reduction of the Three-and-a-half per Cent Stock ; and explained that the delay in carrying out Mr. Baring's minute with respect to rural posts arose solely from the expense and from the delay in preparing a map : it was, however, determined to make a selection of those places in which rural posts might be estahlished with the greatest benefit to the particular communities requiring them.

Mr. LABOUCHERE urged Sir Robert Peel boldly to carry out his own commercial principles. Sir ROBERT FERGUSON attacked the Irish spirit- duties ; Mr. MILNER GIBSON the existing duties on raw mated ds.

After some further conversation, the motion was put, and agreed to ; and the House resumed.

REPEAL OF THE CORN-LAWS.

The House of Commons have been occupied since Tuesday night with the expected debate on the repeal of the Corn-laws. It went over ground that has been traversed scores of times ; and in our brief sketch the object has been rather to pick out the novelties than to transcribe arguments so very trite.

Mr. CHARLES VILLIERS began the speech with which he intro- duced his motion for a Committee of the whole House on the subject, by saying, that what was advanced now in support of a repeal of the Corn-laws was urgei with equal force in 1915-

It was the firm conviction of the middling class, he said, that no argument which would bear the test of examination could be brought forward in support of any laws which tended to keep up the price of food ; and, with a compliment to the League for having diffused useful information on the subject, be de- scribed the people as waiting for the final sentence of the House on those un- just and oppressive laws. If food were not cheapened, he predicted a rise of poor-rates; and heTadduced statistical figures from which he calculated that the people annually expended 100,000,000/. in the excess of cost for the necessaries of life, of which the price is raised by fiscal restrictions. He glanced at the distresses of 1839-42-the bankruptcies, the horrible and revolting suffer- ings of the people, and the increase of pauperism. He denied the assumption that in ordinary years an adequate supply of corn is grown in this country. According to a calculation, which he believed to be pretty correct, there were 10,000,000 of the people who were not consumers of wheat, and he believed that was under the mark; 500,000 consumed seven ounces daily; 1,500,000, ten ounces ; 3,000,000, fourteen ounces ; 3,000,000, seventeen ounces ; 4,000,000, twenty-one ounces; and 5,000,000 twenty-four ounces daily-that gave 17,000,000; then there were 4,000,000 who lived on oatmeal, and 10,000,000 who "rejoiced in potatoes." (" Hear, hear ! " and a laugh.) They said they had an adequate supply of food, and yet 10,000,000 of the people never tasted wheat It was a disgrace to England. They said they wanted new markets in China and elsewhere: here was one ready to their hands-a home market of 10,000.000 of their fellow-country-men. Free their labour, and they at once gave 10,000,000 customers to our manufacturers. To show that there was an adequate supply of food, they now wanted to send thousands of their fellow- countrymen to obtain it in a far clime-to go back to primitive times, and to send out the handloom-weaver to be a shepherd at the antipodes! Nothing prevents improvements in agriculture more than the Corn-law.

Be deprecated the idea that any panic would result from announcing an in-

tention to repeal the Corn•laws. He had never been very much afraid of it, but his apprehension had been entirely dispelled by what had occurred at the agricultural dinners in the autumn, when certain gentlemen went into the country and appeared to be anxious to prepare the way for some great change in the Corn-laws ; and, certainly, though nothing could have been more sound than the principles they promulgated on commercial policy, those notions bad not been scouted or sneered at by the farmers ; but, on the contrary, they had been well received : for instance, one had declared that the welfare of agri- culture depended on the prosperity of commerce; and the honourable Member for Somersetshire had been cordially cheered at the close of an able speech, the sum and substance of which was that the British farmer ought no longer to rely upon protection-that protection would no longer support him-that pro- tection would no longer be supported ; while one honourable gentleman, late a County Member, (Mr. Goring,) had declared that they should not care at all for protection. But what had put a stop, all ofa sudden, to this excellent preaching ? Strange coincidence! it ceased just when the good news from China arrived : of course it did not follow that there was the connexion of cause and effect, but it might perhaps occur to the people that those in power had contemplated the necessity for repeal, and had been induced to postpone it by the idea that a little revival of trade would take off public attention from an evil which repeal alone would remedy, but which, nevertheless, was to be retained so long as the Corn-laws could be clung to. At all events, it appeared that no very alarming apprehensions were entertained by the agriculturists about repeal; and, cer- tainly, there could not be a better opportunity than the present for any expe- riments on agricultural endurance. (A laugh.) They were in a most confi- ding mood just now. (Laughter, and " Hear, hear! ") They had no disposi- tion to distrust the declarations of those in office. (Laughter.) They were absolutely, after what had occurred, prepared for anything. (Laughter, and "Hear, (tear.") Mr. Villiers concluded by moving, " That the House should resolve itself into a Committee for the purpose of considering the duties affecting the im- portation of foreign corn, with the view to their immediate abolition."

Mr. VILLIERS STUART seconded the motion.

Mr. GLADSTONE met it by a direct negative-

Last year, the House rejected such a motion by 393 to 90; but if the mo- tion were unreasonable twelve months ago, it was doubly so now. A com- mercial law of the kind was not only an experiment but partook of the nature of a contract ; and in the absence both of experience and of altered circumstances to justify a change so soon after the adjustment of the law, such a step would be ruinous in itself and a breach of the contract. Mr. 'Villiers proposed to make the most productive fruit alto- gether free from protection; and in so doing, he would place it on different principles from manufactures ; for although the great branches of manufacture which depend on foreign makets may repudiate protection, the case is dif- ferent with a vast number of other trades not connected with the export- trade-as the linen-trade, especially that of Scotland. And the existing cheapness of provisions was rather a reason for continuing the protection ; since, though an advantage to the consumer, it was a hardship to the producer. He compared the prices of the present year with those of 1835, the cheapest of the present generation-

In 1838. In 1843.

Harley 32:.3d 28. 6d.

Oats 23s. 3d. 17 s. 4d.

Beaus 36s. 6d.. 261. Id.

Peas 35,. 3 i. 28s.

Beet 3s. 2d. to 91. 2d. 3s. to 3s. 10d.

Mutton 3s. 6.1. to 4s. 6d 3s. to 4s.

Butter 74$. 74s. to 76s.

Cheese 54s. to 70s 55s. to 831.

Wool ls. 6d. to is. 9d ltd. to Is.

Ilay. 91. to 51 41. 10s. to 41. 15r. Straw 21. to 21. 4s. 21. 61. to 21. 10:.

The price of wheat in May 1835 was 1/. 19s. 2d.; in May 1843 it was 2/.6s. 4d.; but although there was this increase in the price of the produce, be did not believe that on the whole the agricultural interests were in a more favourable position now than they were in the year 1835, because at that period the corn that was being sold was their own growth, whereas now they had to contend against no less than 3,000,000 of quarters of foreign corn ; so that while the quantities of home-grown corn sold were those of a year of scarcity, the con- sumer had purchased them at prices of a year of plenty.

He argued against the possibility of preventing seasons of dearth by legisla- tion ; and treated the statement that 10,000,000 people of this country were without the necessaries of life as exaggeration. Besides, it was Mr. Villiers's part to show that it was owing to the Corn-laws; for the condition of the people of this country has greatly improved since the time, seventy or eighty years ago, when rye was the food of the people in Scotland, Ireland, and even England ; and for twenty-two years ending 1792, when corn was practically free, the price was nearly the same as at present. He saw more cheering prospects than those contemplated by Mr. Villiers : there were gentlemen of very great authority who looked forward with very sanguine hopes to great improvements in agriculture, and a corresponding increase in the productions of the soil. In proof, Mr. Gladstone read extracts from a paper by Mr. Posey in the third volume of the Agricultural Journal, anticipating a variety of im• provements in the methods of agriculture. Though great advantages resulted from cheapness of provisions, it could not be regarded as a wholly unmixed benefit. if it went much further, he was afraid it would have the effect of producing a considerable displacement of la- bour. In illustration, he referred to the present state of America; where, owing to the derangement of the circulating medium, such an extraordinary re- duction of prices had taken place that there was a disposition to force exports under circumstances that would entail very great sacrifices, and at prices most unnaturally low. The agricultural districts of America had suffered even more than those on the seabord, and things approached almost to a state of barter. There was not the smallest doubt that the agricultural productions of the Mississippi had reached a most unnaturally low price. A person sent to the Western States, by one of the corn-houses in this country, to investigate the state of the harvest last year, and the probable quantities of wheat and flour that might be exported from the Mississippi in case of an opening into this country by a repeal of the Corn-laws, reported that the harvest last year was greater than was ever known before, and the price at New Orleans was likely to be 21s. to 24s. per quarter for wheat and 13s. 6d. a barrel for flour, the quantity 350,000 quarters. He did say that the introduction of that quantity of corn from New Orleans would be a national misfortune.

He contended that the short twelvemonth's experience of the present Corn- law was had under peculiar and exceptional circumstances ; yet the experience thus far was favourable. Members were aware that there is generally a very large importation of grain during one week in the summer. It used to be complained that no grain was released until the extreme point of price was at- tained, and that then it was released in a most extensive mass. Now, in 1841, during sixteen weeks, up to the week of the great delivery, there were entered for consumption 1,960,000 quarters of wheat. During the first fifteen of those weeks only 108,000 quarters were entered, while in the sixteenth week 1,852.000 quarters were entered. In the 'sixteen weeks ending with the week of the greatest delivery during the operation of the present law, the total entries were 2,204,000 quarters of wheat : of this quantity 1,354,000 quarters were entered in the sixteenth week, and 850,000 quarters during the preceding fif- teen weeks. He thought, then, it could not be truly asserted that the opera- tion of the existing law had been similar to that of the former law with respect to the withholding of grain from the market till the last moment. Nor had the producer any right to complain. He admitted that there had been a fall of price not compensated by corresponding abundance, but he attributed it to diminished ability to purchase; and he contended that under the old law the de- pression would probably have been greater. The price had actually been less under the old law : the average of 1834, '5, and '6, was but 44s. 6d.; the average of 1835 was 39s. and some odd pence. But great changes bad been made : the fraudu- lent operations on the averages bad been rendered impracticable by the enlarge- ment of the .list of towns making returns ; under the old law, the price must have risen much higher than it had now done, to enable importers to release corn-corn must have risen to 73s. instead of 64s. ; the higher price would more have stimulated the importer from abroad; and the reaction and sub- sequent depression of prices must have been greater. He deeply lamented the ruin in which many persona engaged in the corn-trade had been involved last year; but he considered that ruin was attributable to the circumstances of the country and the extraordinary changes in the expectations with reference to the harvest, and could not be fairly imputed to the law. Shippers used to suffer from the haste with which orders were formerly sent out, and the con- sequent rise of freights ; a charge which cannot be made against the present law. As to the currency, the derangement of which used to occasion so much inconvenience, no sensible effect, he believed, had been produced on it by the importations last year. He was not satisfied that the motion could be adopted without a great action upon the currency : there is now a drain of gold on this country, which has sent 3,000.000/. to America since the commencement of the present year ; and he was afraid that any considerable importation of foreign corn must be paid for in bullion. Look, moreover, to the effect on the revenue; for the present law has contributed, in a time of need, 800,0001. or 900,000/. above the sum received under the old law; and more than could have been re- ceived under the scale of fixed duties proposed by Lord John Russell. Mr. Gladstone, among some further general arguments against the motion, took some pains to prove, that Sir Robert Peel had not promised to maintain any particular price for corn in proposing the present law.

Mr. TRELAWNEY supported the motion; though he did not regard the repeal of the Corn-laws as a panacea for all evils. He remarked, that Ministers seemed to think that the energy with which they announced their principles compensated for the niggardliness with which they applied them.

Mr. CHRISTOPHER opposed to the motion the representation, that under the existing law the importation of foreign grain is very con- siderable; accounts of distress among the farmers and agricultural labourers, with increasing pauperism in the rural districts ; arguments, that the country would be injured by permitting imports from countries from whom it had not secured reciprocal admission of its produce; and objections to so soon altering a law which has recently undergone com- plete revision.

Mr. ROF.RUC$ supported the motion as a step towards general free

trade ; while he severely censured the members of the League for their vituperation and imputation of bad motives in their opponents. He declared that the House incurred a serious responsibility if they refused some experiment, some sacrifice, with a view of lessening the existing misery ; asked if they could deny that the repeal of the Corn-law might afford some chance of relief; ridiculed Mr. Gladstone's idle and unile assertion that there would be a drain of bullion ; and observed, that supposing it true that there would be an overwhelming importation of wheat from America, would it not be as likely to come through Canada under the intended bill—American wheat being smuggled across the frontier, and sent hither free of all duty ? The debate was adjourned, about half an hour after midnight.

The discussion was continued on Wednesday, for some time, by speakers on each side alternately. Mr. Mines opposed the motion ; avow- ing that the necessity for paying the interest of the National Debt was the real reason for maintaining "these monopolies ;" and that his confidence in Sir Robert Peel had been much increased by that Minister's decla- rations relative to the Corn-law during the present session. (Oppo- sition laughter.) Mr. WARD replied to Mr. Miles's arguments, and pre- dicted, that within five years, Sir Robert Peel, conceding to the in• fluence of time and right, as he bad done before, would be the author of a Corn-law Repeal bill ; or else he would be driven from office. And Mr. Ward entered into accounts of distress at Sheffield and elsewhere ; asking why Mr. Gladstone compared only the prices of 1835 and 1843, omitting the frightful interval? Captain FITZMAURICE made his maiden speech, controverting the doctrines of free trade. Sir CHARLES NAPIER supported for the motion in the absence of one for a fixed duty, which he should have preferred. Mr. BAILLIE COCHRANE pointed to the advance made by the And-Corn-law League as a reason for re- doubled energy in opposing it. The concessions of Government, he said, had satisfied nobody : not the agriculturists, for they were by no means confident that there would not be further change; they saw that in a few years there would cease to be a Corn-law—the inevitable ef- fect of a commencement in the career of change. He went on to argue against the policy of the maxim "in media tutissimus ibis," as applied to great questions of government. Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND exhor:ed Ministers to get out of the present difficulty of the country by repeal- ing the Corn-law ; for which there could not be a better opportunity, on account of the existing equality of prices at home and abroad. Mr. H. J. BAILLIE referred to the mortality and crime of the manufacturing- districts, even in periods of prosperity, and to the fits of actual starva- tion like that at Bolton—unequalled in the agricultural districts ; and he deprecated the repeal of the Corn-laws, as tending to stimulate the manufacturing speculation which induced that state of things. Mr. GISBORNE made a clever speech on the general question, the first since his reappearance in the House : he advised the public creditor to take the chance of free trade; for so much of the revenue being derived from the Customs and the Excise, free trade affords the best chance of keeping up public payments. Mr. Comp:mom; combated the notion that agriculture has not advanced: thirty years ago the land supported 16,000,000, and the same surface now supports 27,000,000, the impor- tation of foreign corn being about the same at both times : within about the same period, according to Mr. Porter, 3,000,000 acres have been added to the cultivated land : in 1801, 10,000 acres fed 4,300 persons ; in 1836, 5,500: on the square mile throughout Europe, 81 persons ate fed ; in France, 157 ; in England, 232.

Lord Howicx supported the motion for repealing the present Corn- laws, but not precisely with Mr. Villiers's object— He would not himself prefer the form of the present motion, as his own pro- position would be for a small fixed duty ; not because he thought that agri- culture required protection, for in his opinion protection of every kind was a robbery of the community at large, but because it would be a fair compromise between conflicting parties, and it was always a wise course in any Government not to carry its opinions to the full extent, but to make a reasonable com- promise with its opponents. Another reason why he would advocate a fixed duty was, that it would be a means of adding to the revenue whilst it would produce no sensible effect upon the price, and without being felt by the con- sumer would enrich the exchequer. If the advocates of the motion found themselves in a majority, and if a resolution were to be proposed in favour of the repeal of the existing Corn-laws, it would be competent for any honour- able gentleman to get up in the Committee, and, the ground being cleared by the sweeping away of the present laws, to propose such a fixed duty as he should think proper. If no other honourable Member did it, he should him- self make a definitive proposition, lf, however, he could not persuade the Committee to adopt a small fixed duty, and if a free trade in corn were to be the only alternative fur the existing laws, he would support that alternative.

Mr. BLACKSTONE, opposing the motion, also dealt some severe blows to Ministers— He congratulated Mr. Gladstone on the altered tone of his speech on the previous evening, as compared with that which he delivered on the same sub- ject at the beginning of the session ; for now he abandoned those hacknied ex- pressions about free trade by which he heretofore had endeavoured to elicit cheers from the honourable Members on the opposite side of the House, and declared at last that the agricultural interests were in a great state of de- pression. Mr. Blackstone admitted that there was some truth in the state- ment that the tenant-farmers were in favour of a free trade in corn. ("Hear, hear I" from the Opposition.) They did not hold this opinion from any desire of having a free trade in corn, and of having all protection removed from agri- culture ; but he feared it was from another spirit, which he was afraid was now deeply rooted among the agriculturists—that the change affecting their inte- rests made by her Majesty's Government had been so great that they looked to the future in a state of the utmost despair, and conceived that there was so much doubt as to the line of conduct which her Majesty's Ministers would pursue hereafter that they would rather at once see the end come—(Loud cheering from Opposition Members)—than wait in suspense and die by inches. (Continued cheers from the same quarter.) It was probable that want of confidence in her Majesty's Ministers had given rise to this opinion. (Cheers.) There was another feeling also strongly growing upon the farmers, which he deeply regretted—that they had been deceived in their attempts to save themselves from destitution, by the resident gentry and nobility, the landlords, and those to whom they naturally looked up. The feeling was visible in Hertford, and also in Berkshire. In the petition sent up from Wallingford in favour of protection to the farmers, be blushed to say that hardly a single Magistrate had affixed his name to it. (Laughter and cheers.) This was a melancholy contrast to the feeling exhibited when the country had been appealed to on the same ground at the last general election. (Cheers.) The Magistrates and gentry had then been forward to come and turnout the

i Administration which had shown such extreme hostility to the landed interest,

and had then been ready enough to urge on their tenants to the same course : but now the case was different ; the farmers of the country were now acting for themselves. He held that to be a most disastrous feeling. (Loud cheers and laughter from the Opposition).

Mr. WALLACE was delighted with Mr. Blackstone's true and manly speech, such as he had never heard from the Tory side of the House before ; and he told a story of meeting an Argyllshire laird, who said that they were all ruined by the Tariff, and that he never again would vote for Mr. Campbell.

Mr. CAMPBELL declared, that the people of Argyllshire think for themselves, and are not to be led away by the antiquated notions of some of the lairde-

He had convinced them That they were wrong in anticipating ruin from the Tariff ; and the very men who condemned the course taken by the Government last year were the very first to admit that they were wrong, and that their only chance of success was in the prosperity of commerce. The price of meat had previously got to be so enormous that it was a disgrace to a Christian country. He had no fear of a gradual repeal of the Corn-laws. Ile had seen in England noble fields of corn, vast crops extending in every direction, and only two or three labourers picking away at it. That was the slothful system pursued in England. Now, if the tenants were not dependent on protection, and had a little more difficulty in raising their rents, they would use more diligence. He congratulated Sir Robert Peel upon the success, as far as they had gone, of his Free-trade principles.

The debate was again adjourned, a little after twelve o'clock.

The first speaker on Thursday was Mr. BoterBwrert ; who opposed the motion. He alluded, amid repeated cheers and laughter, to the Anti-Corn-law agitation, and some honourable gentlemen

Who rase, recite, and madden through the land, Fire in each eve, and papers in each hand."

He admitted their sincerity ; admitted that they proved all their propo- sitions—proved the doctrines of Free-trade to be those of truth and justice—to be the doctrines of absolute verity—in the abstract ; but they neglected to prove that therefore the Corn-law should be repealed. Mr. WRIGHTSON reviewed the question historically ; and referred to the high prices under the corn-law of 1774—under which all interests flourished—to allay the agriculturists' fears of repeal. Mr. ROBERT PALMER would stick to the existing corn-law, in which he had re- luctantly acquiesced ; as that course last year seemed preferable to throwing Ministerial measures overboard and Ministers after them. He characterized the change of opinion imputed to the farmers by Mr. Blackstone as a libel on their common sense. Mr. HENRY DIARSLA.ND urged several arguments for repeal. Sir EDWARD KNATCHBULL gave his unqualified support to the law as it now stood— Ile defended the agricultural Members from Mr. Blackstone's attacks; which tended to further the views of those to whom the honourable Member was opposed : he hoped the honourable gentleman would not mislead those with whom he was now acting. Sir Edward contended, that if free trade were applied in the particular case, it must be so generally and universally—(Loud Opposition cheers)—but that he regarded as impracticable. If applied in the case of land, its peculiar burdens must be taken into consideration ; among which he reckoned " pecuniary liabilities and provisions for younger children." (More Opposition cheers.)

This admission was eagerly seized by Lord JOHN RUSSELL, as an instance of the new, untenable, and unsafe positions taken by the sup- porters of the Corn-laws-

The right honourable gentleman, a Minister of the Cabinet, stated it as one reason why they should keep up the law, that they might provide by their marriage-settlements for the younger members of their families. [Sir EDWARD ICNiorcnisom, explained, that if they deprived those who had entered into any obligations of the means of fulfilment, they would do a great injustice, unless they proceeded with some other measures. (Opposition cheers.) Lord Joni.; RUSSELL proceeded.] He understood that to mean, not that the Corn-law ought to remain, but that if it were removed then it would be the duty of Parliament to consider what was the amount of compensation to be given to the noblemen and gentlemen who were interested in maintaining the Corn- law : if it was abolished, then it was said that there was to be a case of great compensation, something like that of the slave-owners. Pursuing his banter on Sir Edward, lie ridiculed the inconsistency with which, after having in 1841 argued that any reduction in the price of provisions would be calamitous, he became the colleague of Sir Robert Peel, who boasted of having effected such a reduction ; and be likened his solemn advice to Mr. Blackstone, not to mislead his friends, to the warning of a veteran gamester to a youth on the miseries of gambling.

Lord John viewed the despairing readiness of certain farmers to cast off all protection as the natural result of the uncertain and vacillating conduct of Ministers ; but he adhered to his old opinion in favour of a moderate fixed duty. Therefore he could not vote for the motion as it stood, with the unne- cessary words at the end of it : nor could he agree with Lord Howick's sugges- tion; because if be voted for the motion at all, he should be told next day that he had voted for the immediate abolition of all duties on corn. He would sup- port a motion merely for going into a Committee of the whole House on the Corn-laws. (Cries of "Move, move r) Well, he should have no objection to make such a motion, if he thought any practical good were likely to result from it. (" Hear I " and laughter.) As it was, he could not vote for the motion.

Mr. DARBY argued against a fixed duty, and in defence of the present Corn-law ; and considered the soreness of the farmers only temporary.

The debate was then adjourned, for the third time, soon after mid- night.

An incidental discussion upon the subject of Corn-law repeal arose in the House of Lords on Thursday, when Earl STANHOPE presented the Aylesbury petition against it; supporting it in a speech in which he advocated the old Corn-law, attacked the new and the intended Canada Corn Bill, and attacked the landowners of the county for not attending the meeting. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM cordially supported the petition ; excused his absence from the meeting by Lord Stanhope's mismanagement in not formally communicating with the landowners before it took place; wished that Ministers would utter a declaration 88 strong against the Corn-law Repeal agitation as they had against the Irish Union Repeal agitation ; and demanded to know what their real intentions were as to further alteration of the Corn-laws. A pause ensued. Earl FITZWILLIAM asked Lord Wharocliffe, if he meant to speak ; and was answered in the negative ; at which he expressed great surprise. Lord WHARNCLIFFE had not observed that any question had been put to him : he repeated the answer already given to similar ques- tions, that Government did not mean to propose any further alteration this session—for he denied that the Canada Corn Bill was such—it was included in the original scheme of Ministers, and had been announced

last session; and be could prove that it would be, not injurious, but .advantageous to the farmer. 1u the course of some further observa- tions, Lord ASHBURTON expressed a belief that the supply from Canada would never be sufficient to depress prices in the market, but would protect the agricultural interests by preventing a large importation from the Baltic. The petition was laid on the table.

THE REPEAL AGITATION.

Declarations of the views of Government with respect to the Repeal agitation were extracted from Ministers in both Houses on Tuesday. In the House of Commons, Lord JOCELYN was the querist, and Sir ROBERT PEEL replied to him ; avowing himself prepared to maintain the recorded opinion and engagements of the Crown and both Houses of Parliament with respect to the Legislative Union of Great Britain and Ireland- " In 1834, the Sovereign of this country, in addressing the Parliament, used these expressions—' I have seen with feelings of deep regret and just indig- nation, the continuance of attempts to excite the people of that country to demand a repeal of the Legislative Union. This bond of our national strength and safety I have already declared my fixed and unalterable resolution, under the blessing of Divine Providence, to maintain inviolate by all the means in my power. In support of this determination, I cannot doubt the zealous and effectual cooperation of my Parliament and my people.' [The reading of this passage was accompanied and followed by very loud cheering.] These ex- pressions of the Sovereign of this country were responded by Parliament.

"Both Houses of Parliament approached the Crown, and in a joint address, -recorded in the most solemn manner their fixed determination to maintain, un- impaired and undisturbed, the Legislative Union between Greet Britain and Ireland ; which, they said, we consider to be essential to the strength and stability of the empire, to the continuance of the connexion between the two countries, and to the peace and security and happiness of all classes of your Majesty's subjects.' (Cheers.) On the part of her Majesty, I am authorized to repeat the declaration made by King William. (Continued cheering.) And 1 have no doubt that the present Houses of Parliament would, if necessary, be prepared to fulfil the engagements into which their predecessors entered." (Cheers.) Sir Robert went on to say, that there was no influence, power, or authority, which the prerogatives of the Crown and existing laws give to Minis- ters, which should not be exercised for the purpose of maintaining the Union. An Executive Government can lose nothing of moral or real strength by con- fiding as long as possible in the ordinary powers which the law and constitution give them ; but if the necessity should arise for further powers, he should with- out an instant's hesitation appeal to Parliament. " lam also prepared to make, in my place here, the declaration which was made, and nobly made, by my predecessor, I mean Lord Althorp, that, deprecating as 1 do all war, but above all, civil war, yet there is no alternative which I do not think preferable to the dismemberment of this empire." Captain BERNAL asked whether Sir Robert Peel meant to abide by another declaration of Lord Althorp's,—namely, that if all the Members for Ireland should be in favour of Repeal, he would consider it his bounden duty to grant it. (" Oh !" and laughter.) Sir ROBERT PEEL said, he did not recollect that Lord Althorp ever made any such decla- ration; but if he did, he was not prepared to abide by it.

The subject was introduced to the House of Lords by the Earl of RODEN, in a long speech— He described Ireland as in a state of the greatest excitement, increased by the violent and seditious language of demogogues and Romish priests. He never witnessed such a state of things in the whole course of his life, now not a short one. On the other hand, there.was the greatest alarm at the silence and apparent apathy of the Government. Many even of the Roman Catholic ,population deprecated the agitation; though the difference between the present time and 1830 was, that the cry for Repeal was then supported only by dente- _ gogues and a particular class of persons—at that period he believed there was not a single Roman Catholic priest, nor one Roman Catholic Bishop who was in favour of it; but now it was far otherwise; and therefore the danger was the greater, and required tenfold energy to put it down. He called upon the Government to display equal firmness with that of 1830; and he quoted de- clarations made in 1834, by Lord Althorp of maintaining the Union, and by Sir Robert Peel of supporting the Government.

The Duke of WELLINGTON replied much as Sir Robert Peel did in the other House; declaring that the address of both Houses in 1834 expressed the opinion of the present Government, and that they were ,prepared to act upon it. Other speakers expressed a warm concurrence in that determination.

Lord BROUGHAM said that the whole moral, and if necessary the whole physical force of this country, would be put forth to prevent the dissolu- tion of the integrity of the empire. He and Lord MoNTEAGLE called to Mind the majority of 523 Members by whom the address of 1834 was supported in the Commons ; including Members representing Ireland, .England, Scotland, and Wales ; and to oppose them was found only one solitary English Membet. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE expressed the feeling universally pervading the House, a desire to give that support to the Government on which they relied ; and the Marquis of Dowst- .811111E anticipated that the determined front assumed by the Duke of Wellington would do more to settle the minds of the people of Ireland than any thing which had passed this session. The conversation then dropped.

On Thursday, Lord &optimum corrected a mistake made by - Captain Bernal : Lord Althorp, he said, had not consented to repeal the Union if every Irish Member concurred in demanding it; but, some one asking what he would do in case of such a concurrence, he said . be would wait till the time came, and then he would tell what he would do.

In the Commons, Sir VALENTINE BLAKE gave notice, that on the 25th instant, he should move for leave to bring in a bill "to apportion and -regulate the overwhelming labour and business of Parliament in a manner calculated to allay discontent, and to preserve and maintain the inviolability of the United Empire upon a satisfactory and permanent basis." (Laughter.)

IRISH POOR-LAW.

In the House of Lords, on Monday, the Marquis of CLANRICARDE moved for a Select Committee to icquire into the operation of the Irish Poor-law-

"ell an inquiry, he contended, would better enable Government to legis- late ate for the amendment of the Irish Poor-law. The opinion of the Irish people is universally opposed to the Poor-law. Meetings were held in various Sparta of the country, and declarations and resolutions were agreed to, all .breathing the most determined hostility to the system ; from every place, aiorth and South, East and West, cause demands for its repeal. 1 measure of a Purely domestic character ; it was not a wit soiree- large mte"asatsirae of general policy, but was intended solely and entirely for the benefit -Of Ireland. If, therefore, the measure was introduced against their wish, and

contrary to their interest—if it disturbed their tranquillity, instead of pre- ducine harmony and concord—a prima facia case for inquiry was • made out. 'He alluded to the circumstances under which the original Foot-

law Commissioners reported against any but a gradual and cautious intro- duction of a poor-law into Ireland; the Government disregard of that report, and their introduction of the " ready-made system," which had worked very. well in England; and their forcing it on the people of Ireland against their will. It was imposed with three professed oh- jects—to tranquillize the country, put an end to mendicancy, and lessen the struggle for land. The argument with respect to mendicancy had a great effect, yet that part of the subject had in practice been wholly neglected. Forty Boards of Guardians had expressed opinions favourable to a measure for the suppression of mendicancy. They stated that a measure of that sort, adapted to the circumstances of the country, ought to follow, if not accom- pany, the introduction of the Poor-law and the opening of the workhouses; and they acknowledged that the present law, so far from doing any thing to suppress mendicancy, had aggravated the evil. There had been some local sup- pression of vagrants; for they had assumed that the measure contained a pro- vision for preventing vagrancy, and they ran away but they had gone back; some few mendicants had gone into the workhouses, but the benefit was email compared to the cost incurred ; and the number of vagrants was not diminished. As to lessening the struggle for land, never were crimes connected with land more common, and their Lordships had heard of the doctrine of " fixity'of tenure." How far then had the measure tranquillized the country? He then referred to a number of details to show the violent and general opposition to the law. That the election of Boards of Guardians had not always been tranquilly or satisfactorily conducted, he had a right to assume, from the amendments announced by the Government. By one of them the number of ex.edficio Guardians, that was to say alagistrate-Guardians, was to be increased, possibly—he did nit say necessarily—to one-half; and by another amendment the constituent body was diminished. He was not saying that these amendments were bad; but their proposition showed that the elections had not worked well, and that the people had not joined in carrying out this conciliatory measure, as it had been called, to the degree which had been ex- pected. The opposition was not confined to one class. By accounts *OM Dublin, dated the 26th April, he was informed that the collector of the rate for the town of Limerick, whilst engaged in serving notices, was set on and most unmercifully beaten ; his books were taken from him, and his life would have been forfeited bad it not been for the interference of some woman. Only ten days ago, at the weekly meeting of the Board of Guardians at Dungarvon the collector said that he had not received a farthing from the farmers. This showed that classes above the lower orders were opposed to the law. The col- lector had resigned rather than turn cattle-driver. An elected Guardian-of the name of O'Brien bad refused to pay; and O'Brien said in his vindication, that he was appointed by the people as Guardian to protect their persons, and not to set the bad example of paying; and as there was no use in the Poor Relief Bill except to give large salaries to the Commissioners and Assistant- Commissioners, he was determined never to pay. The Guardians all declared that it was impossible to increase the rate, as it was well known that the farmers had their gates closed in order to prevent a distress being levied. By a letter dated Dublin the 3d instant, it appeared that the campaign (as it was called) had turned out there a complete failure. Only 471. 19s. bad been col- lected from the landlords, at an expense of at least 1,0001. to the country. When distress was levied for the poor-rate, it was necessary to have the aid- of a strong force of police; and in one district an application was made that the police should be sent there and be encamped, in order that they might- be enabled in that way to seize the cattle and distrain. This might be the mode in which the Pasha of Damascus collected revenue, but it was unseemly in a kingdom like this : and to call a measure producing such a state of things a measure of tranquillity, was a mockery and insult to the country. The original calculations of expense bail been altogether falsified. 'Mr. Nichols estimated that Ireland would require eighty poor-houses' at stoat of 800,000/. in his last application for money he said that the cost would not be less than 1,300,000/. In the Clogbeen Union, the cost was swelled by such charges as 145/. for cutting stone mullions for the windows. At Fermoy, the Guar- dians remonstrated against an estimate of 2,225/., which was at once reduced to 1,50W. Then came a note from Mr. G. Nicholls, in which he said—" The Assistant-Commissioner is to make a point of attending on Saturday and en- deavouring to satisfy the Guardians. This is an ugly affair, and just cal- culated to make a stir in Parliament in the hands of Lord Mountcasbel. It would be unfortunate if it were allowed to get into such hands." (Laughter.) This was a perfectly fair example of the way in which the bill operated.

He next described the demoralizing effects of the measure.

regard to the workhouse- test, he must observe, that the diet of the-work- houses was infinitely better than that of respectable labouring men and small farmers, who kept themselves out of the workhouse. The workhouses were not workhouses in the common acceptation of the term, but as yet had been chiefly used as hospitals and boarding-schools. This they were never in- tended to be. A great number of women of the worst description went into those houses, and it was found that in many instances they bad corrupted the minds of young persona. He considered the relief of a whole family on its desertion by the father, and the education offered to pauper children, as tendiqg to encourage desertion and bigamy. He alluded to a growing feeling in Ireland, that the Imperial. Parliament does not legislate in the very best manner upon, matters exclusively Irish ; and be cautioned the House against strengthening that feeling, by pre- cipitately and obstinately proceeding in any particular line of legislation. if convinced that the bill produced great evils, the House could not refuse to make great alterations and modifications in it, which might melee it advanta- geous to all classes, and a boon and a blessing to the poor.

The Archbishop of Dumas' was thoroughly convinced that Lord Clanricarde's statement was borne out by the facts ; but even if le doubted its accuracy, he would support the motion on the mere- suspi cion that it was well founded.

The Duke of WELLINGTON opposed the motion— If the House threw out an act which had passed a few years ago with 4-great degree of unanimity in that House, and without much opposition in the other House, except from a party to whom he was not in the habit of paying math attention—the Repeal party, they would stultify themselves. Therehadteen complaints against the administration of the law; and a number of respectable persons had expressed a wish that the measure -should be greatly amended. Accordingly, Government had introduced a measure for that purpose ; and he thought that it would be proper for the House to wait till that bill was before them, which it would be in aboub a fortnight. It was true that the measure bad not put an end to mendicity in Ireland ; but he must do the late Govern- ment the justice to say, that it would have been a great injustice to Ireland if they had attempted to put an end to mendicity till the state of Ireland was such that they could undertake to carry out the execution of the law by making provision for the care of the, poor. One cause of mendicity might have arisen from the levying the rate upon the poorer classes : now, one of the objects of the new bill was to relieve the poor from the payment of the rate. ••''The Earl of GLENGAIL prererrecrseveral charges-against the law.;

'The Earl of WICKLOW partially supported the Poor-law ; declaring that the opposition to it was not universal ; and attributing it in part to a temporary heaviness of the rates. He thought that Government ought well to watch the Repeal agitation.

The Earl of MOUNTCASHELL carried on the attack on the law. The Marquis of DOWNSHIRE would defer the discussion till the Amendment Bill should be before the House. The Earl of COURTOWN and the Earl of RODEN supported the motion.

The. Marquis of LANSDOWNE opposed it, as liable to be construed into encouragement by those who resist the law. He hoped that, in amending the bill, Government would adhere to its main principle—the test of in-door labour in the workhouse : he approved of the proposed change as to rating ; and hoped that some measure to repress vagrancy would be introduced.

The Duke of Wemariarox having stated that he should not oppose a motion to refer the Amendment Bill to a Select Committee, if the sense of the House were in favour of that course, the motion was with- drawn.

SCOTTISH CHURCH.

In the House of Lords, on Tuesday, Lord CAMPBELL presented a petition, stating the belief that the quoad sacra ministers of the Church of Scotland meant in a body to claim the right of voting in the General Assembly, and thus to obtain a colourable majority ; and praying for legislative interference. Lord Campbell could not believe that, after the decisions on the subject, the Lord Commissioner would permit the quoad sacra ministers, as such, to take their seats in the General Assembly. But he called for such an expression of opinion by noble Lords connected with Scotland, as would have the effect of leading the people back from the course into which they had been inveigled. The Marquis of BREADALBANE thought that the House ought to ex- press no opinion, as the appointment of the quoad sacra ministers was a matter purely ecclesiastical, and within the province of the Church. The Duke of ARGYLL inaudibly uttered some remarks. The Earl of ABERDEEN stated the views of Government— They were anxious to adopt some measure to put an end to the present state of things in Scotland ; but, before they did so, it was their duty to take care that the attempt was likely to be crowned with success ; and he feared that if the Legislature were at present to sanction any of the proposed mea- sures, it would be regarded as a triumph over the deliberate judgment of the House and over the law. The quoad sacra ministers must feel that they bad no more right to attend and take part in the General Assembly than any Member of that House. Government were prepared to insure to the Church all the powers it had ever possessed, except for the short period when pa- tronage was abolished : they were prepared to insure to the people the fullest right to object to a presentee, and to the Presbytery the right to judge of the matter and to reject the presentee.

The Marquis of BBEADALBANE asked if the people might be enabled to state all their objections; whether they would be enabled to state that the minister did not edify them ; and whether the Presbytery would have full power to maintain the objections so raised, and, al- though they did not consider them conclusive, to reject the presentee?

Lord ABERDEEN said that Ministers were prepared to adhere to the principles laid down by Lord Moncrieff: they were prepared to allow the objections of the people, made generally as well as particularly, and to,secure to the Church Courts the perfect freedom of judging on the cases that came under their jurisdiction, and did not involve civil matters.

Lord BROUGHAM, Lord CAMPBELL, and the Marquis Of BREADAL- BANE, expressed their satisfaction at what had been let fall on the subject.

TOWNSHEND PEERAGE.

The evidence in support of the Townshend Peerage Bill was con- cluded on Wednesday. One of the witnesses, at the house of whose father, in Fincbley, Mr. and Mrs. Margetts lodged in the year of the Jubilee, 1809, said that Mrs. Margetts told her "all the circumstances," and she pitied her : she said that Lord Chartley was a very bad man, and addicted to unnatural crimes; that the marriage had never been con- summated, and that he was impotent. Mr. Cockburn, counsel for Lord Charles Townshend, summed up; contending that the only point not distinctly proved was the non-access between Lord and Lady Chartley, but that from the circumstances it was to be presumed. Mr. Erle, who appeared for the Earl of Leicester, (Lady Towushend's eldest son,) maintained that the evidence was insufficient to establish non-access between August and October 1810, and consequently the illegitimacy of his client. He produced two letters from Lord Townshend : in one, dated June 1824, the writer announced a visit by Mr. Ridgway, who offered to make over 40,0001. to Lady Townshend for life, and after her death to the eldest child, and to acknowledge his legitimacy, on condition that the entail were cut off; the object being to raise money on the en- tailed estates : in the other letter, dated 1842, addressed to the Earl of Leicester's agent, the writer treated that gentleman as legitimate, and offered terms for his consent to cutting off the entail. If Lord Leices- ter's legitimacy were disputed, as it involved civil rights, he claimed to have the fact tried by a Judge and Jury. In the course of Mr. Erie's remarks, Lord Hawn:nem, Lord CAMPBELL, and the Lord CHANCELLOR, disclaimed all imputation on the gentleman calling himself the Earl of Leicester ; and Lord Campbell added, that the House did not entertain the bill out of any regard to the feelings or interests of the Marquis of Townshend, or his brother. The further consideration of the bill was Adjourned till Tuesday next. Lord BROUGHAM stated on Monday, that he had received a letter without any name or address, but signed " A Warning Voice," on the subject of the bill, which held out a threat in the shape of a warning. Persons who sent such threats were much mistaken if they thought that their Lordships were thus to be deterred from their duty. He did not believe in this instance that the letter came from the party most interested; and he knew nothing of the case except as it came before him on petition.

BARON GURNEY AND WILLIAM JONES.

In the House of Commons, on Thursday, Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE presented a petition from William Jones, a Chartist convicted of sedi- tion at,Leicester, complaining that he had at the trial been unconstitn- tionalli interrupted by the Judge, Baron Gurney, and that he had been appointed by the Judge to the second class of misdemeanants in Leicester Gaol, being only allowed a meagre diet insufficient for the support of health. Mr. Duncombe moved an address to the Queen, praying that she be pleased to take the case of Jones into her merciful consideration. Sir JAMES GRAHAM opposed the motion with a direct negative; sneering at Mr. Dnncombe as the self-constituted "public prosecutor of the Judges." Baron Gurney denied the interruptions im- puted to him, except some really unimportant. And although the surgeon of the gaol reported that Jones's health did not materially suffer, Sir James Graham had ordered the rules of the prison to be greatly relaxed in his favour. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL produced the Leicester Chronicle, a paper agreeing with the Chartists, which stated that the reports of the trial in the London papers were very unfair to- wards the Judge. At the suggestion of Sergeant MURPHY, Mr. Dust- COMM withdrew the motion.

MISCELLANEOUS.

TIRE ROYAL ASSENT was given by Commission, on Tuesday, to the Ex- chequer Bills Bill and several private bills.

IRISH RAILROADS. In reply to Sir WINSTON BARRON, on Wednesday, Sir ROBERT PEEL stated, that inquiries were in progress, the object of which was to facilitate the communication between this country and Ireland ; but as to any advance of public money for railroads in Ireland, he could give no answer now.

POSTAGE TO PLACES BEYOND INDIA. In reply to Dr. Bownr8c, OH Monday, the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, the order requiring per- sons to appoint an agent at Bombay to pay postage on letters forwarded to China, Australia, and New Zealand, had been issued because complaints had been made that letters had been detained for a long time at Bombay; but on further complaints of that order, measures bad immediately been adopted by the Indian authorities at home, directing that the letters referred to should be forwarded direct to China, and those other places out of the Indian terri- tory to which they were addressed. Those directions were issued so as to be forwarded by the mail which was sent off on Saturday, iu time to counteract the previous order.

TREATY WITH ABYSSINIA. In reply to Dr. BOWRING, on Thursday, Sir ROBERT PEEL stated that Captain Harris had completed his mission in Abyssinia : he had left Shoa, and there was every reason to believe that he had concluded a treaty with the Court of Shoe, to secure for the inhabitants of the two countries a more unrestricted intercourse.