NEWS OF THE WEEK.
IN Parliament (as in every society out of Parliament) the Catholic question takes the place of all other subjects of public interest. The actual business performed in relation to it has been—the ma- turing of the bill, in the House of Commons, by which the Ca- tholic Association is to be suppressed; and the presenting of numerous petitions, on both sides of the question, but our Diary will show that those on the part of the opposers of concession bear a mighty preponderance.
The " Bill for Suppressing Dangerous Associations in Ireland" is of no great length, but of comprehensive, searching, and se- verely penal powers. In the first place, the Catholic Association is by name declared to be " utterly suppressed and prohibited ;" and any of its members who shall meet after the passing of the act will be guilty of a misdemeanour. The Lord Lieutenant is in- vested with power to suppress this or any other Association whose meetings he may deem dangerous to the public peace, or inimical to the due administration of the laws. Any two Magistrates to whom he may issue his command may order such assembly to dis- solve itself ; but in case any of the persons so assembled..-aould not depart within fifteen minutes after balg so ordered, then they may be apprehended, summarily convicted before two Magistrates, . and impnsonedethree months for the first offence, and one year for any subsequent offence. Any Magistrate to whom the Lord Lieutenant gives his orders is invested with power to act in any part of -Ireland. Moreover, any individual, in whose house any prohibited body shall, knowingly on his part, meet, is made liable to a fine of 100/. The collection of "rent "is guarded against with peculiar strictness. Those who contribute to any illegal So- ciety are to forfeit treble the amount contributed, or 10/. at the discretion of the Attorney-General, to be recovered also by sum- mary process before two Justices ; and every person who shall re- ceive any such contribution is to be held debtor to the King to the amount of the sum so received, and be besides liable to a penalty of 500/. In order that this clause may not by possibility be evaded, every person suspected of receiving such money, is to be compelled by his own oath to convict himself, on an information filed by the Attorney-General; and there is no appeal from any conviction ob- tained under this act. So far as regards the present Catholic As- sociation, the act is perpetual ; but as regards any other Society whom it may affect, it is only to be in force for one year, and until the end of the next session of Parliament.
Such are the heavy enactments of the bill which Mr. PEEL has already carried through a Committee. His reasons were stated at great length. The licentiousness of the Association had rendered its existence incompatible. either with the existence of government or the administration of law ; and, in short, its destruction would be found, by those most opposed to penal enactments, to be neces- sary to the successful issue of the discussions of the Catholic disa- bilities that were about to take place. The severity—nay, the unconstitutional character of the measure —was universally admitted. Yet none opposed it. By some, it seemed to be in the regular order of nature that an illegal asso- ciation should be put down by an unconstitutional law. The Whigs generally supported it as the indispensable condition of their chief good, the repeal of the disabilities. Mr. SPRING RICE ventured to praise the Association for its virtues ; and Mr. HUME more boldly espoused the defence of popular associations in general, as the only means of procuring redress of grievances and reforms in government. The strongest objections to the bill, and reasons for passing it, were stated by Mr. BROUGHAM.
He would at once declare, that unless the present bill had been intro- duced as but the forerunner of another measure, greater and still more important, he never would have consented to let it pass without his strenuous opposition. He objected to the bill, because it put down the
Catholic Association; he objected to it because that suppression was to be perpetual ; he objected to it, because it went to arm with increased power the Lord-lieutenant of Ireland ; but he objected to it still more because it armed, with the most extensive power, the inferior Magistracy of that country,—powers which, if granted at all, he should a great deal more readily grant, when they were confined to so high and responsible a servant of the crown as the Lord-lieutenant of Ireland. He looked forward with the utmost confidence to the healing operation that the great measure, of which he considered this to be the price, and the costly price, would effect. But though such would ultimately be the operation of this measure, for a time—for at least a year, or a year and a half—they must expect the consequences of the past misgovernment of Ireland would continue, and that these would be seen in the factious division of the people and the magistracy. * # * The Lord-lieutenant might issue his proclamation or warrant to two justices, authorising them to suppress any one assembly or meeting ; and so far the bill was placed, for the pur- poses of its administration, in the best hands ; but, unfortunately (and he threwthis out not in a mere spirit of opposition, but because he con- ceived it to be a departure from the principle of the bill itself), the two Magistrates thus intrusted by the Lord-lieutenant with his warrant were not the only persons who would really have the power to put that war- rant into execution. * * * The Catholic Association was dissolved, and it was not against that body that this measure could now really he di- rected, for the measure that was to follow it had prevented almost the possibility of such an event. But there might be other Associations, and he was bound to see that the Constitution was not violated with re- spect to other persons, as well as with regard to the Catholics. * 4' He lamented the occasion, he deplored the necessity for the bill ; and he thought the right course would have been to have passed the other bill first, by which the necessity for this would have been prevented. But in political matters men were sometimes obliged to bend to.necessity : as he could not have all in his own way, or accordiog to his own views, he
must consent to receive this bill as the price of other. Assuming that there was a necessity for it, he would entreat the House to let it pass in such a manner as to raise the fewest difficulties or dangers in the exe- cution. He in no manner doubted, not only that the Catholic Associa- tion was at the moment he was addressing them dissolved—not only that that Association would never be revived—not only that they were, in fact, only legislating against a name—but that the other great measure which was to follow this, and follow it, as he hoped and trusted and be- lieved, most speedily, and be carried as unanimously and with as much sincerity as the present—would prevent even the desire on the part of the Catholic body to renew those proceedings against which Parliament was now legislating.
The presentation of pet in I. -Rouses was accompanied by •occasional expressions Of opinion. on tl.e general question, and by a good deal of personal skirmishing. - • The Earl of WINCHILSEA led the 'van this week. He wisiied to know when the Duke of Wellington meant to present a petition against his own measure signed by ten thousand men of Boston ? The Duke, with military alacrity, 'said, " I will present it now ;" and the bulky parchment was produced forthwith. Lord FALMOUTH had a desire to be informed whether the phrase " settling the question" meant " Catholic emancipation ;" and if so, whether the Duke meant to say that the majority of the people of England were agreed with • him ? The Duke of WELLINGTON answered, that a great portion of the people were agreed with him ; and Lord HOLLAND sarcas- tically directed the noble querist to apply to the House of Commons for an answer to his question. Lord FALMOUTH spoke about a dissolution of Parliament as the means by which the sense of the nation was to be obtained; and appealed to the unanimity of the men of Devonshire and those of Cornwall as specimens of " the people " from whom the Premier was to glean instruction—people who, the Earl of CAERNARVON declared, were utterly ignorant of the petition for which they held up. their hands. The last-named Peer noticed a manifesto published in some of the papers, under the sig- nature of " Winchilsea and Nottingham," in which Catholic con- cession was denounced as a design to destroy the constitution and dethrone the King ; but he charitably expressed his belief that it could not be the Earl of Winchilsea who spoke of the House of Peers as " degenerate senators" ready to sacrifice the constitution at the " shrine of treason and rebellion." Time was when the au- thor of such language would have been sent to the Tower; but the House did well to look upon the letter as the " production of a dis- tempered fancy." Lord WINCHILSEA insisted that the manifesto spoke the sentiments of a great body of the people of England. The two leading Ministers suffered many taunts about " Menu- sistency," and " miraculous conversions.' To some of these Mr. PEEL proudly replied ; but in general they were answered by his former opponents. In one instance the Duke of WELLINGTON explained to a questioner, that when he wrote his famous letter to Dr. Curtis, he had not obtained the Royal permission to take the settlement of the Catholic question under the protection of the Cabinet.
The principal oratory of the week was on Friday in the House of Lords, when the Earl of Winchilsea presented the Penenden Heath petition, and Earl Grey spoke. The Earl of WINCHILSEA. had said- " Many of themembers now in the other House were returned to re- present places on the ground of their attachment to those principles of the Constitution which all parties up to a certain period agreed in up- holding. These members, by abandoning the principles which they pre- tend still to maintain, have in fact smut to 12e• the repreaentativcs their constituents ; and the franchise should be given back to the peo- ple, in order that they may decide this question ; for I boldly state, that the voice of the people is against it ; and though am a staunch friend to all parts of the Constitution, and especially to the Crown and this noble House, I never will suffer the rights of the people to be despised er trampled upon. I will further . say, that if the hill pass through both Houses, and an appeal be not made to the country by a dissolution of Parliament before the Royal Assent be given to it, it will be clear that its friends know the voice of the people is against it. I will also expli- citly declare, that if the people of Great Britain, by their representatives, returned after a general election, should agree to this change taking place in the.Constitution, however strong my feelings against it, and however I may still retain my opinion—that fatal consequences must en- sue from it, I shall submit ; for never will I belong to any frivolous or factious Opposition."
Earl GREY took the occasion of a reply to this, to state his opi- nion on the whole case, in a long speech, which was loudly cheered. "Is it decent in debate—is it constitutional—is it consistent with the rights and privileges of the other House of Parliament, for Peers to rise in their
places and arraign the House of Commons as base and degenerate, as not representing the people, and as ready to sacrifice that Constitution it is bound to defend ? (Mach cheering.) Is it decent—is it constitutional, in any noble lord to hold such language regarding the other branch of the Legislature, and still more to call upon the King to return the House of Commons to the people with strong marks of the Royal displeasure ? Appeal to the people! Why, have there not been many appeals, and does the noble earl forget all that has passed upon this subject for the last five and twenty years ? [Earl Grey here reviewed the whole progress of the
Question in Parliament.] As far as the sense of the people could be as- certained by the sentiments of their members, it is clear that the majority was decidedly in favour of an act of justice to their Roman Catholic brethren. I know not what the noble earl may think of the question of Parliamentary Reform; for aught I know, he may go the Radical length of denying that the 'louse of Commons, as at present constituted, does fitly represent the people of this country. As he is so ready with his advice for dissolution, he may be equally prepared to recommend Reform I have been all my life an advocate for Parliamentary Reform, by apply- ing it remedies to obvious, notorious, and admitted defects ; not aiming at theoretical perfection, but at practical improvement; and I therefore am of opinion, that, to a certain degree, the state of the representation is capable of amendment. But although 1 would make some useful changes, I still think that the influence of public opinion upon the House is so strong as in many instances to satisfy the cravings of the most visionary reformer. Seeing, then, that on all those occasions when the subject of the Catholic claims has been agitated, the House of Commons has voted in their favour, in my mind it establishes a conviction that the majority of the people is decidedly friendly to this great measure of national justice and general conciliation. " The nohle earl has again to-night made a violent attack on the con- sistency of his Majesty's Ministers. It is quite enough for me to defend my own consistency, and I have no business to take charge of that of others—least of all, of that of the present servants of the Crown. They are themselves fully competent to the task ; and to say the truth, it will be no very difficult undertaking, whether I consider the nature of their cause or the abilities of their antagonists. Their change of conduct arises from a change of opinion, and that change is a proof not only of their wisdom and honesty, but of the strength and soundness of their attach- ment to the Constitution. The noble earl asks what new circumstances have produced it ? What circumstances? My answer is, on what side do not circumstances present themselves warranting such a change in any minds not closed against the evidence of facts, and the lessons of experi- ence? That things cannot remain as they are, is now evident to the most superficial observer ; another course must be taken to steer the vessel of the state safely among the perilous rocks and shoals by which she is sur- rounded. Among the other circumstances which may have influenced them to this decision, I ask whether there is not that threatening aspect of affairs abroad which forbids any man to say how long the peace at pre- sent existing in Europe may continue ; and in that state of anxiety with regard to our foreign relations, what is the state of Ireland, and what are the feelings we must entertain on account of it ? Was there no reason, when all other remedies had failed, that those Ministers who had hitherto tried every means to uphold the present legal establishment, should look round to see if they were not actually compelled to change their course of conduct ? Were not the aggravation—the constantly increasing aggrava- tion of the public feeling there, and the state of the country at large, in her other relations—were not these sufficient to justify any statesmen to alter their former course; sufficient to justify any statesmen, I say—for statesmen arc not to he bound and fixed to any theory or opinion, but must look to things as they are when about to form their line of conduct on any great national question. An individual may stand on a high point of honour and consistency—he may reject any course which, though ne- cessary in many respects, would, it adopted, strike down a favourite prin- ciple—he may justify himself in so doing ; but a statesman must act on no such narrow rules—it is not for him to make public expediency submit to the preservation of his consistency in following an opinion he may have formerly held—he must submit to the necessities of the times, and act with a view only to the public advantage. (Cheers.) I say then, that here was justification enough for his Majesty's Ministers to change their opinions, and to adopt a new line of conduct. It is due to them from me to state, that what they now propose to do is, I believe, the result of their sincere conviction, arising from what I think an enlightened and sound view of the qUestion now under consideration. This conviction has im- posed on them the duty and necessity of proposing the measure which is shortly to be submitted to Parliament ; and that duty has been fulfilled by all, but especially by one member of the Cabinet, on whom much obloquy has been unjustly thrown, in a very proper and manly manner. lie has performed it, although in doing so he has made a sacrifice greater than almost any one man ever made before ; for he had no interest one way balancing interest the other, and yet these interests has he sacrificed under the strong feeling of his public duty.
" I am persuaded, from the manner in which this question has been announced, and from the confidence I have in the noble duke himself, that when he determined to take this course, and to propose this mea- sure, he considered well how he should best carry it into effect. I do not believe the noble duke to be a man of half measures. I am persuaded, that seeing the necessity of settling this question, he will make that set- tlement complete. He will not destroy the evil by half only—he will not grant concession in a grudging manner, so as to keep up the galling feel- ings of irritation which have so long existed. He will effect a cure of the evil. He will give lasting peace and happiness to the country by its re- moval, and religious animosity will be destroyed in the happy consum- paation of a religous peace. When i say thls4 clo not let it be ttionlit that I object to securities. Securities will be proper enough. They are required, not so much to add to our real safety, as to tranquillize the ap. prehensions of the people here ; and to securities for such a purpose, I have no objection. To securities, however, I myself attach but little or no importance: the great security is ir, the measure itself. Grant that, and I am persuaded that all other securities will he perfectly unnecessary." "I should like to ask the noble earl, what he proposes by his oppo. sition? He has made an appeal to the noble duke, and has desired to know whether the noble duke thinks he can retain his situation after this measure shall have passed. I should like to know whether the noble earl thinks it possible, if the present Administration should be dissolved upon this measure, that another could be found to go on with the Govern. ment while things remain in their present state ? I do hope that this measure will experience no delay further than what is absolutely neces- sary and unavoidable. Come as quickly as it may, nobody can say that this House or the people have been taken by surprise on this subject, which has indeed been cedes repetita. It has been discussed and re-discussed, until men's minds have been most fully enlightened and informed upon it; and I must therefore say, that I do hope that on no pretence of taking the sense of the country upon it may the measure be again postponed. The noble earl declared to-night—and .1 own the declaration surprised me—that he would be the last man to endeavour to agitate the public mind. Is that so ? Have I been under a mistake? Is that letter signed Winchilsea and Northampton,' published in all the newspapers, the production of the noble earl ; and if it be, can he assert that he does not wish to agitate or excite the people against the members of the King's Government.' It bears indeed a very different character to the speech of the noble lord ; but I trust and believe, that his invitation will not be fol- lowed by the answer he anticipates. Excepting the clamours of the noble earl, I perceive nothing but silence : silence, they say, gives consent, and we may interpret that silence into an approbation of the just and benefi- cent measure to be brought in and supported by Ministers. Agitation.is a word that cannot be too strongly deprecated in and out of the House ; and I trust that no agitator, whether Brunswick or Catholic, will he able to excite the people of England, and induce them to reject the control of that good sense for which they have so long been remarkable. If the bill be carried, the noble earl himself tells us that he will acquiesce in it, and six months after it has been passed, I am persuaded that men will holdup their hands in wonder at their own foolish and formidable anticipations. Let the people be left to the exercise of their own judgment and discretion, and they will show no violence either in favour or against this measure. It comes, as I always thought it ought to come, and as 1 believe it only can come with real advantage and success—recommended in the gracious speech of his Majesty, who, in the beneficence of his heart, has directed our attention to a measure that will alone be capable of satisfying the wishes of the na- tion. Let us, my Lords, do our utmost to second him in this excellent endeavour, and the greatest advantages must follow. From the moment in which he assumed the reins of Government, success has attended his councils. After all the storms with which Europe had been convulsed, his exertions enabled him to give peace to Europe—a peace most honour- able to the glory of our arms ; and now, after the storms of religious dif- ference have agitated this empire, be is about to gain still higher honour, by giving peace and prosperity to this country, by a measure that will unite in holy charity and brotherly love all classes of his subjects." (Cheers.) Among the adhesions to the new Ministerial policy, we may notice Mr. Go rit..no 1IN and Mr. S ITG n ; among the dissentients, the Archbishop of CANTERBURY and the Bishop of LONDON.
Several changes in the minor departments of the Government were mentioned in the beginning of the week, as likely to take place ; but they have not been contemed.
The Catholic Association was on Thursday to dissolve itself The measure was pressed by the leading friends of the Catholics in Parliament, moved and enforced by Mr. Shell, and backed by the united voice of the whole Catholic Hierarchy. These Prelates have come forward in a body to express their gratitude to the King for recommending the revisal of the disabilities under which their flocks labour, and their confidence in the Ministry. Mr. O'Connell has wisely determined not to attempt to take his seat for Clare, pending the measures which Government has announced.
The projects of Ministers have excited much alarm among the Orange party ; and strenuous exertions are made to keep alive the spirit of party on pretence of petitioning Parliament. Hosts of Anti-Catholic meetings are threatened.- In London, the Earl of Winchilsea has become the "great agitator." He has published a manifesto to the Protestants, and we believe "to the hills and the yallies" of the nation, to rally around that constitution which the " great body of degenerate senators are prepared to sacrifice at the shrine of treason and re- bellion."
