THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT [To the Editor of the
SPECTATOR.]
Sia,—It may interest some of the readers of the Spectator to hear sonic impressions on the spot of the latest country to adopt a modern democratic form of Government. When Egypt was declared to be independent in February, 1922, a form of constitution on the most approved lines was pre- pared and promulgated, the Council of Ministers being responsible to the Senate and House of Deputies, and the King acting on the advice of his Ministers. The form of election, owing to the mass of the people being illiterate, was the indirect:method, by which groups of thirty voters elected one of their number as an elector-delegate, who in his turn actually did the voting for the Deputy. These elector-dele- gaters were elected for five years. How it worked in the first election is best illustrated by the experience of an Egyptian friend of mine, who is a railway official. On the day of the election he went, more for amusement than anything else, to see on which list of thirty his name appeared. He examined the list prepared by the Provincial Governor and found that the only name he knew was that or a coolie working at the railway station. This man he brought to the polling station, and told him to vote for him, and voted for himself as well. What was his surprise on the following evening to be congratulated on being told that he had been elected "Elector-delegate." Apparently everyone else of that thirty that had voted had voted for himself. Thus most of the elector-delegates returned were small Govern- ment officials and clerks, and the Saad-Zaghlul Parliament was returned by a great majority. When the members of the Opposition saw that Saad Pasha was in power, although they had stood for the Opposition party, they mostly repented of their sins and went over to the victorious party, and only about a dozen stalwarts remained.
The parliament was opened and the first session was occupied in interminable discussions of the Constitution and laws already in force, and in the meantime the Ministry proceeded to eject from their posts all Government officials such as Governors of provinces, or sub-Governors, who had not shown themselves keen supporters of the party in power, or were known to favour the Opposition. For instance, one senior Governor, who, acting on the instructions of the Sarwat Ministry, had resisted Saad Pasha's royal progress of the province, and had been promoted in consequence, was immediately put on pension. And an assistant Command- ant of Police, who had been sent to a distant post as punish- ment by the previous Ministry, was brought back and promoted over the heads of many seniors to the post of Sub- Governor of a large province, with the promise of further early promotion. Unfortunately for his prospects, the Sirdar's murder caused the fall of the Saad Ministry, and the new Ministry's first act has lx-en to put this gentleman on pension. All these acts, I may mention, are performed under a clause of the Constitution which says that the King may put any official on pension that he considers desirable, so that there is no appeal. The present Ministry are now busily occupied in filling all influential posts with men favourable to them, as they have been obliged to dissolve Parliament and order new elections, and are preparing to use all possible Means to obtain a majority. In order to get over the difficulty of the elector-delegates being elected for five years they have, without reference to Parliament, ordered that the voting shall
be direct, without the intervention of the elector-delegates, and a few weeks from now we shall see what result will be obtained by these means. It is impossible to imagine how the fellaheen, whose outlook is exactly the same as that of their donkeys and camels, will vote, or what original methods will be brought to bear to influence them. The importance attached to the transfers of Governors and police officials is, however, very signfficant.—I am, Sir, &c.,
EGYPTIAN OFFICIAL.
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