lat. GERMAN RAILWAY ELL.
THE Prussian Chamber of Deputies has read the Railway Bill a third time, and it is generally expected that the mea- sure will also pass the Upper House. The Times, a fortnight ago, fell into the strange mistake that, in that event, the legislative labour would be ended, and that there would remain for Prince Bismarck only to carry into execution the Act of the Prussian Legislature. The fact, however, is not so. In this matter, Prussia is only one of two contracting parties, and the permis- sion of the Legislature of the Kingdom must be completed by that of the Parliament of the Empire. It is, perhaps, not probable that the Reichstag will refuse its consent, although even there a strong opposition will be made. The real diffi- culty will be to overcome the repugnance of the Federal Coun- cil. The minor Governments have hitherto successfully ob- structed the Railway policy of the Empire, as Prince Bismarck is never tired of telling the German public, and in the Federal Council the minor Governments have a tolerably heavy vote. It seems unlikely, indeed, that a coalition of the minor States, even for so important a purpose as the preservation of their Railway rights and property, will be able perman- ently to withstand the influence of the Empire and of Prussia. But it may be able to inflict a temporary check, or to impose such conditions as would be rejected by Prussia. In any ease, so far from being settled by the decision of the Prussian Parliament, the real difficulties of the task Prince Bismarck has taken in hand will only begin when the consultations in the Federal Council are opened. Prince Bis- marck, however, has given public notice to all whom it may concern that he will not accept a defeat, that it may cause him. to modify or alter his plans, but that the object in view he will pursue to the end, and an announcement such as that will have its weight. Few people care to engage in a desperate struggle with the dreaded Chancellor, and the minor Princes will think twice before they obstinately resolve upon baulking a purpose he has thus proclaimed immovable.
At first sight, the provisions of the Bill are not calculated to excite the commotion they have undoubtedly provoked in Germany. They simply empower the Prussian Government to offer for sale to the Empire itsown Railways, and its rights of every kind, whether derived from prerogative or statute over the private Railways of the kingdom. The Bill, there- fore, concludes nothing. It merely authorises the opening of negotiations. Furthermore, the King of Prussia is German,Em- peror, the Prussian Premier is sole Minister of the Empire, and the Members of the Prussian Parliament constitute a majority of the Reichstag. The proposed transfer is, therefore, in great measure only titular. Lastly, even the acquisition of Railways by the Em- pire is not a novelty. The Empire already owns the Railways of Alsace-Lorraine. But to confine our attention to this aspect of the question would be to take a very superficial and short-sighted view. The Bill has agitated Germany because it is universally recognised as the first step towards the acquisition of all the Railways by the Empire. It must be remembered, further, that the Empire owns the Railways of Alsace-Lorraine only because the Imperial Government is also the provincial Government of
the territory ceded by France, just as until a couple jears ago the Government of the United States was the local Govern- ment of the District of Columbia. In reality, therefore, the proposal to take over from Prussia its State Railways is a novel and even revolutionary proceeding. But what has chiefly excited opposition is that the measure is avowedly a preparation for the purchase by the Empire of the whole of the German Railways. It has, therefore, the same centralising object in view as had the Acts for abolishing the separate coinages of the particular States, and for instituting a uniform banking system. The Constitution gives to the Empire in case of war the right to take exclusive possession of the whole of the Railways, whether belonging to States or private Companies. It is not, therefore, military necessities which dictate the measure, although, doubtless, the military authorities would like to have a decisive voice in the laying-out of lines and in arranging their inter-working, and consequently are my favourable to the Bill. But it is political and commercial considerations chiefly which inspire the promoters of the measure. The Constitution also gives to the Empire the right of supervision over the lines of Germany, the Confederated Governments undertake to work their lines as parts of one system, and the duty of seeing that this is done is imposed upon the Imperial authorities. The better to discharge the duty, an Imperial Railway Office was subsequently created. Bat as Prince Bismarck complained in his speech on the first reading of the Bill, the Railway Office has proved to be a mere requesting department, which has written a great deal and given much sound advice, but which is powerless against "territorial influence." The Imperial Government next endeavoured to obtain greater powers for the Railway Office, but failed, and then, with his usual daring, Prince Bismarck conceived the idea of buying up the whole of the lines. At one of his parliamentary receptions before Christmas he talked openly of the plan, which instantly became the subject of warm controversy all over Germany. However, on further con- sideration, he decided to limit his proposal to the purchase of the rights, preprietary, prerogative, and statutory, of the Prussian Government over its own Railways. The motives which dictated this modification are transparent. The Imperial Government is substantially identical with the Prussian. What aggrandises the Empire, therefore, aggrandises Prussia. Furthermore, the Prussian State Railways are far less valu- able than the private. The system of railway construction which obtained with ourselves was at first tried in Prussia, and the consequence is that the greater and more valuable lines are built by private Companies. The sacrifice demanded, therefore, of the Prussian Treasury is not heavy. But if Prussia sets the example of sacrificing provincial to imperial interests, she can with the more appearance of unselfishness put pressure on her Confederates to do likewise ; and moreover, the Imperial Government, in possession of the Prussian State lines, and armed with larger and indefinite rights of control and supervision over the Prussian private lines, will be in a position to wage a most disastrous Railway war against recal- citrant minor States.
The motives which actuate the minor States in their oppo- sition are not less manifest. They are political, financial, and commercial. The political hardly need to be stated. If the Empire owned the Railways of Bavaria and Saxony, it would be the greatest employer of labour in those kingdoms, and would dispose of highly valuable patronage. Moreover, it would be able so to run its trains, to divert its lines, and manipulate its tariffs, as not only to make or mar the fortunes of tradespeople, but to affect the prosperity of large towns and important districts. It would, therefore, be able to use undue influence in cases of even local elections. Moreover, there would be constant danger of conflicts between the railway people and the local authorities in regard to taxation, to the jurisdiction of the local tribunals, and a hundred other matters. The financial considerations are not leas real. Unlike Prussia, the minor States own the greater part of their Railways, Baden and Wiirtemberg practically own the whole of theirs, and in Saxony also the State lines greatly preponderate, as they do also in Bavaria, though not to the same extent. And from these lines the Governments draw large and increasing in- comes. It is most natural that they should object to part with improving properties of which they have borne the risks, and accept instead the promises to pay of an Empire which is not yet six years old, and which may be unmade by one war, as it was made by another. Lastly, in regard to com- mercial interests, the Governments of the minor States can hardly be expected to admit that they are lees competelat plea a question which concerns the whole Empire, and there- pictures so picked out would be, or would even include, the fore that the matter ought to have been originated in the best in the Exhibition. The most popular work of the year Federal Council. In the second place, it is asserted that is hardly ever the best work. The capacity of giving pleasure Prussia, not having adopted the system of State Railways to beholders is so important an element in a good picture, until the main lines were constructed, is now putting off her bad that the popular taste ought not to be lost sight of by the bargains on the Empire ; and furthermore, that the resources experts who decide upon the fate of the works sent in ; and the of the Empire will be unfairly employed in developing Prussian Royal Academy is too sensitive to public opinion to do injus-
communication. tice, for any length of time, to a popular favourite. But it The supporters of the measure pass lightly over its political does a popular favourite no harm to feel that he has to satisfy consequences. Indeed, Prince Bismarck asked the House to a jury of experts, and that if they can find any good occasion put away political considerations, and give attention only to for reading him a lesson in humility, they are not likely to the commercial interests at stake. Accordingly, he dwelt on let it go unimproved. The best way, therefore, to secure the suicidal competition that goes on, the wars of tariff waged good Exhibitions is to secure a good Academy. In so by States and Companies, the disregard of the public welfare, far as the body that decides which pictures shall be and obstructions thrown in the way of trade. "We are, in accepted and which rejected is composed of the best artists of regard to Railway traffic," said the Prince, "in the same posi- the time, it will be likely to bring to the work of selection the tion as was Germany in the middle-ages. We have in Germany most knowledge, the best taste, and the least professional sixty-three different—Railway provinces would be too little to jealousy. The direction in which a change in the constitution say, for they are independent—Railway territories, I will call of the Academy seems to be most needed is in the number of them, of which forty are in Prussia, and each of these tern- the Associates. At present there are forty-two Academicians tonal domains harasses trade with rights of the middle-ages." and twenty-six Associates, and though the Academy proposes He then went on to complain that the Imperial Government to make a further increase in the latter class within two was persistently refused the means of performing the duty im- years, the number of Associates will not even then be more posed upon it by the Constitution, although no one was so then thirty. There may be reasons for abolishing the hardy as to deny the need of supervision and control. Under Associateship altogether, but there can be none for retaining these circumstances, he had no option as Chancellor of the it on its present limited scale. The theory of the Royal Empire but to take over the rights lodged in him as Prime Academy is that forty-two artists are sufficiently eminent Minister of Prussia. This would enable him to administer the to stand in the first rank of their profession, and that Prussian State Railways in the interest, not of a particular a certain number of younger artists, though not eminent State and its power, but of the whole Empire. It would enough to deserve the highest honour, have still suffi- place him in a position to compel the Directors of the Prussian cient merit to form a second rank, out of which they may private lines to co-operate with him in that policy, and it would in time rise to the first. It is plain, therefore, that if give him power also to coerce the other States to discharge forty-two men are qualified to ,be Academicians, there must their duty in this respect towards their Confederates. be a considerably larger number qualified to be Associates.
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