14 MARCH 1857, Page 6

'tie 311,ttrnlintio.

A special meeting of the Court of Common Council was held on Monday, to express an opinion on the commercial consequences likely to arise from the vote on Mr. Cobden's motion. The Court was well attended. Mr. Beaky moved and Mr. Dakin seconded the following resolutions— " That her Majesty's servants in China have, in the trying situation in which they were placed, acted in a manner to sustain the honour of the British flag, the commercial interests of the country, and the cause of tnith and justice.

"That this Court have learnt with feelings of deep regret the decision of the Honourable Howe of Commons against her Majesty's Ministers for supporting her Majesty's servants in the discharge of their duty. "That this Court presents its thanks to Lord Palmerston and her Majesty's Ministers for the course they pursued on that occasion, which justly entitles them to the confidence of the country." The motion was met by an amendment, snored by Mr. Abrahams and seconded by Mr. Be Jersey, that "it is not expedient for a municipal body to interfere in a party and political question. ' On a division, this amendment was negatived by 39 to 13. Mr. Gilpin then moved the "previous question"; ; which was negatived by a considerable majority, and the original resolutions were earned without any further division.

The first movement of London City as a step towards the general election was made on Tuesday. The Liberal Registration Association held a meeting at the London Tavern; Mr. Gregson M.P. in the chair. Reporters were excluded, but the business done came to light.

The first resolution adopted was to the effect that the City of London should be represented on the present occasion by Members connected with its commerce. Then Mr. W. It. Crawford, Baron Lionel Rothschild, and Mr. Raikes Curie, were successively proposed and accepted as candidates. Mr. Crawford and Baron Rothschild, for themselves, accepted the offer. Mr. Currie said he had represented Northampton for twenty years; he would not desert his constituency there without first ascertaining that they could find another man to satisfy them, and he asked and obtained forty-eight hours to Consider the proposition. It was understood at the meeting that Lord John Russell Would not stand for the City again. Alderman Salomons moved a resolution expressing regret at the termination of the long connexion between Lord John and the City. After a good deal of discussion he consented to withdraw it, on the ground that it was not the proper time to pass such a resolution. Much was said respecting the conduct of Sir James Duke, who has incurred censure far withholding his support, as a proprietor in West Kent, from Mr. Dodson, the Into unsuccessful Liberal candidate. It was explained, that the opinions of Sir James on Maynooth prevented him from supporting Mr. Dodson. The meeting adjourned till Tuesday.

On Thursday, Mr. Raikes Currie took farewell of his Northampton friends, and accepted the invitation to stand for London.

Lord John Russell has not altogether abandoned the City of London, as the following address to the electors, issued late on Wednesday night, will testify.

"Gentlemen—Sixteen years ago I was called upon by a considerable body among you to come forward as a candidate to represent you. It was supposed that my election for the City of London would contribute to the promotion of free trade,. and the cause of civil and religious liberty. "Accepting your invitation I relinquished a seat which was highly honourable and independent, anteshortly became one of your representatives. "The measures which I have brought forward and supported during that tirne have generally met with your favour.

"The reduction of import-duties, the repeal of the corn-laws, the abolition of the differential duties on sugar, the repeal of the restrictions ten

tamed in the navigation-laws have been approved by the great majority among you. I have laboured! earnestly, with your concurrence, though without success, for the removal of Om disabilities affecting the Jews. Equal favour has not attended the course which I have recently pursued. Before I speak of it, you must permit me to observe that, whether popular or otherwise, toy votes have been the result of deep convictions formed on no inconsiderable experience of public affairs. I will not venture to say that I may not have been frequently in error ; all I can n to is a laborious study of the questions in agitation, and an holiest desire to promote the honour and welfare'of the country.

"The time has not arrived for ekplaining fully the course I took after the conferences at Vienna. I believe it would have been impossible to have made a peace which would have satisfied the expectations of the country before the fall of Sebastopol. I could not, however, ecline the mission which was proposed to um in the name of my Sovereign, and it is my opinion that the terms I was prepared to recommend would substantially, though in an inconvenient manner, have secured Turkey against the aggressions of Russia, and would have been honourable to Great Britain. Whether Russia would have accepted them is doubtful. "The question of hostilities in China has made it the duty of Parliament to examine how, and for what purpose, those hostilities were commenced.

On looking carefully over the papers relating to this subject I found that in the miserable affair' of the Arrow, reprisals had been resorted to, and reparation offered. The Chinese commissioner had proposed an arrangement for the future which was declared to be very proper' in to letter of Consul Parkes of the 22d of October. But on the 24th, when all was on the eve of adjustment, Sir John Bowring wrote as follows to Sir Michael Seymour— '1 cannot doubt that the Imperial Commissioner will now feel the absolute necessity of complying with the demands which have been made, and I have to add that if your Excellency and the Consul should concur with me in opinion that the circumstances are auspicious for requiring the fulfilment of treaty obligations as regards the city of Canton and for arranging an official meeting with the Imperial Commissioner within the city walls, I shall willingly come to Canton for that purpose,' &c.

'flee consequence was a demand for an official meeting with the Imperial Commissioner within the city walls ; and that demand not having been complied with, fire was opened on the Commissioner's residence at 1 p.m. of the same day upon which the demand had been made. "My objections to these proceedings are—let, That the new demand was ft,ed upon a quarrel which might otherwise have been amicably settled. 2d, That it led to scenes of bloodshed and destruction, wherein many innocent persons perished. 3d, That such a demand ought to have been addressed to the Emperor, and that due time should have been allowed for an answer. 4th, that before hostilities were commenced due preparations should have been made in concert with the authorities at home for the protection of the lives and properties of British subjects. 6th, That the demand of access to the Commissioner was not authorized by the instructions of the Secretary of State.

"When the tidings of these events arrived in England, the Ministry had a question of some difficulty to determine. There is some hazard and some -discouragement attendant upon the disavowal of public servants performing their duties at a distance. On the other hand-, the entire and complete adoption of the proceedings at Canton involved the discredit of sanctioning riots of violence which justice could not approve and the danger of extending partial hostilities into a sanguinary war. It would seem that the error of either course might have been obviated by despatching a person of superior authority to Hongkong, with instructions to defend the lives and properties of British subjects, and to restore as soon as possible a state of peace.

"This, it appears, is now intended ; but one is at a loss to perceive why a course advisable on the 10th of March should not have been taken on the 10th of January. Or, if Sir John Bowring was worthyof entire approval in -January, why he should be virtually 'superseded now, when his policy and his conduct remain the same.

"I need not allude to the charge of combination and conspiracy against the majority of the House of Commons. That was the falsehood of a day, which a few hours of reflection must dispel. For my own part, I took the sense view of these lamentable affiiirs as Sir Francis Baring, my old friend and colleague, and I willingly borrow from his vindication of his vote the following passasoe--' I had no choice left, and deliberately, and as if I had been in a jury-box, I gave my vote that the papers laid upon the table failed to establish satisfactory grounds for the violent measures resorted to at Canton on theists affair of the Arrow. I shall be told that, however true these words may be, still the motion was practically a censure on the Government, and it was my duty to vote against it. I have been a party man all my life, and am not willing to underrate party considerations. In many -cases I perfectly understand that, weighing the evils or advantages of two alternataves, it may be perfectly justifiable to prefer the retaining a good Government in office rather than the carrying any particular motion, however good. But there must be some limit to these party. feelings. I cannot rate war and all its horrors as a light matter. For the shedding of the blood, even of our enemies, I believe we are responsible to a higher tribunal; lee have no right to go to war without a justifiable cause, and I do not reckon as a justifiable cause the desire to keep my friends in office.'

"Then, again, it is said, that although the Canton hostilities might not be justifiable, Lord Palmerston ought to be supported in continuumg them, because he conducted the war agamat Russia with great vigour and brought it to an honourable termination. I cheerfully applauded his vigour in carrying on war, and his moderation in making peace, but to support wanton and unnecessary hostilities on account of the merit of the Minister in a contest which is past, seems to me a mode of testifying national gratitude utterly indefensible. "it is not probable, however, that the concerns of China will occupy much of the attention of the new Parliament. But the conduct of foreign affairs is closely connected with our policy at home. " By a course at once firm and conciliatory, the steady maintenance of our own rights, and a just regard to the rights of other nations, we shall best preserve peace.

" establishing peace on lasting foundations, we shall obtain the means of e orcing economy in the public expenditure. With peace and economy -we shall obtain leisure to pursue the work of legal, social, ecclesiastical, and political reform. I am perfectly aware that the terms peace, economy, and reform, have for the moment lost their charm to the ears of the present generation. But I must yet declare that, if again elected your representative, you must not expect from me an abjuration of my old creed. In office and out of office I have pursued the objects which those three words are intended to designate. The present Government, although they may be followed by new adherents, enemies of civil and religious liberty, cannot found their power permanently on any other basis than that of the good old prin.ciples and the good old cause. 'Whatever may be your determination, it is my purpose to adhere to them for the remainder of my life.

"I have great pleasure in expressing to you on this occasion my grateful sense of the support I have received from you during the eventful I have served you as your representative. Come what may I shall always look back with pride on our long and honourable connexion. "With this explanation, I leave the election where the constitution has placed it—in your hands. Should you think fit to return me again as your 'representative, I shall endeavour to the best of my abilities to fulfil the arduous duties belonging to that situation. "I remain, Gentlemen, your faithful and obliged servant, J. Rossini,"

In Marylebone there were two meetings on Wednesdays One held at the Eagle Tavern Camden Town, voted unlimited confidence in Sir Benjamin Hall. The second, consisting of the members of the borough Political and Parochial Association, was held at the Coliseum Hotel, Portland Road. It declared Lord Ebrington "unfit to represent the borough of Marylebone," and pledged itself to vote for those candidates only who will • pledge themselves to lessen, if possible, the powers of the Poor-law Board."

Alderman Challis retires from the representation of Finsbury. The new candidates are all Liberals—Mr. Humphreys Parry, Major Reed, Mr. Cox, In Westminster, Mr. Westerton has been asked to stand. He has replied by calling for a requisition; and intimating that Westminstet should return Members free of expense," if the electors did not desire Members who would he "a reflex of their own apathy, corruption, and want of principle."

Mr. Wilkinson, one of the sitting Members for Lambeth, explains to his constituents that he voted with the Government because he could not lend himself tn a party manceuvre or consent to support an incongruous coalition. He is to stand for Lambeth, however, not as "an adherent of any particular Government, but as an independent candidate" ; as an advocate for an extended franchise, vote by ballot, and equal tax. ation.

Mr. Williams loads meeting of the Lambeth constituency on Wednesday, at the Horns Tavern, Kennington. He was not received 'with, unanimous approval : mention of his vote on the China question called forth hisses. An attempt was made to carry a censure on his vote ; but it failed, and a resolution approving of his general conduct in Parliament was carried by an "immense majority." Mr. Hoven, Of Roupoll Park, Brixton, a very advanced Liberal, mid an ardent supporter of Lord Palmerston, has offered himself to the electors.

Mr. Charles Pearson announced himself as a candidate for Lambeth; but " official " and personal friends having urged that he was not strong enough to serve both in the City and in Parliament, he speedily withdrew.

The Royal Literary Fund held its annual general meeting on Wednesday ; Earl Stanhope in the chair. The report showed a small balance. On the motion that the report be received, Mr. Dilko renewed the opposition of lest year, and moved a long amendment, condemning the entire system of the management of the fund. He was answered by Mr. Robert Bell. Thereupon arose a sharp debate; Mr. Dickens and Mr. Forster supporting Mr. Mike, and Mr. Monckton Mllnes and the Bishop of Oxford standing by Mr. Bell. Finally the amendment was negatived by 69 to 11, and the report was received.

The twelfth anniversary dinner in aid of the funds of the German Hospital took place at the London Tavern on Wednesday. The Duke of Cambridge occupied the chair; and among the guests were Prince Edward of Saxe Weimar, and the Prussian, Hanoverian, and Saxon Ministers. It appeared from the report, that during the past year, 913 in-patients had been received-104 English ; and 11,006 out-patients relieved-4000 English. The sum subscribed at the table was 19001.

In the Court of Bankruptcy, on Wednesday, before Commissioner Holroyd, Mr. Edward Eadaile, Governor of the Royal British Bank at the time it stopped, was examined ; and the report of the examination occupies upwards of nine columns of the morning papers. Much of the space is filled by the reiterated efforts of Mr. Linklater, who appeared for the assignees, and of the Commissioner, to extract direct answers from Mr. Esdaile; they were generally unsuccessful; the Governor fencing with the questions very skilfully, malting little orations, and contesting the implied charges on hist truth and honesty inch by inch. But from what came out no one can have any difficulty in drawing very distinct conclusions. Mr. Esdaile was one of the original. projectors ; he was an ordinary Director till February 1855, when he was appointed Governor. The bank commenced business when the legal amount of 50,000/. had net been paid-up in money—some 7000/. appears to have existed in the form merely of promissory notes. Mr. Esdaile could not "recollect" that money was borrowed to make up the necessary deposit in the Bank of England. Mr. Cameron, the manager, was allotted eightynine original shares : lie did not pay for them,• he gave a promissory noto for 43001.; Mr. Detail° " presumed " that that represented part of tho "paid-up capital." The Manager and Directors divided 11001. among them soon after the bank opened ; that went down to "preliminary exRouses"; it was remuneration for their trouble in getting up the The bank lost at least 10,000/. by their deceased solicitor, Mr. Mullenss The pocket-ledger of Cameron—the "green book "—the witness had seen before he was Governor, but he had never opened it till then. Mr. Bedell° and other Directors—including Mr. Apsley Pellatt—signed a certificate sent to the Board of Trade declaring that 50,000/, had been paid-up. Shares were taken back from persons at Newcastle, the deposits having been repaid by the moneys of the bank—an illegal act. The witness, who had no account with the bank, had got Cameron to discount a bill for500/. ; Came-. ron got that money advanced by the bank, to which at the period he owed 15,000/. Mn. Esskile repaid the money to the bank. Other Directors passed acceptances through Cameron's account. Mr. Esdaile wanted the 500/. to increase his "stake" in the bank—to take up new shares ! Some of the " securities " on which Cameron and others got advances were shares of the bank—though the law expressly prohibits this. Other "securities"' of Cameron's turned out to have been previously mortgaged. The Welsh mines were put down as an asset for 120,000/. when a purchaser for a much smaller sum had in vain been sought : the Directors hoped the colliery would eventually turn out valuable; it would if it had been connected witls some important railway. The witness would not answer "yes" or " to the question whether he knowingly issued false balance-sheets of the bank; he objected "as a gentleman" to be charged with "wilfully telling an untruth." The Directors based their balance-sheets on hopes—hopes that the affairs of the bank would improve; that the mine, and the securities of the Directors, and the debts of other people, would turn out better by and by ; that the bank in the course of years would recover itself, the profits of after years paying off the losses of its youth : so the Directors,

said Mr. Linklater, reported that the affairs of the bank were "improving and thriving" when they were hopelessly insolvent! Hard pressed as to

the insolvency of the bank, the witness at last said that it was insolvent, ho supposed. The original capital had all been lest by June 1855j yet new shares were issued, at a premium too.—The examination of Mr. Isalaile was adjourned till next Wednesday.

Mr. Broughton, the Marylebone Magistrate, has some to the conclusion that 'Widow Allsop " is an imposter ; and he desires those persons who have sent money for her either to reclaim it or permit him to devote it to more worthy objects.

The extensive premises of Messrs. Perkins, Bacon, and Bache, the steelplate engravers and printers, and manufacturers for Government of postage and receipt stamps, between Fleet Street and Whitefriars Street, were partially destroyed by a fire which broke out at nine o'clock on Wednesday night.