14 JULY 1855, Page 1

NEWS OF THE WEEK.

THE papers relating to the discussions at Vienna on the third point have been laid before the two Houses, and whatever they contain that may explain or justify Lord John Russell's conduct will now be available for his defence. But it does not appear that the con- ception formed of our Plenipotentiary's conduct by those who are familiar with his character differs materially from the view of his ,eedinge which we gain by a perusal of this correspondence. e see that Lord John Russell went to Vienna with a perfect knowledge of the intentions of the Government, and, we presume, with a conviction that the demands he was charged to make were reasonable. Did, then, the modification of his own opinions result from further information, or did it arise solely from the influence exerted on his mind by other minds more powerful ? Evidently the question hadebated within himself is very far from easy ; and as we know .11stial Lord John himself that his opinion is apt to -"fluctuate," it is not at all surprising that the resolution with which he went from England should have been shaken. He was seduced bytte prospect of Austrian cooperation in the war in ease the terms proposed by Austria should be rejected atSt. Petersburg. This was in fact advancing a few steps further in the same road along which the Western Powers have been gradually drawn in pursuit of the ever receding phantom of active Austrian assistance. The Allied Governments determined to make their stand upon the alter- native of the neutrality of the Black Sea or the limitation of the Russian fleet there to a certain fixed number of ships. Count Buol, on the other hand, desired to propose to Russia another method of taking away her preponderance in the Black Sea —namely, by establishing a system of counterpoise, by which an Allied fleet should be main- tained of equal strength with that of Russia. This was the plan which Lord John Russell was induced to recommend to his Go- vernnient by the despatch of the 18th April, now published, and which he subsequently in person urged the Cabinet to adopt, but without success. He writes to Lord Clarendon, that " he be- lieves the system of limitation to be far better than that of counterpoise. But the question is between an imperfect security for Turkey and for Europe, and the continuance of the war." Now, there is more in this argument than it pleases some people to admit ; but it must 'be owned that it comes rather strangely from the pen of Lord John Russell. This is indeed the very ground taken by Mr. Gladstone, to whose view Lord John seems to have been drawn in his own despite by some irresistible influence at Vienna. A leading argument of the Peace party is put very clearly in one of the Austrian despatches, which points out that, if the integrity of Turkey is really to be maintained by the Allies, their fleets can never be very far from the Black Sea, and therefore that the plan of counterpoise would involve no ar- mament not otherwise required. Lord Clarendon's despatch rejecting the Austrian proposal was written on the 8th May, after Lord John Russell had returned to England and-Cabinet Councils had been held to discus the opin- ions which he had imported from Vienna. After announcing that the English Government adhered to its original view, and declined to adopt the scheme of counterpoise, Lord Clarendon proceeds to say, that the time was now arrived to invite Austria, in fulfil- ment of her engagements, to concert measures for giving imme- diate effect to the treaty of the 2d December. It is needless to add that this invitation was not accepted ; and the remainder of the correspondence is principally occupied in debating whether Austria or the Western Powers are to blame for rendering that treaty of no effect. Each party is tolerably confident of being in the right, and Austria is decided notto go to war herself, but hopes the Allies may ultimately get by it as much as they might have got at once by accepting her settlement of the third point.