15 JUNE 1839, Page 12

HOW TO DEAL WITH CHARTISM.

THOSE who propose to suppress Chartism by force, seem to forget that the Reform Bill passed. The Reform Bill gave power to the Middle class. Except by consent or instigation of the middle class, no force can be employed for the suppression of Chartism. The work, therefore, of suppressing Chartism by force, would be that of the middle class, who would both enact the measure by their representatives in Parliament, and have to perform it them- selves as a kind of "national guard." Let us suppose the middle class arrayed in arms against the working class, in order to enforce a law for the suppression of Chartism. Then reflect on what

Chartism is ; and imagine the consequences. There would, for a time at least, be no more public meetings of the working classes, no more petitions for universal suffrage, no more evidence of the passion for political equality which has laid hold of the bulk of the people : but the worst feature of Chartism, which is at present confined to a few of the body—a bitter hatred of the middle class—would then predominate, and take the place of a niece desire for political equality. There would be dispersions of mobs,

shootings, trials, hangings; and then, on the other side, secret societies, secret oaths, and secret means of vengeance. " Well," says a comfortable shopkeeper, "we must prevent the blackguards from taking our property." True; but can you prevent them from destroying it? Who are they ?—your neighbours, your servants, in the midst of whom and by whose labour you live—with whose pro- pinquity you cannot by any means dispense—whom you cannot remove from you, from whom you cannot remove, to whom you arc tied as fast as to your counter—whom it behoves your mere selfish interest rather to conciliate than to provoke into a feeling of hatred and revenge towards you and your class. The working classes and the middle class have always lived together; but the power of the one to legislate for the other, is a new fact without example in the history of any people. From whom do the work- ing classes demand political equality ?—from the middle class, who direct Parliament. To whom would the working classes attribute measures for their coercion ?—to the middle class again, whose property and persons arc necessarily subject to injury from their secret vengeance. If Chartism were suppressed by coercive laws and force of arms, the relation of the middle class to the working classes would somewhat resemble that of the whites to the blacks in an American slave state—with this great difference, however, that the working classes of England and Scotland are of the same blood, and on the whole perhaps quite as intelligent as the greater part of the law-making class. The result, then, would be a state of savage animosity between the two classes, with fear and cruelty on both sides, and, sooner or later, a desperate struggle of which no man can foretell the event. Josurn LANCASTER and the Re- form Bill together, seem to have forbidden that the working classes should be for ever denied the enjoyment of political rights.

For let it be observed further, that the Reform Bill has drawn no very distinct line between the middle class and the working classes. Between the poorer order of those who can elect Members of Par- liament, and the richer order of those who cannot, there is no dis- tinction whatever. They are one and the same class. A portion, therefore, of the electing or ruling class must always sympathize with the unfranchised class. If Chartism is suppressed by coer- cion—by scenes like the Manchester massacre—this sympathy may be deeply excited, and may impel a portion of the ruling class to side with the Chartist millions. The Reform Bill has provided against its own finality. And then, although the bulk of the Irish people are incapable of Chartism, their sympathy with the Chartists of England and Scotland will not be wanting when most required—whena "strong i Government shall try coercion of the Chartists—that is, a Tory Government, since the Whigs have no strength for any purpose—a Govermnent, therefore, to which the Chartists will not be more hostile than the mass of the Irish people in array for the equality of their religion and their race. Though with very different objects, the mass of the people throughout these islands will then be all rebels at heart. This state of politics could not last long; nor even for a year or two, without such shocks to credit as, in England and Scotland at least, where the:people are much congregated in large towns and dependent on the operations of credit for their daily bread, as almost to dissolve society. Suppose it had become obvious that the Chartists of England and Scotland, the sulky peasantry of this art of England, and the Catholic population of Ireland, were all f one rebellious mind—would a bank-note pass ? Would the arkets be supplied with food ? The populace would go frantic with hunger ; the " National Guard" would faint with fear, and the "strong Government " expire at the uproar. This is no picture of the imagination, but a sober reckoning of cause and effect. If no previous example of such events can be cited, it is only because suppressed Chartism has never operated on such materials as the English system of credit.

If we give up the most dangerous experiment of suppression, still what is to be done with Chartism ? Shall we let it alone, trusting all to the chapter of accidents. This plan would suit the character of the present Government, but will scarcely be accept- able to most people. In order to deal properly with Chartism, we want, if not a strong, at any rate a sensible and vigorous Govern- ment. A sensible Government would sec from what takes place in the United States, that the political part of Chartism contains nothing to be feared except as it is combined with the social or economical part. They would separate the one from the other— guide the one and destroy the other. The claim of the working millions to equal political rights must some day be granted, unless reading should be suppressed ; and might be gradually admitted without evil of any kind, provided the working classes were as "well off" in England as in America. Nay, the very demand is occasioned in some measure by economical suffering. The millions want the franchise in order to obtain better wages. That they would legislate so as to raise wages—so as to provide ample em- ployment and a happy existence for all the industrious classes— may well be denied. Nor can we assert confidently that the wisest legislation would accomplish this object in such a country as Eng- land. But the attempt might be made ; the disposition to accom- plish it might be shown ; and evidence of a sincere desire on the

part of our rulers for the welfare of the common people would induce them to give any plan a fair trial. Suppose we should try a free trade in corn. Where the wheat may be grown, is of little importance, so that the people get plenty of bread. If the fields of England are circumscribed, she has under them the means of drawing immense quantities of food from other lands. If the people should still be overcrowded, why not enable some—enough of them —to obtain land and plenty in other parts of the empire ? Surely it were better to make these experiments than that of coercion.

The ruling class might also try the effect of a kindly manner and respectful tone towards that class, which is at all events a reading class, and which has no subject of more bitter complaint than the insulting language in which it is often addressed by the Govern- ment press. But to whom are we preaching ? To a wise and energetic Government ! It were indeed idle to warn the set of men who rule this country without capacity for even understanding the dan- gers in prospect. Nor, unhappily, are there many, either in or out of Parliament, who look beyond the present hour, or show any fit- ness to deal with the explosive combination of democratic longings and economical pressure which is, beyond all comparison, the most important feature in the social condition of Great Britain.