WEST AFRICA AND THE SQUADRON.
MHE maintenance of the Slave Trade from the West Coast of 1. Africa depends upon a chain of circumstances, the severance, -of one link of which would be sufficient to effect its destruction. If a few hundred miles of unhealthy coast could be occupied and guarded by the English instead of by the Dutch or Portuguese, or if the Portuguese officials on that coast were for once honest instead of -corrupt, and if the maritime powers could be induced bond fide to treat the traffic as piracy, as some of them have in name already declared it to be, it would be enough. If Cuba (now the only place to which slaves are taken) were annexed to an anti-slavery United States, or if it could obtain its independence, so that the anti-slavery majority, relieved from the incubus of Spain, could shake off the ascendancy of the pro-slavery minority, —nay, if the Cuban audiencias could be forced to give one un- corrupt decision in accordance with fact and law, the slave trade would be an at end for ever.
The changes of European and American politics, and the changing opinion of the different powers with respect to the slave trade, have caused now one, now another link to appear the weakest and the most vulnerable. It is therefore not to be wondered at that very different courses should have been urged upon our Government at different times, as the political situation pointed in one or another direction. The Parliamentary Com- mittee of 1848-9 reported that forcible means were unavailing, and that the extension of legitimate trade, civilization, and mis- sionary efforts were the only means to be employed. The Lords' Committee of the following year expressed its confidence in the squadron and in land forts, and recommended that they should be strengthened. The Committee of 1853 trusted that efforts to stop the demand from Cuba would be effectual. All these means have been tried, and now the Committee of 1865 has in fact vindicated the various conclusions of its predecessors by sub- stantially recommending the continued and vigorous prosecution of all of them.
It is cheering indeed, after all the doubts that have been ex- pressed of the utility of our efforts, to note the increased success with which they have met. Regular returns are made up of the number of slaves exported in each year (for it seems that a ship- ment is always known of, whether it arrives at its destination or is captured on the way), by which it appears that the number has not indeed uniformly diminished, but that whenever it has increased it has been from new or temporary causes. The price of slaves in Cuba has more than doubled within twenty years, and their increased value has obtained them better treat- ment. In 1849, 67,435 were exported, the greater part to Brazil, the rest to Cuba, of which about 7 per cent. were cap. tured. Shortly after this the Brazilian demand was entirely stopped, and Cuba became, and has since remained, the only country to which they are taken. The demand there, however, greatly increased, and the number imported grew from 2,500 in 1853 to upwards of 30,000 in 1859. This increase was in a great measure due to the withdrawal of the French squadron on the breaking out of the Russian war, for in the four years 1853 to 1856 inclusive only 90 slaves were taken altogether, our ships, from the system of off-shore chasing then followed, being unable to watch unaided so large an extent of coast. Since 1859, how- ever, there has been a steady and rapid decrease, the number in 1861 being under 7,000, and this, too, though the French still keep aloof, and the Americana on the breaking out of their civil war recalled their ships from both Africa and Cuba. The Portu- guese keep a few ships on the coast, but they can effect little, in consequence of the venality and treachery of their countrymen on shore. Practically therefore the English have attained these results unassisted by any other power.
The maintenance of the West African settlements, which is the particular question upon which the present Committee was ap- pointed, has become even more important since the adoption of the new and only successful system of blockading suspected points on the coast by vessels stationed at short intervals close in shore. It is obvious that only small tracts of coast can be guarded in this way, the remainder must be left to English influence on land. To abandon the coast altogether would be to give up the results of all that we have been doing for forty years just as final and absolute success begins to be probable. The only question about which there can be any doubt is as to the kind of authority which • it is best for us to exercise. The simplest plan is of course to annex territory, and nothing can be a greater mistake than to sap- pose that this would be any hardship to the natives. But it is clear that the unhealthiness of the climate will prevent our ever establishing colonies each as we possess elsewhere, capable of supporting a growing European population. The difficulties are like those of India, only ten times as great. A few go to trade, but nobody goes to settle. Our stations were established to carry on the slave trade, and are now maintained for little else than to suppress it. There are now four British settlements, the Gambia, Sierra Leone, the Gold Coast, and lastly, Lagos, which was annexed only three years ago, to put an end to the anarchy which prevailed there and to stop the export of slaves from thence. The most European of these, Sierra Leone, with a population of more than forty thousand, contains but ninety-nine white men and thirty-two white women. In the other three the proportion of Europeans is probably still smaller. Yet their influence extends along the whole of the immense tract of coast from the Gambia to the Bights, and has rendered the whole of it, with but rare excep- tions, a non-slave-trading coast. There can be no question that ' the Committee is right in reporting that it is impossible to withdraw wholly or immediately from any of the settlements.
It is open to more doubt whether there is sufficient ground for recommending a polity based on the anticipation that at some future time all, except Sierra Leone, may be abandoned. Whether ultimately negroes can or cannot become as vigorous and civilized as Europeans, such a time is surely too far distant for the present
anticipations of a committee. It is impossible to read the evi- dence without being struck by the immense ascendancy easily obtained over them by Europeans of even second-rate capacity. Liberia itself, probably the most favourable example of an lade-
pendent negro State, composed as it is of the pick of the race, civilized and trained in the hard school of adversity, is but a doubtful success, and would be an unquestionable failure without the protection of English neighbours. Men of conspicuous merit and energy, such as Sir Charles Macarthy and Governor Maclean, are almost worshipped. If a native swears a great oath, he swears "by Sir Charles'!" The negro is vain, but not proud or self-confident. He is docile, and only too easily led. It never can be safe to abandon him to the tender mercies of European adventurers responsible to no government. Rajah Brooke is the highest type of a ruler of an uncivilized race, but he is a very rare one.
The Committee reports not only against extension of territory, but against all further assumption of government, and against the making of any new treaties offering protection to native tribes. The first recommendation is pointed against the practical assump- tion of government which has taken place, and the anomalous condition of authority which has followed, wherever a consul or assessor has been appointed in a native town. At first he is called upon to protect the lives and properties of English subjects. This, backed as he is when necessary by a ship of war, he is able to do so effectually that the natives are glad enough upon various pretexts to claim his protection. At first he sits aide by side with the chief, but soon he is left to himself, and administers justice as he can, intermingling with English law or natural equity only so much of native custom as is not inconsistent with it. Here no doubt there is a difficulty. He is at once brought into collision with the native custom of domestic slavery. As an English official it is impoasible for him to recognize it, but at once to pronounce all slaves free from the control of their masters would be to proclaim anarchy, and to break off all good understanding with the chiefs. Even in our own territory of Lagos it has not yet been wholly abolished. Fortunately the evil is greater theoretically than it is found to be in practice. The domestic slavery which exists is of the mildest possible description, the slaves commonly succeeding to their masters' property, and even becoming chiefs. Ill-treatment is the exception, but when it does occur the slave can complain, and the assessor then finds no diffi- culty in declaring bim free. In the absence of any such abuse, the existence of the custom is ignored. Such estate of social relations may fairly be acquiesced in as a transition state to more complete freedom. It may be an unpleasant fact that what is called slavery thus exists temporarily among tribes protected by us, and to a limited extent under our jurisdiction, but the fear of the reproach of such nominal toleration is an insufficient reason for abandoning an opportunity of conferring substantial benefit.
The treaties with the native chiefs certainly are countless, and according to European ideas of treaties hopelessly ambiguous in their interpretation. There are said to be a hundred and seven with the Government of Sierra Leone alone. The general pur- port of them is that the chiefs are to prevent the export of slaves from their territory and to encourage commerce, in return for which they receive in some instances a small annual payment, and in all a vague promise of amity. Round the Gold Coast and Lagos settlements there is a great extent of country occupied by tribes thus protected, and it appeared to the Committee very undesirable and likely to lead to awkward complications for our obligations to be thus undefined. Are we, or are we not, bound to go to war on behalf of any protected tribe attacked, for instance, by the King of Dahomey or Ashantee? was the question again and again asked. The answer was not always the same, but the witnesses were unanimous and firm that practical difficulties seldom arose from this cause. The fact is (though the Committee was rather slow in realizing it) that Africans are simple-minded, and have not yet learnt the European habit of paying attention to the letter of treaties in such a way as to nullify their intentions. Some sort of protected territory around each station is an absolute necessity. In one case where there was none the missiles of two contending tribes had actually entered an English station.
The most important of the recommendations of the Committee is, that the administration of all the settlements should be consoli- dated and placed under the control of a Governor-in-Chief at Sierra Leone. Of the advantage of such a step there cannot be a doubt. It will both secure greater unity and consistency of action, and by diminishing the number of officials afford a better opportunity for selection, and obtain them of a superior class. It is impossible to exaggerate the importance of this, under circumstances where everything depends on individual energy and intelligence. As an excellent Bile missionary said, when asked by the Committee for a suggestion respecting the protectorate, "The question is the person of the Governor; it is the man, and not the system, which is the
most important. 31y opinion about a central government is this:— If there is a healthy residence, where a man can live, and the Governor had a better salary, I think a gentleman may go out who is a superior man, as we find is the case in India and other colonies of Great Britain. There is no doubt that such a man might have very great influence, and that a great change might very soon take place. We have seen in one year what a Governor can do. In 1858-9 the system of government was changed ; we had a Commandant, who travelled about and visited our chiefs in the interior, and he did more in two years than our other Com- mandants have done in seven."
The evidence relating to the unhealthy nature of the Army and Navy service on the West African station is rather scanty. Some- thing has been done, and more, it is to be hoped, will be done, towards mitigating its hardships, principally by shortening the term of service, but it must ever remain most depressing to body and mind. One naval officer, speaking of those who are not in- valided, says simply, "Very few officers come home after three years' service who are not more or less the worse for it." General O'Connor thus sums up his report of the barracks at Lagos and the neighbouring stations :—" I never encountered a country or climate so radically destructive to the European constitution, or where the quarters and absolute wants of life were so little attended. to as in Lagos ; and I am justified in making this broad assertion,. after an experience of nearly forty years' tropical service in the worst stations, in the worst of climates." English soldiers and sailors are a silent and uncomplaining race compared with the rest of their countrymen, and those who do most say least about it Peoplewho think that civilization and Christianity may be safely left to be promoted by the spirit of commerce, and by a proper appreciation of the advantages of growing rich, will do well to improve their minds by reading this blue-book.
Without undervaluing the pacific and civilizing results of legi- timate trade (and its good effects are apparent in West Africa as elsewhere), it is as well to remember that it was commercial enter- prise which gave birth to the slave trade. It was the love of gain. that made strong tribes attack weak tribes, that they might have prisoners to sell. To this day it is commercial enterprise that sends guns and powder to the natives (by which alone these wars. are carried on), and spirits to degrade the poor wretches to their destruction. It has been soldiers and sailors., pioneered by mission- aries, who have given their lives and their health towards bringing about a result which, when successfully attained, as there is good hope it soon will be, will leave as bright a chapter in English his- tory as any that has been written in this century.
Previous page
