14 MAY 1836, Page 1

NEWS OF THE WEEK.

THE mischief which the Peers threatened, they have perpetrated. On Monday, the " life was knocked out " of the second part of THE mischief which the Peers threatened, they have perpetrated. On Monday, the " life was knocked out " of the second part of

the Irish Municipal Bill. Lord LYNDHURST'S destructive clauses were carried by majorities of 107 to 53, and 98 to 45, in despite of the strenuous defence by Ministers of the bill as passed by the Commons.

These Toryproceedings were justified on true Tory principles. The Duke of WELLINGTON did not dispute that the bill proposed to confer power on the majority ; but he said it was on that ac-

count a tyrannical and exclusive measure! To remedy this de- fect—to deprive the bill of its exclusive operation—the Duke and his band have invested the Lord-Lieutenant with the functions which in England and Scotland the inhabitants discharge for themselves. It is impossible that the most stupid Lord should not see how grossly inconsistent such conduct is with the pro- fessions of the men who arc guilty of it. But what of that? The triumph of the Peers over the People's Representatives would be incomplete—the exhibition of irresponsible dominion would lose half its zest—were any tiling like plausible argument adduced to palliate the insult put upon the nation.

It is not long since it was the cue of the party which now boldly beards the People, to affect a regard for popular privileges, and zeal for the progress of reform in our civil and ecclesiastical institutions. For the purpose of delusion they became Con- formers, and succeeded in'cheating some simple-minded persons into a belief that they had abandoned their old polities. if this deceit had not been sufficiently exposed before Monday last, the speeches and votes and cheers of' the majority in the Upper House would have opened the eyes of the blindest. It was then and there avowed, that the majority of the people—mind, not of the mob, but of permanent tax-paying inhabitants of decent dwel- lings—ought not to have control of even the least important of their local concerns; but that an officer appointed by the King, and removable at the King's pleasure, should engross the entire and virtually irresponsible management of the municipal affairs in every town of Ireland. The Peers pretend that the same prin- ciples of government are not applicable to Ireland as to England : but enough has escaped them in the course of the discussions on the Irish Municipal Bill, to prove that they would gladly establish their Irish system in England, and that they bitterly repent the blunder of sanctioning the popular election of local rulers by the English people. The Duke of WELLINGTON'S principle is univer- sally applicable; for everywhere the majority, it' they can, exercise the species of tyranny which consists in preferring themselves to their opponents in the minority. Let not this be forgotten, if in the jostle of changes for which our limes are remarkable, there should be any symptoms of the reappearance of the Duke in Downing Sheet.

The Archbishop of CANTERBURY'S bill for regulating pluralities was discussed in a Committee of the Lords on Tuesday. The measure is feeble and inefficient ; and it is difficult to credit the sincerity of its author's professions in favour of reforming real abuses in the Church. • Paltry us it is, however, not a few noble and right reverend Peers complained of its Radical tendency, and- mourned the restrictions it would impose on the distribution of preferment. The fact is, that every measure, great or trivial, whose object is improvement in Church or State, is sure to meet with opposition more or less decided from the Peers; who in this alone are consistent.

The House of Commons has been occupied a good deal this week with the English Tithe Bill ; forts-uine clauses of which, including the most important, (except the 35th, which is post- poned,) have been disposed of: but the ultimate fate of the bill

Is still uncertain. Lord JOHN RUSSELL has consented to an alteration, by which the average annual value of tithes during the last seven years is to be ascertained in each parish, and- the amount to be subsequently apportiuped among the different 1144TEST gPITIoN•i

farms, with reference not to previous payments, but the productive value of the soil. It is almost impossible to learn the probable operation of this plan in raising or lessening tithes, without an accurate return from each parish.

Mr. POULETT Tnostsots's bill for altering the law which pro- hibits from the 1st of March last the employ ment in factories of children between the ages of twelve and thirteen, for more than eight hours daily, was read a second time on Monday, by the nar- row majority of 2—the numbers being 178 and 176. The advo- cates of the measure contend that twelve hours' daily work is not more than the children can bear ; and that the consequence of enforcing the law as it stands, would be the dismissal of about 30,000 children, not only to the great inconvenience of the masters, but the ultimate distress of the children themselves. It does not seem probable that, in the present prosperous state of the manu- facturing* interest, the masters will refuse eight hours' labour from a child, because they cannot obtain twelve: but should a period of dulness arrive, then it will perhaps become unprofitable to employ children who cannot work for twelve hours at least along with the men; for the chief difficulty of this ques- tion seems to arise from the fact that the labour of adults is only profitable when combined with that of children. But though they may not be dismissed altogether, the wages of those whose term of labour is reduced must also be lessened; and this reduc- tion will, no doubt, lessen the comforts of the children and of their parents. That the masters will suffer loss, is quite clear ; for they will be compelled to employ older children at higher wages. The effect will be to augment the price of their manufactures, and render competition with foreigners more ar- duous. Unless new markets are opened, and a fresh demand created, the rise of prices must tend to check trade, and of course to throw multitudes entirely out of employ. Should this be the consequence of Parliarnentary interference between the mas- ter and the operative, it will then become a question whether that interference, though humanely intended, has been beneficial to any party. Unquestionably, it is injurious to health to undergo the labour the children in factories are subjected to : but want of food and clothing is also injurious to health ; and without this constant labour, we do not see how the necessaries of life are to be procured by work people, as long as the chief article of con- sumption is kept at a fictitious price by the Corn-laws. On this point we recommend the perusal of Colonel Tuostesosis speech,

in a subsequent column.

The attention of Parliament has at length been drawn to the operations of the Joint Stock Banks, and their effects upon the commerce of the country. On Thursday, Mr. CLAY moved for a Committee of inquiry into this subject, in a very able and striking speech. The facts Mr. CLAY stated were admitted on all hands to justify the proposed investigation; though not a few Members repudiated the inferences he drew from them, that the Joint Stock Banks had been instrumental in promoting bubble schemes and a dangerous state of things in the mercantile world. That an unsound system of banking must have an injurious effect win money transactions, cannot be denied : the question is, whe- ther the system of Joint Stock Banks is unsound. The labours of the Committee, which is to he appointed with the sanction of Government, will throw light on this point. Supposing the evil admitted, there will be great difference of opinion as to the proper remedy. Mr. CLAY proposes to substitute limited or definite for unlimited liability, with paid-up capital, and perfect publicity. On all these points there is much room for discussion and inquiry, and dogmatical assertions on one side or the other are out of place. We have no room this week to enter at large into this subject; but it is one to which we must frequently have occasion to recur.

The bill introduced by Mr. LYNest to legalize marriages per- formed by Roman Catholic priests, was read a third time on Wed- nesday, by a majority of 100 to 91. The Tories fully expected to throw out this measure; and it is fit that they should have credit for the intention. In Ireland the Protestant Dissenting ministers, as well as the Church clergy, are entitled to perform the marriage ceremony; and it is monstrous to deny the same privilege to the clergy of seven-eighths of the population. Moreover, it has been found, that in a multitude of instances, profligate men have se- duced Catholic women, who relied on marriage by the priest as a good marriage, under cover of the law which Mr. LYNCH proposes to repeal. It is therefore a cloak for the grossest immorality. Yet the godly Dr. LEFROY, in the overflowing of his spite agaitst Papists, opposed the bill; and Mr. SHAW, with oharacteristie assurance, supported the law as it stands, because, said he, it pre- vents clandestine marriages,—the fact being, that it promotes perjury, profligacy, and blasphemy. The Tory papers comfort themselves with the assurance that the Lords will throw out the bill. We fully expect that they will do this; to pass it, would be an infringement of their principle of legislation,—which is to ?eject arty measure known to be much wanted in Ireland, and which has found favour with the Representatives of the People. We have frequently had occasion to reprobate the system of Parliamentary Committees on Elections and Private Bills. The proceedings before the Dublin Election Committee have served for some weeks to keep us in mind of the necessity of establish- ing an impartial tribunal for the decision of controverted re- turns ; and scarcely a day passes which does not bring to our ears reports of the most flagrant misconduct of the members of Committees on railway and other bills termed private. Cer- tain members are even accused of having received direct bribes in the shape of presents of shares and hard cash. There can be no doubt that cogent arguments, not discernible by the public, must have been used to bring about the sudden changes which have been remarked in more than one member of Parliamentary Committees. It is an utter disgrace, not only to the two Houses elected under the Reform Act, but to every leading Minister and Member, that not a single step has been taken to put an end to the notorious jobbing and almost open corruption which prevail ; and which is but one of the consequences of the wretched modes of transacting all business, private and public, with which the Reformed equally with the Unreformed Parliament has been chargeable. Even if Members had the purity which they have not, they would be prevented from performing the duties devolved upon them. One day we hear of twenty, another day of five-and- twenty, another of thirty or more Committees sitting at the same time. Many Members are expected to appear in different Committees which sit at the same hour. They scamper from one room to another, not knowing how to vote,—unless, indeed, they have received " weighty considerations" for supporting one side or the other. The effect of all this disgraceful mis- management and corruption is to render Parliament contemptible in the eyes of the country. 1Vhat accounts do not the various deputations carry back with them into the provinces, of the scenes they behold in Parliamentary Committee-rooms ! We have conversed with many persons this session, whom some rail- way or other private bill has brought up to London ; and, without exception, they all seem to have learned, that the last thing to be relied upon is the advantage of any measure to the public, and the surest guarantee of success, the unbounded ability to buy votes, directly or indirectly. How long is this to continue ?