THE WEEK IN PARLIAMENT
IT is no easy task for one who has been far afield during the recess, completely out of touch with this country, to pick up the tangled threads of politics in a day or two, and to visualize the present situation as a whole. ' Happy were the days when it was possible to return home after a year's absenc€ in the confident expectation that the condition of affairs would be entirely unchanged. Nowadays, events move with such kaleide- scopic rapidity that the fall of the Government and a couple of European revolutions during an absence of five weeks would only occasion feelings of mild surprise. This induces the reflection that the phase of public opinion which immediately succeeded the election—that the country could now settle down to a lengthy spell of political slumber—has already passed.
There is no reason, at the moment, to suppose that the Government will not last for its allotted span, but it is quite apparent that the road to be travelled is tortuous and full of snares, and it would be a bold man who would prophesy the course of events after the end of this session, or venture to peer far into the mists which shroud the polities of to-morrow.
On the personal side there has been little change, except that the House resumes with Mr. MacDonald restored to health, a factor which must be of inestimable importance to the Labour Party in its ceaseless struggle for predominance with the Liberals cat the Opposition benches. There is no reason to suppose that certain sections of Labour are any more satisfied with the leadership of Mr. MacDonald, but anxiety as to the possibility of a Liberal revival, though well concealed, is undoubtedly increasing among the Labour rank and file, and with the spectacle of their leader—one of the ablest Parliamentarians of our day—in fighting form, the mutinous criticism so much ill evidence a few weeks ago will quickly subside or be stifled. The real struggle of the session will be between Mr. MacDonald and Mr. Lloyd George, and the stake is no less than the leadership of the British bloc des gauches. Already the first shots have been fired over the question of the debate on the Safeguarding of In- dustries Bill, and the honours rest with Mr. MacDonald, who enjoys a pronounced strategic advantage as leader of the Opposition.
The debate itself will be a hollow affair, but the .manoeuvring far position by the two sections of the Opposition has been amusing and instructive to us on the Government side of the House. With Mr. Asquith safely marooned Mr. George has a chance—a slender chance—of attaining once more to the pinnacle of fame and power, but it is questionable whether he now possesses the vigour, or the enthusiasm, or, indeed, the sincerity, to make the tremendous effort necessary for victory. Mr. MacDonald has a similar chance—slightly less slender. The situation is, therefore, dramatic and the struggle will he watched with intense interest. by all sections of the House, for it is fraught with great consequence ; upon the ultimate issue the future destiny of the Empire may depend.
In the meantime, the man who wields the most potent influence upon the minds and hearts of the masses of the people by -reason of his unflinching sincerity is the present Prime Minister. Rumours of Cabinet dissension may be discounted.
Apart from the Safeguarding of Industries Bill, the legislative programme of the Government is negligible, for the whole time of the House Nv i II be taken up, until the Budget, with the consideration of Estimates. It is practically certain that a private members' Bill to amend the law relating to the trade union political levy, which may receive the benediction of the Government, Will be introduced during the session. The Bill will he wholeheartedly opposed by the Labour Party, and it will certainly find rapturous supporters on the Conservative benches. But what is not generally realised is that there is a section of the Conservative Patty which is strongly opposed to the Bill, and will undoubtedly vote against it. In these circumstances the Government might not assume responsibility for the Bill, and a vigorous dehate would ensue.
The whole question is bound to come up in the near future. It is one upon which members are evincing a certain amount of uneasiness, and the attitude of the Government will be anxiously awaited. The success or failure of this Parliament, it cannot be too often repeated, will depend upon the extent to which it is able to solve the industrial problem, and it is question- able whether measures such as this are calculated to achieve that end.
The further difficulties which face the Government belong to the administrative sphere. The foreign situation seems to have degenerated. It is difficult to point to any definite unfortunate circumstance, because foreign affairs are intangible, created by " atmosphere." They belong to the realms of psychology. But. it would be idle to pretend that the European situation is as satisfactory as it was a few months ago. Relations between Great Britain and France, Germany and Spain are all somewhat more strained. The debt question overshadows the whole Continent, and until a final solution is reached it is vain to expect any lasting improvement, or stability.
Mention of the debt question brings me to my last point—the. crucial question of currency and the gold standard. Mr. Churchill's lot is not an enviable one, for the pound and the dollar are rapidly approaching parity, and no financier or economist dare prophesy the effect of a restoration of the gold standard upon this country at the present moment. The matter has been taken outside the sphere of party politics since Mr. Snowden and Dr. Leaf joined forces against Mr. Masse and Mr. Keynes, and this is to the good. All are agreed on one point-- namely, that a decision to restore a free market in gold between this country and the United States, or not to restore it, must affect our fortunes aml the fortunes of every European country for genera- tions to come. Surely, the Governnunt should conic out with a clear statement of policy. For the rest, one can only hope that Mr. Churchill's final decision will be the right one. Ire is certainly not handicapped by any dearth of competent advisers at the Treasury.
From what has been said it will be seen that the position of the Government is an anxious one. The industrial problem, the foreign problem, the financial problem, the housing problem, and the Imperial problem, which becomes no less acute as tile days slip by--all these await solution. None of them, perhaps, will 1):, solved by the close of the present century. But if this Government can make a sound start, on a solid basis, with even one or two of these grave problems, then Mr. Baldwin and his colleagues will have earned the lasting gratitude of the British people.
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