13 MAY 1848, Page 2

Dcbates an Agrocetbings in Varliatnent.


In the House of Lords, on Monday, Lord STANLEY called attention to the Spanish correspondence now laid upon the table, and to the additions which had been made to it since the discussion on Friday last. Lord Stanley was now satisfied that the publication of these despatches had not occurred by the assistance or with the knowledge of Mr. Bulwer; and he thought the Duke of Sotomayor himself must have become satisfied on that point In the authentic shape lately given, Lord Palmerston's despatch commenced thus —" Sir, I have to imtruct you to recommend earnestly to the Spanish Govern- ment, and to the Queen-Mother if you have an opportunity of doing so, the adop- tion of a legal and constitutional course of government in Spain." Now, the "op- portunity of doing so" clearly applied to the Queen-Mother; and Lord Palmer- ston's instructions to Mr. Bulwer were to recommend a certain course to the Spanish Government, and to the Queen-Mother also if he had an opportunity of doing sa. In transmitting a copy of the despatch to the Spanish Government, Mr. Bulwer appeared to have omitted the ja,ssage applying to the Queen-Mother, and had given to the Spanish Government, with or without opportunity, the views of the British Government. This, however, waa a minor point, and he did not attach to it the importance that Lord Lansdowne had done. A far more important point was the agreement of opinion between the British Minister and the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, on the one hand, and the wide and inexplicable difference of opinion which appeared to exist between the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and his colleagues in the Government. Lord Lansdowne had treated the despatch as an indefensible one to a foreign power, and had deemed it a private letter not intended to be shown. " Lamented " was the word Lord Lansdowne had used in comment on Mr. Bulwer's conduct. It now appeared that the conduct which Lord Lansdowne as a British Minister "lamented," the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, on the face of the documents now published, bad formally and entirely approved, in the name of the Government. Mr. Bulwer's first despatch to the Dinka de Sotomayor was dated on the 7th of April, and on the lath Lord Palmerston wee Bulwer—" With reference-- to your despatch of the 10th instant, I tare to harm you that her Majesty's Government approve the language which .you,haid to Queen Christina on the 4tithwitant, pointing out to her Majesty the importance of governing Spain by constitutional means; and that her 2.1.0eaty'a Government likewise approve of the tee which Jpe .addreased es the th instant to.the Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairee,offenng simtlar counsel to the present Blinisters of her Catholic Majesty." Lord Stanley left itto the noble Marquis to explain the diserepaney which existed between the noble Viscount, who spoke in the name of his ed. leagues in this despatch, and the noble Marquis, who appeared to speak in the name of his colleagues on the present occasion. But in addition to this, there was another letter of Lord Palmerston now published—the most extraordinary one it hat ever been Lord Stanley's fortune to read. It was written on receipt of the Duke of Sotomayor's despatch of the 10th, and began thus—

Foreign Office. April 20, 1248.

" have received, year despatch of the I I th instant, with its enclosures ; and I have to instruct you to state to the • Duke of fiotomayor, that her Majesty's Govern. went entirely approve the step which you took in making your communication of the rut instant, and likewise of your noteof the 12th." Lord Pidinermon went on to say, that her Majesty's Government were not all offended either at the return of Mr. Bulwer's note or at the tone of the Duke of Sotomayor's letter. The Christian forgiveness and meekness here exhibited might be very praiseworthy on the part of a private individual, but they were wholly un- worthy of the dignity of the great power of which Lord Palmerston was the Minister. The noble Visoount had in the most explicit manner conveyed his sanction of Me Bulwer's proceedings ; and yet, when their despatches were returned, the noble Lord wrote to tell Mr. Bulwer that he was "not at all offended" at what the Spanish Government had done. This was the most absurd termination to the most in- conceivably imprudent step that he had ever heard of. The noble Viscount was not offended at his despatches being returned to him! In a space of twenty-nine lines the noble Viscount supposed cases which had not occurred between Spain and England; and, instead of taking the course which such an insulting return of his despatoh.demaeded, the noble Viscount concluded by reminding the Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs, that under certain circumstances, and unless Great Britain had interfered to maintain the present Queen of Spain upon the throne, the Minister of Foreign Affairs in that country might himself have been a pro. scribed exile in a foreign country. This stroke of generosity, he admitted, helg read with the greatest regret. He saw no prospect of a satiafactory issue on the part of the noble Viscount to a correspondence so conducted. He believed it to be his duty to call their Lordships' attention to the facts as they existed on the face of the documents laid before Parliament; and he thought their Lordships had a right to know whether the course and conduct of Mr. 13tilwer in presenting this note, as it appeared by the statement of the noble Marquis the other night, Wag considered an imprudent course by her Majesty's Government, or whether the noble Viscount was justified in stating that it had the entire and cordial approval of her Alajesty's Government. The Marquis of LawsnowitE said that he had hardly been correctly construed on Friday night. Judging of the case in this country, he had certainly regretted the communi- cation; but he bad particularly stated his confidence that Mr. Bulwer with his knowledge of the country in which he resided, and his talents for public business had felt reasons which made the course he took imperative on him. Unless M. Bulwer had been afterwards instructed to state the approbation of his conduct by his chief; it would have been equal to an expression of disapprobation, and blare- call must have followed; a step which Ministers were not prepared to take, espe- cially considering the language of the Duke of Sotomayor's despatch. However. Lord Lansdowne was happy to say that an amicable spirit had since arisen be- tween the parties, from the conciliatory conduct which Mr. Bulwer bad pursued. His recall was not demanded; and a renewal of the controversy among their Lordships would only end in unnecessary imputations. The Earl of ABERDEEN agreed that it would be most -unjust to recall Mr. Bulwer; for he had undoubtedly, acted according to the spirit of his instructions.

It was said that approbation of Mr. Bulwer was necessarily conveyed to him in order that the Duke of Sotomayor should have no triumph. But the approbation had been already expressed before Lord Palmerston had received the Duke's des- patch; so the excuse has no application.

Lord Aberdeen heard with peculiar satisfaction that amicable relations were re- newed; but he concurred in Lord Stanley's censures. "I was curious upon the point when I saw these papers; and, although I fully expected to hear that the renewal of friendly communications had been brought about, I certainly could not have anti- cipated that it would have taken place in the manner in which it appears by these papers it has done. For your Lordships are perhaps scarcely aware how perfectly unprecedented a proceeding this is that has taken place. I have had some expe- rience in these matters. I have had correspondence, occasionally more or less angry, with Foreign Governments, though not very often; but that a despatch of a British Secretary of State should be returned by the Minister of a Foreign Go- vernment as unfit to be retained or received, appears to me to be a thing utterly impossible. I never could have supposed that such a thing was possible. Not only in my experience have I never heard or seen such a thing, but I will venture to say that this is the first time a British Minister ever suffered such an indignity."

Lord Aberdeen condemned, as being indelicate and in bad taste, the allusion to the unfortunate King of the French and his family, within a fortnight after his ar- rival in this country, and the holding him up as a warning to the Spanish Go- vernment.

The course taken as regards the Spanish Prime Minister was most inopportune,

and unlikely to produce a good effect. Unfortunately, in the case of Spain, ever since the correspondence took place which was produced some time ago, in which the Spanish Government was alluded to in no very measured terms, there has ex- isted a feeling of suspicion and hostility on their part which prevented them from receiving any kind of advice from this country, however salutary, without a cer- tain degree of reluctance. The existence of this feeling was well known; and this made it only the more necessary, if we wished to act with them in a friendly manner, to approach them with all that care, delicacy, and preparation, which might ;ender it possible to do away with that suspicion and hostility. But, made as that communication was I confess it almost appears to me that, if not made purposely with the view Of its not being accepted, I am quite sure it mast have been made without the shadow of a hope that it would be accented. To propose to such a Minister—who, whatever his merits may be, was known to possess a most imperious temper—to propose to him to transfer the government to persons whom he had at that moment actually under 811 accusation of attempting a revolution in the state—seems to um to be an act so ill advised that it could only be received as it has been." No- body would have dreamt some time ago that a successful opposition could have been made in Spain to revolutionary attempts; but such having been made, it was the interest as well as the duty of Great Britain to give the Government every supportin its power, instead of getting up miserable quarrels on the little more or less infusion of Liberal persons into that Goverment. Lord BROUGHAM closed the debate, by suggesting that amity between the nations would be more readily established if suclidiseussions as these were less entertained.


1 In the House of Commons, on Monday, the adjourned debate on. the Health of Towns Bill was resumed; the question before the House being

lfrqnhart's amendment to consider the bill in Committee on that day siI months.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL annomiced first, that Government intended making considerable alterations in their bill; they intended to propose that the chief Commissioner of Woods and Forests shonld preside over the new Commission, assisted by two other unpaid Commissioners; the proposal to appoint paid Commissioners being abandoned. The opposition to the bill was maintained by Mr. SPOONER; who admitted the necessity of a superintending sanatory body, but suggested a raeasure similar to the Enclosure Act, which should only give to a Lon- don board an initiatory and supervising power. Mr. CHARLES PEARSON quoted statistics to show that England; and even London itself, vas superior to the rest of Europe, in its sanatory condition, and had, in proportion to them, fewer illegitimate births. Mr. Jona Sruasir was prepared to go into Committee only on conditions that the domineering powers proposed to be given to the Commission should be retrenched, and that the power taken to repeal by order in Council all private drainage acts should be yielded; Mr. MILES and Mr. NEWDEGATE

also opposed the bill.

On the other side, Mr. SLANEY vindicated the bill from the reiterated charges of centralization. Mr. Multrz reserved liberty of voting against the third reading, if the bill were not changed to his liking in Committee.

Lord ASHLEY supported the bill.

The question was essentially a poor man's question—one which touched the rich only at second band, through occasional large demands on their private cha- rity or great pressure on the public rates. The question was beset with diffi- culties; but those difliculties were only reasons for sincere and earnest exertions to overcome them. He was astonished at the assertion he had heard that the present law was adequate to the removal of all evils. Laws might be found, by industrious search of the statute-book, which at great cost could be set in motion against many existing evils; but to tell the poor man that such remedies were available to him was like referring him for entertainment to the London Tavern, which, in the words of Horne Tooke's joke, was equally open to all. Lord Ashley, replying to an incredulous query. of Mr. Henry Drummond—" What connexion is there between typhus and crime ?"—read extracts from the reports of Dr. Neil knots Mr. Francis Cooper, and Dr. Southwood Smiths to prove that the sanatory condition of some of the habitations of the poor was one that rendered it im- possible for the inmates to observe the lessons of decency and virtue which they might be taught. The following is an extract from the evidence of Dr. Southwood Smith. De you think that neglect of decency and comfort Is likely to render those persons reckless of consequences, and inclined to a mode of getting their living dishonestly ?"— " The neglect of the decencies of life must have a debasing effect on the human mind ; and hopeless want naturally produces recklessness. There is a point of wretchedness which is incompatible with the existence of any respect for the peace or property of others; and to look in such a case for obedience to the laws when there Is the slightest prospect of violating them with impunity, is to expect to reap where-you have not sown." "I have myself seen a young man, twenty years of age, sleeping in the same bed with his sister, a young women sixteen or seventeen years old. That incestuous in- tercourse takes place under these circumstances there is too much reason to believe; and that when unmarried young men anci women sleep together In the same room the women become common to the men, is stated in evidence as a positive fact: but r re- gard another inevitable effect of this state of things as no less pernicious; It Is one of the influences which, for want of a better term, may be called unhumartizing, because it tends to weaken and destroy the feelings and affections which are distinctive of the human being, and which raise him above the level of the brute. I have some- times checked myself in the wish that men of high station and authority would visit these abodes of their less fortnnate fellow creatures, and witness with their own eyes the scenes presented there: for I have thought that the same end might be answered In a way less disagreeable to them. They have only to visit the Zoological Gardens, and to observe the state of society in that large room which is appropriated to a parti- cular class of animals, where every want is relieved and every appetite and passion gratified in full view of the whole community. In the filthy and crowded streets in our large towns and cities you see human faces retrograding, sinking down to the level of these brute tribes ; and you find manners appropriate to the degradation. Call any one wonder that there is among these classes of the people so little intelligence—so alight an approach to humanity—so total an absence of domestic affection, and of moral and religious feeling? The experiment has been long tried on a large scale with a dreadful success, affording the demonstration, that if from early infancy you allow human beings to live like brutes, you can degrade them down to their level, leaving to them scarcely more intellect, and no feelings and affections proper to human minds and hearts."

"Have you examined frequently the houses of individuals among the poor in these neglected districts?"—" Yes." "Nave you noticed particularly the state of the air in their apartments ?"—"I have; and it sometimes happens to me in my visits to them, sa physician to the Eastern Dispensary, that I am unable to stay in the room even to write the prescription. I am obliged, after stayirg the necessary time at the bedside of the patient, to go into the air, or to stand at the door, and write the prescription; for, such is the offensive and unwholesome state of the air, that I cannot breathe it even for that short time. What must it be to live in such an atmosphere, and to go through the process of disease In It?" Lord Ashley had not the slightest doubt, from all the examination he had made, and all the evidence he had collected, that far more than one-half of the habits of intoxication which beset and disgrace our large towns arisefrom the bad sauatory rendition in which the people are left. It is quite impossible logo through the impure localities and see the pallid and sunken forms of the people without feel- ing compassion for, and almost extenuating, the excesses of those who, in order to prop up their sunken condition resort to the stimulus of ardent spirits. He had been grieved to find it matter of fact, that when fever raged it cut off in the far greatest proportion the heads of families and those in the prime of life. He did not know a single fact more painful than the circumstance that the people in those districts looked with terror to the approach of the fine weather of summer. That which was a blessing to other people was to them a itive curse, because, as they had told him, when the fine weather came they n. a summer of stink which was altogether intolerable. Mr. Uwannaar, seeing that Government had yielded in one or two im- portant points, withdrew his amendment; and the House went into Com- mittee.

On the first clause Mr. BATCHES moved an amendment, to omit those words which specify London and other localities as exempted from the bill. The present sanatory condition of the Metropolis and its vicinity, especially the neighbourhood of the House itself, is most objectionable. The trees in the Col- lege Gardens at Westminster are decaying tinder the influence of the noxious rapoure emitted from the tall chimnies in the neighbourhood; and the health of the scholars in the Weetminster School has been so seriously and generally in- jured by the same cause, that on Saturday last it was found necessary to close that seat of learning. Lord MORPETH admitted that the exemptions are defects. The multitude of local acts in one lump--upwards of a hundred—which exist in the London district, make the difficulty of dealing with that district, in this almost insuperable. His time had been fully occupied with the present bill even in its present shape. He hoped soon to devote himself to the preparation of a separate bill for the Metropolis.

After a short discussion, in which the Marquis of GRANBY, Mr. HerosoN, and Lord Joule RUSSELL joined, the House divided on Mr. Bankes's endrnents and rejected it by 240 to 71.

Some verbal alteratious were made in the clause, and it was agreed to. rot-ens was then reported, and leave obtained to sit again on Thursday.

The discussion of the bill was continued in Committee-on Thursday, with some sharpness. Lord MORPETII stated certain amendments of which Mr. Henley had given notice, and which he, on the part of the Govern- ment, was willing to adopt.

Instead of one-fiftieth, he was willing that one-tenth should be the number of inhabitants upon whose application the act should be put in force. Again, when it is proposed to bring soy new district' wider the /et, or when any local act is to be interfered with, the general Board shall frame a provisioned order, which shall have effect when, and not before, a public act of Parliament shall have been pro- vided to meet the case.


On the motion for the third reading of the Aliens Removal Bill, on Thursday, Mr. lifoware moved an amendment, that the bill be read a third time that day six months.

This led to a renewal of the past debates. But the discussion was turned aside by Mr. COBDEN-

Whilst Government were passing Alien Bills, and bills for the better security of the Crown and Government, it was to him a proof that they were taking a direction totally contrary to that which was calculated to satisfy the country and secure our institutions. It seemed to him that Government had not profited by observing the course which things had taken on the Continents where they saw that. repression and coercion had failed of their purpose, and that governments had fallen for want of conciliation. The people of this country were waiting most earnestly, not for coercion, but for the announcement of remedial measures; they were waiting. to hear that Government was prepared to put our representa tive system more in harmony with the spirit of the age; they were not prepared to see their rulers standing still or taking a retrograde course, whilst other states were advancing. They were also looking for retrenchment and economy. If they wished to maintain the Monarchy of this country against Republican institution, they would do more by cutting sway a part of that barbarous splendour which prevailed in other times, and which was a cost to the people of this country, though a gain to the aristocracy—they would do more by removing these mis- chievous and useless appendages, than by passing measures of this kind. Lord JOHN RUSSELL defended the restraining Measures of the session, by their success—

Under the operation of the act to prevent outrage in Ireland, the total number of crimes of violence has diminished from 2,109 in April 1847 to 1,146 in April 1848; the homicides have diminished from 34 to 9; the demand or seizure of arms, from 67 to 12; and other crimes in proportion. The effect of the bill for the better security of the Crown and Government, although passed so recently, is already visible: the loud tone of those who said that " Lord Clarendon must be put down" has entirely changed: it is now most mitigated treason, most milk-and- water sedition; and must be quite fiat to those whose appetites have been stimu- lated by the very high diet furnished previously. The present bill is not aimed against any particular government or country— and Lord John, in passing, paid a high compliment to AL de Lamartine's en- lightened sense of peace: still, looking at what is passing abroad, it is desirable to take precautions, if not against propagandism, at least against schemes of plunder.

As to other measures mentioned by Mr. Cobden, Ministers would express their opinion upon them when they should come before the House. "For my own part, I cannot bring myself to believe that the representation of the people of this country is in such a state as the honourable Member seems to imagine that it is. Without now pausing to discuss whether this House be properly formed or not— whether there ought to be such a number of small boroughs, or whether all enjoy the franchise who ought to enjoy it,—questions which it will be well to consider on a fitting occasion,—I will-say that it is my belief that this House, since it met in November, has pursued a course which commands the sympathy and approval of the country. I believe that the votes of this House and the majorities by which they were carried have not been owing to any peculiar state of parties; nor do I think that they have unfaithfully represented the opinions of the majority of the people. Neither can I think that the reduction of the Royal expenditure, the taking away of what the honourable Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire calls the barbarous pomp of the Crown belonging to past times,' and diminish- ing the appendages of Royalty, are the methods whereby Government or this House could succeed in conciliating the general feeling of the people of this coun- try. I believe myself, that the people of this country are thoroughly and strongly attached to the institutions under which they live. I do not know that there ever was a time when I perceived such strong evidence of devoted attachment to the Crown of this country. I know that the conduct of the illustrious person who now occupies that throne—that the example given by the Sovereign of this country in every relation of domestic life, and in the discharge of every constitutional duty, have met with that reward which they ought to have received in the confidence and affection of her people. (Loud applause.) I do not believe that that which is necessary for the maintenance of the Royal office—that which I admit is not necessary for the comfort or requirements of the Sovereign herself, but which is necessary for the due maintenance and dig- nity of the Royal office—is at all grudged by the people of this country. I believe that we should be acting in a manner contrary to the wishes of the people if we were to embark on a sea of speculation, setting everything afloat, and making it doubtful what the future constitution of England is to be. I believe that the example of peace and order which has been recently afforded has not been lost on the population of this country. Whatever proper retrenchments we can make, let us make them. They are due to the state of our finances; they are due to the state of suffering in which, unhappily, many of our people are placed. (Cheers.) Let every kind of economy that can be safely prac- tised be practised; let every amendment of taxation that can be well carried into effect be carried into effect: but let us not imagine, that by shaking any of the great pillars of the state, or disturbing the basis on which the constitution of this country rests, we shall be doing good to the country. Above all, let us not ambition the immediate and vile purpose of winning a little applause at the ex- pense of our duty." (Cheers.)

Mr. BRIGHT warned Lord John that he was pursuing an infatuated course.

The people of this country did not complain of the Crown, or of any expense

necessary for the due maintenance of the regal dignity: what they did complain of was, that there was a large expenditure which did not add to the honour or dignity of the Crown, but which did aid in a very large degree to hand over She revenues drawn from the taxes to the aristocratic hangers-on of the Court. He would take leave to ask the noble Lord, whether he thought it essential to the honour of the Crown, or to the preservation of the constitution, Or RI the upholding of public order, that there should be in connexion with the Court such an establishment as that of the Buck-hounds, which cost the people of this country a larger sum annually than was paid by the Americans to the President of the United States? Was it essential to the dignity of th Crown that there should be a Grand Falconer, and other hereditary officers ot a mischie- vous and absurd description ? Former Ministers had relied too much on "ma- jorities' within that House—having a miserable minority outside. Mr. Bright would venture to predict, that if the noble Lord did not mind what he was about, his Government would ere long die of majorities. The noble Lord had no vision beyond that which was bounded by the two Lobbies of that House; and, inter- preting everything by majorities, could recognize no representation of public feel- ing except in the persons of Mr. Tufnell and Lord Marcus Hill. (Loud laughter.) The noble Lord had fraternized with his old enemies. He was pursuing a course which. whatever effect it might have on his majorities, would estrange from him the affection and confidence of the people, and end in the downfall the unpitied downfall, of a Government which Mr. Bright had hoped would 1ave lasted for many years. (Cheers.) The third reading of the bill was carried by 146 to 29, and the bill passed.


On Thursday, Mr. GORING moved the issue of a new writ for the bo- rough of Horsham; which occasioned a fresh debate on the corrupt prac- tices in that borough, and the question whether they were sufficient to warrant the further suspension of the writ. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, Sir GEORGE GREY, and other Members on the Ministerial side, contended that the writ should be suspended at least until after the discussion on Sir John Hanmer's Borough Elections Bill, authorizing an ambulatory Commission to inquire into the practices of certain boroughs; as Horsham might be in- cluded in that inquiry. On the opposite side, several Members, including Sir ROBERT PEEL, said that they had consented to postpone the writ at the instance of Lord John Russell, in the expectation that he would pro- pose a special inquiry into the case of Horsham; but that it was a very dif ferent thing to suspend the functions of that borough during the debates, perhaps the protracted debates, on a bill in charge of a private Member. Sir Robert urged Lord John at once to undertake the charge of Sir John Hanmer's bill, instead of suffering his arguments and information to filter through the honourable Member for Flint.

On a division, Mr. Goring's motion was negatived, by 167 to 73.

Subsequently, Sir JOHN HANIKER obtained the discharge of the order for the second reading of his bill, and reintroduced it with amendments. It was read a first time in the new shape; to be read a second time on Thursday next.


On Tuesday, Lord GEORGE BENTINCK questioned Lord John Russell with respect to the Queen's commands to the ladies of England, that in attending Court they should appear attired in dresses exclusively the pro- duct of native industry.

Lord George asked whether the commands lately announced had been given by her Majesty on her learning that foreign silk goods worth 400,0001-, equal to the employment of 31,000 weavers here—lace, worth 20,0001.—needlework, worth 20,0001., or enough to displace the produce of 4,000 home workwomen and semp- stresses-7,000 dozens of boot and shoe fronts, enough to employ 1,200 cord- waiuers here—had been entered at the port of London within the first three months of the present year? He asked whether, with this knowledge, her Ma- jesty, from the prompungs of her own heart, had ordered this important an- nouncement; or whether it had emanated from the noble Lord who originally ad- vised Free-trade measures, but now finds them past endurance and proper to be put aside? He asked whether this announcement might not be taken as not only indicative, as they were all sure it was, of her Majesty's will, who now stood forward as the first Protectionist in this country—(Cheers and laughter)—but as also indicative of a change of opinion on the part of her Majesty's Ministry ? and whether it was not an intimation that they were now going to retrace that course which had gone so far to bring the country into its present state of distress?

Lord JOHN RUSSELL admitted that the announcement was authoritative: but it was no novelty—similar announcements had often been issued before.

It had proceeded from her Majesty's kindness, and from her wish to be of ser- vice to her subjects engaged in a depressed branch of trade. As to whether it indicated a change of policy on the subject of protection:Lord John would only say that it issued from the Chamberlain's office, and that he had not advised the Crown in the matter. With regard to the measures which had been criticized, and the facts that had been cited, Lord John remarked that the quantities of silks now entered in the port of London were nominally in- creased by the regular entry of a vast bulk which under the old highly exclu- sive system were introduced irregularly by the smuggler. But if more goods are now entered, and thereby a particular class do suffer inconvenience or distress, yet those entries must stimulate the production and exportation of the classes of goods for which the imports are exchanged. Lastly, these imported goods im- prove our own manufactures in point of design, colour, and taste, and in that way raise their character and profit. Considering, therefore, these three cir- cumstances' in connexion with the change of duties made of late years, Lord John thought he should be the last person to advise her Majesty to make an alteration of the policy pursued; and he very much doubted whether any such advice would be so acceptable to her Majesty as Lord George seemed to intimate. • Mr. JOHN BRIGHT doubted whether the Queen's name should have been introduced in the way it had; for the Lord Chamberlain was a po- litical officer, and his acts were done under the responsibility of the Minis- terial advisers.

It especially behoved Government, and all persons in authority, to guard cau- tiously against seeming to favour the error that the interests of the working classes would be promoted by hostility to foreigners. Nothing could be less cal- culated to benefit the French workmen than the late expulsion of English work- men from France—not to mention the ill-feelings generated. There was no dif- ference between driving out workmen and keeping out their work: though no order had been issued to exclude foreign work, yet the effect of the order really given is, that French silks which would have been consumed will not be nsM, and English taken instead. It should be known, that from the late convulsions, the consequent depression of trade, and the low price of French silks in France, very large quantities of them have been purchased and brought to this country.. The announcement in question might therefore entail great loss on large capi- talists, and ruin on many of smaller means. The kindness to the Spitalfields weavers would then be done only at a cost of loss and injury to other classes. Mr. Bright had no objection to a number of noble and titled but not very wise women asso- ciating among themselves against French silks; but he protested against the Government's creating between this and other nations, and fostering im- pressions among the working classes which must end in disappointment.

Colonel THOMPSON considered that there were other parties interested in this matter besides those who had been referred to.

His constituents at Bradford were great makers of waistcoat and pantaloon pieces for foreign consumption; and they said, and seriously believed, that those waistcoats and pantaloons were virtually trucked against the ladies' petticoats from France. (Laughter.) if that were the case, he would ask whether there was any charity, any humanity, any justice, any policy, any common sense, in representing hostility to one portion of the manufacturing classes of the country to come from a quarter of which he was sure no one in that House wished to speak otherwise than with feelings of the utmost affection and reverence. Surely this mast have been the doing of some Court Polonins; some man of the black rod, or of the white stick, of rare ingenuity. Lord Joux RUSSELL explained— It appeared to him more like a case where a lady in the country, who usually bad her dresses made in London or Paris, found that the milliners or tradesmen in a neighbouring village were distressed, and directed them to furnish the goods; not with any view of injuring either Paris or London, but as an act of kindness to the persons in the immediate neighbourhood of her residence. Sir WILLIAM MOLES WORTH considered, that in spite of this explanation it was a silly aud foolish order; and he was informed, on the best authority, that there was not the slightest chance of its being obeyed.

Many other speakers took a part in the discussion; which here dropped. At its beginning Sir Da LACY Eveses took the opportunity to refer to petition lately presented by him from 102 engineer's men, who had been driven from France and despoiled of their furniture and wages. Lord PA', XERSTON observed, that the case had been brought under the attention of the Provisional Government of France; and nothing could be more fair handsome, and liberal, than the manner in which they had received the al,: plication. The matter would not go out of sight.


On Tuesday, Mr. M‘Gasoois moved for a Select Committee to in- quire into the management of the Naval Docks.

There had been a great want of economy in the management of the dockyard, of the country; though he admitted that Improvements had been made in some of them, especially Woolwich, Portsmouth, and Sheerness. The system was atilt such as if practised in any private establishment would soon bring the owner, to rain. The sums spent on the late Surveyor'sships amounted, or would amount, to 1,500,0001. On the Union, 98 guns, 45,0001. for alterations and repaint had been laid out. Ships like the Sidon had turned out failures; and even the Queen', yacht, which should have been as perfect as art could make it, was one of the most unmanageable of steamers. Messrs. Cunard's boats did not turn out thas, or require repairs of such great cost- If a Committee were granted to inquire saa the whole expenditure of the dockyards from 1832 to the present time, it might be shown that one third of the money spent could have been saved.

Mr. WARD, in opposing the motion, said that he had never heard a weaker ease.

On the general question of wasteful expenditure, and the suggestion that a diminution might be possible —" Why, it was not only possible, but pre. mised; promised in the Estimates of next year, and to the extent of fun 600,0001. As fast as the Admiralty could see the way clear, it was their anxious desire to extend still further those reductions, which he himself cud not wish made with any detriment to the service." Mr. Ward disposed of Br, M'Gregor's statements with brief and effectual details. Mr. Hums assured Mr. M'Gregor that all the facts he had stated were known to many Members of the Select Committee on the Estimates, who would narrowly examine those points before closing their labours. He dissuaded Mr. M`Gregor from a division, lest it might be made to appear that Government were unwilling to carry out their reforms.

Lord INGESTRE thought nothing would go well with the Admiralty till they established a Board of Science to consider designs. Admiral Durum supported Mr. Ward. Captain HARRIS thought the motion quite uncalled for. Captain PECHELL expressed his confidence in the sincere reforming tendencies of the Board of Admiralty.

Mr. M'Gszoos withdrew his motion.

THE JOINT STOCK COMPANIES Bum was considered by the Home of Com- mons, in Committee, on Wednesday. Mr. JOHN STUART suggested the introduc- tion of a clause giving the Lord Chancellor a discretionary power to appoint cases f.c• be heard by local tribunals, instead of the tribunals in London only. After discussion, the suggestion was acceded to by the ATTORNEY-GENERAL.

LUNATIC ASYLUMS IN SCOTLAND. On Thursday, Mr. Iturassteuao the Lord Advocate, moved the second reading of his Lunatic Asylum (Sootland; Bill. In twenty-four of the Scotch counties, including some of the most important, there are absolutely no asylums for pauper lunatics. In fifteen counties there are eight public and twenty-five private asylums; in those receptacles there are 2,417 patients, of which number 1,619 are pauper patients. There are in Scotland 3,410 lunatic paupers, supported, wholly or in part, by parish relief; whereof 1,160 are in asylums, the others in charge of friends. The yearly maintenance of a pauper lunatic ranges, in public asylums, from 141. 14s. to 261. 13s.; in pri- vate asylums, from 171. 2s. 6d. to 241.; in charge of friends, from 148. 3d. to 91. lls. The paupers in individual charge are kept in the most deplorable man- ner—in dungeons, chained to beds of straw, andsfed on little better than garbage. Dr. Browne, of the Dumfries Asylum, states that recovery is impossible under such treatment. Mr. Rutherfurd explained that his bill would authorize an as- sessment on the various counties; charitable funds to be credited in the amount of the assessment. Persons not paupers would be admissible to the new asylums on payment of fair remuneration. All asylums would be placed under the dinec! tion of a Board similar to that of England, only on a more economical scale. After the second reading, the bill would be referred to a Committee up stairs, in order to a careful settlement of the details. After a few desultory remarks from sere ral Members connected with Scotland, mostly in approbation, the bill was read a second time.

STATE OF THE FiNANCES. On Thursday, replying to Colonel SIBTMOR ,P who vainly inquired when a further financial statement would be made, Sir CHARLES WOOD said that the finances are improving: for the first time this year, the receipts of the week exceed those of the corresponding week last year.

THE COUNT-OUT ON TUESDAY. The House of Commons adjourned at half

past seven on Tuesday evening. Shortly after Mr. URQUHART had risen to de- velop his reasons for an address to the Queen against British intervention in Portugal, notice was taken that forty Members were not present, and the Hoes was counted out HuosoN made himself somewhat conspicuous on Thursday night, in speaking with great vehemence. In the discussion on the Health Bill, he attacked Sir ROBERT Nous; who retorted rather sharply,--saying that he always res pected the aristocracy of birth, talent, or worth, but not of Money; and Mr. Hudson was mistaken if he thought he was the person to teach when Members ought to speak or ought to be silent. Mr. HUDSON was again loudly heard on the subject of Horsham: on which Mr. Bnormurrox complained of obstruction to business, and advised Mr. Hudson to join a Temperance Society. Mr. HITDSON said it was most gratuitous to make such imputations. "I repel that levelled at me with all the scorn which one individual can fliog upon another. ("04,011!' and" Order, order!") I am ready to meet the imputation at any moment. (" Order, order!") What does the honourable gentleman mean ? .Are such imputations usual? I appeal to the Speaker. (" Order!') I could blacken any man's character in a moment, but the honourable gentleman is as careless of cha- racter as he is of principle. (" Order, order!") I might charge him with being a perfect drunkard, if I chose. (" Order, order!") I say, what does he menu r— The scene was closed by a Member who caused the HOULSe to be "counted out.'