COOPER'S HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN NAVY.

THESE volumes have the common defect which attaches to works on America, of a length disproportioned to the nature of the Bub- o et. Observing the surprising growth of the territory and popu- lation of the United States, with their unquestioned wealth and political importance, writers seem to fancy that their books must have a size corresponding to that of the nation, instead of the deeds she has done and the length of time she has existed. The real in- terest of American history is not so much narrative as exposi- tive; furnishing topics of exposition or speculation to the politi- cian or political economist in the formation and growth of the States, the origin and character of their institutions, and the effects they have produced upon the people, with their probable future in- fluence. And if this be true of America's civil and military story, how much more so is it of her maritime affairs ? for she never fought a pitched battle at sea, or had the means of fighting one : the majority of her exploits were privateering affairs with little vessels—time greatest achievments battles between single frigates. Most of these achievements, exhibited a high degree of bravery and skill ; but they have only a claim to a place in history, when, by possessing some peculiar characteristic either of courage or fortune, they form an episode or relief to the greater events. Their use is as a garnish to the feast : except the campaign on the Lakes and the attack upon Tripoli, Mr. COOPER'S book is a feast of garnishes. This inseparable quality of the history is aggravated by the author's mode of treating it : be closes his narrative with the peace of 1815, and says nothing of the com- mercial marine ; although the growth and formation of that arm of the navy is the most striking, original, and national feature in the subject. Hence the interest of Mr. COOPER'S work will be confined, we imagine, to " out and out " Americans, and nautical men ; one class finding a national, the other a professional interest in its minute narratives of rather minute affairs.

The material, as selected by Mr. COOPER, naturally divides itself into four parts. The birth of the American marine, whilst the Colo- nies were united to the Mother Country, forms the first part; and this, owing perhaps to a paucity of facts, is the most historically treated, the general character of the subject being presented, and only the more striking incidents told in detail. The second part embraces the infimnt navy, nourished, as well as necessity would allow, during the war of Independence. The third contains the period from 1783 to 1812 ; chiefly distinguished by a brief war with France, and a blockade and bombardment of Tripoli. The fourth narrates the naval events of the last war between England and America.

The nautical incidents are narrated with Mr. COOPER'S wonted skill and power : perhaps a consciousness of his forte has in- duced him to detail the particulars of each occurrence with a ful- ness belonging to personal adventure rather than to history. He forgets, however, this difference between fact and fiction : in the latter, the author can select his incidents—the elements, the ocean, the accidents of the vessel, and the actions of men, are at his dis- posal ; in the former, he is bound down by actual occurrences. In fiction, a previous interest is excited in the fortunes of the persons ; and the storm, the chase, the battle, are little more than means to carry out that end. In a narrative of fact, we have rarely any pre- vious knowledge or care of the persons : the entire interest has to be excited by what they do on their first introduction to us. Of the partiality or impartiality which the author has displayed in narrating the various contests with English vessels, it is difficult to decide, for it is difficult on such a question to get the mind into a perfectly impartial state. Of any absurd or vulgar exaggeration Mr. COOPER must unquestionably be acquitted; and he appears to have endeavoured to act with fairness. But we think he makes the discrepancy between the forces less than they have hitherto been stated ; and lie never alludes to the well-known fact of the inferior composition of the English crews. By reason of the long duration of the war, and the consequent demand for men, the English frigates were not only short-handed, but partly manned by lands- men of the worst description—criminals whose sentences had been commuted for service; whilst the Americans were mostly picked sea- men in the prime of life. It may be, as Mr. COOPER intimates, that the probable cause of the American Chesapeake being taken by our Shannon was the number of " mercenaries " on board the former, and the "peculiar state of the crew," who were new to their officers, and dissatisfied about arrears of prize-money. But if America with twenty ships, (the largest 44, and ten of them 18 and under,) had occasion to put up with inferior crews when she be- gan to build a few additional vessels and the war had lasted a year or two, what allowance should not be made for Great Britain, with a navy, in 1812, "nominally of one thousand and sixty sail, of which between seven and eight hundred were efficient cruising-vessels ;" with an immense land force, scattered over every quarter of the globe, and contending in the Peninsula with the power of NAPO- LEON ; and with a drain of men which had virtually been continued for twenty years ? It would be idle to deny that the marine of America has displayed the highest qualities, or to assert that she would be unable to cope with ours man for man and gun for gun ; but little is to be drawn from the contests of the war. The Ameri- cans launched a new description of crack ships, with crack crews, and were successful in the first few encounters ; but when the Chesapeake met the Shannon, although the efficiency of the Eng- lish vessel was solely owing, we believe, to the zeal or hobby of her commander, the American was taken. The fact is, the American navy resembled, and perhaps still resembles, household troops, with picked officers, picked men, and point de vice appointments. But a large army cannot consist of guards ; and should America follow Mr. COOPER'S advice and considerably increase her navy, she may find some difficulty in preserving that thorough perfection in her ships of war which she now displays. At the same time, it is the bounden duty of our Government to endeavour to equalize our frigates with those of the Americans ; so that in case of future contests, we shall not seem to be fighting frigates, when it is a question whether they are not, in men and metal, nearer ships of the line.

One point in Mr. COOPER'S narrative is clear, though he may not be blameable for it—the struggles of the beaten Americans are de-

scribed with a vigour, an animation, and a detail, which are not given to their opponents. Whilst the English defeats are told with the dryness of a gazette, and the effects almost seem produced by witchcraft, this is the style in which the American contests are recorded.

RESISTANCE OF THE ESSEX, U. s.

The Pheebe discovered no disposition to throw away the immense advantage she possessed in her long eighteens ; and when she found the Essex's fire be- coming warm, she kept edging away, throwing her shot, at the same time, with fatal effect, cutting down the people of her antagonist, almost with impunity to herself. By this time, many of the guns of the American ship were dis- abled by shot, and the crews of several had been swept away. One particular gun was a scene of carnage that is seldom witnessed in a naval combat, no less than fifteen men, or three entire crews, falling at it iu the course of the action; its captain alone escaped with a slight wound. This scene of almost unresisting carnage had now lasted near two hours, and, finding it impossible to close with his adversary, who chose his distance at plea- sure, Captain Porter felt the necessity of taking some prompt measure, if lie would prevent the enemy from getting possession of his ship. The wind had got more to the westward, and he saw a hope of running her ashore at a spot where he might land his people, and set her on fire. For a few minutes, every thing appeared to favour this design, and the Essex hail drifted within musket- shot of the beach, when the wind suddenly shifted from the land, paying the ship's head broadoff, in a way to leave her exposed to a dreadful raking fire. *

The slaughter in the Essex having got to be horrible, the enemy firing with deliberation, and hulling her at almost every shot, Captain Porter, as a last re- sort, ordered a hawser to be bent to the sheet anchor, and the latter let go, in order to bring the head of the ship round. This effected the object; and once more the Americans got their broadside to bear, remaining stationary them- selves, while their enemy, .a good deal crippled, was drifting slowly to leeward. Even in those desperate circumstances a ray of hope gleamed through this little advantage, and Captain Porter was beginning to believe that the Phoebe would drift out of gun-shot before she discovered his expedient, when the hawser parted with the strain.

There was no longer any chance of saving the ship: To add to her distress, she was on fire, the longer coming up both the main and the forward hatch- ways • and, for a few minutes, it was thought she must consume. Au explo- sion Of powder also occurred below, to add to the horrors of the scene ; and Captain Porter told his people that, in preference to being blown up, all who chose to incur the risk might make the attempt to reach the shore by swim- ming. Many availed themselves of the permission ; and some succeeded in effecting their escape. Others perished, while a few, after drifting about on bits of spars, were picked up by the boats of the enemy. Much the greater part of the crew, however, remained in the ship, and they set about an attempt to extinguish the flames; the shot of the enemy committing its havoc the whole time. Fortunately, the fire was got under, when the few brave men who were left, went again to the long guns.

The moment had now arrived when Captain Porter was to decide between submission, or the destruction of the remainder of his people. In the midst of

this scene of slaughter lie had himself been untouched, and it would seem that

be felt himself called on to resist as long as his own strength allowed. But his remaining people entreated him to remember his wounded, and he at last con- sented to summon his officers. Only one, Acting-Lieutenant M'Knight, could

join him on the quarter-deck ! The First Lieutenant, Mr. Wilmer, hail been knocked overboard by a splinter, and drowned, while getting the sheet anchor

from the bows; Acting-Lieutenant Cowell, the next in rank, was mortally

wounded ; Acting-LieUtenant Odenheimer had just been knocked overboard from the quarter, and did not regain the vessel for several minutes. The re- ports of the state of the ship were fearful. A large portion of the guns were

disabled, even had there been men left to fight them. The berth-deck, steerage, ward-room, and cock-pit, were full of wounded ; and the latter were even killed by shot while under the surgeon's hands. The carpenter was sent for, and

he stated that of his crew he alone could perform any duty. Ile had been over the side to stop shot-holes, when his slings had been cut away, and lie

narrowly escaped drowning. Ip short, seventy-five men, officers included, were zdl that remained for duty ; and the enemy, in perfectly smooth water, was firing his long eighteens at a nearly unresisting ship, with as much precision as he could have discharged them at a target. It bad become an imperative duty to strike, and the colours were accordingly hauled down, after one of the most remarkable combats that is to be found in the history of naval warfare.

Besides descriptions of fights and cruises, the work contains some general criticisms and nautical remarks, which are the most broad and valuable, if not the most interesting parts of it. Here is a speculation on the

PROBABLE EFFECTS OF STEAM IN FUTURE wan& An opinion is becoming prevalent, that the use of steam will supersede the old mode of conducting naval warfare. Like most novel and bold propositions, this new doctrine has obtained advocates. who have yielded their convictions to the influence of their imaginations, rather than to the influence of reflection. That the use of steam will materially modify naval warfare, is probably true ; but it cannot change its general character. No vessel can be built of sufficient force and size to transport a sufficiency of fuel, provisions, munitions of war, and guns, to contend with even a heavy frigate, allowing the last to bring her broadside to bear. It may be questioned if the heaviest steam-vessel of war that exists could engage a modern two decked ship even in a calm, since the latter, in addition to possessing much greater powers of endurance' could probably bring the most guns to bear in all possible positions. Shot batteries might indeed be built, that, propelled by steam, would be exceedingly formidable for harbour defence, but it is illusory to suppose that vessels of that description can ever be made to cruise. Even in estimating the power of steam-vessels in calms, as opposed to single ships of no great force, there is much exaggeration, as historical facts will amply prove. The wars of this country afford several instances of frigates carrying eighteen pounders lying exposed to the cannonade of fifteen or twenty gun-boats for two or three hours, and vet in no instance has any such vessel been either captured or destroyed. At is a heavy sea-steamer that can bring six guns to bear at rt time, and yet frigates have resisted twenty guns, advantageously placed, for hours. it may be said that steamers would dare to approach nearer than gun-boats, and that, by obtaining more favourable positional they will be so much the more formidable. There is but one position in which a ship can be assailed without the means of resistance, and that is directly ahead, and from a situation near by. Large ships can hardly be said to he defenceless even under these circumstances; as the slightest variation in their position would always admit of their bringing three or four heavy guns to bear. The expedients of seamen offer a variety of means of changing the direction of a ship's head in calms, even did not the sea itself perform that office for them. Nothing, for instance, would be easier than to rig, temporarily, wheels, to be propelled by hand out of the stern or bow ports, or even on the quarter, that would bring a large ship's forward or after guns to bear, in a way to beat off or destroy a steamer. There are certain great principles that arc unchangeable and which must prevail under all circumstances. Of this class is the well-established fact, that a ship which possesses the efficiency which is contained in the double power to

annoy and to endure, must, in all ordinary circumstances, prevail orer that possesses but one of of these advantages, and that too in a smaller daegreP

Steam may be, and most probably will be, made a powerful auxiliary of`tif; present mode of naval warfare, but is by means likely to supplant it; pleei may be accompanied by steamers, but their warfare will be conducted by the present classes of heavy ships, since it is not possible to give sufficient porese of annoyance or endurance to vessels propelled by steam, to enable them to under the batteries of the latter. Even as active cruisers, the efficienca; too

steam-vessels is probably overrated, on account of the consumption of faeI though it remains to be proved by experience whether their employment may not induce a change in the armaments of light vessels of war. lite history of the war of 1812 shows that ships have often cruised months without having fallen in with convoys, and it is certain that no steamer, in the present state of science, can remain at sea thirty days, with efficiency as a steamer. In a word, while the introduction of steam into naval warfare will greatly modify maritime operations, it is by no means likely to effect the revolution that is supposed. In those portions of the art of seamanship that it will in- fluence, steam will meet steam, and, in the end, it will be found that the force of fleets will be required in settling the interest of states, as to-day.

As a contrast, we will close with ft curiosity—the supposed

FIRST AMERICAN SEA-FIGHT.

Some time in May 1636, Gallop, in his little sloop, manned by two men and two boys, himself included, was standing along the Sound, near Plum Island,

when he was compelled to bear up by stress of weather, for a refuge, to leeward, among the islands that form a chain between Long Island and Connecticut. On nearing the land, he discovered a vessel very similar to his own in size and

equipments, which was immediately recognized as the pinuance of Mr. Oldham, who had sailed with a crew of two White boys and two Narragansett Iudians. Gallop hailed on nearing the other craft, but got no answer, and, on running still nearer, no less than fourteen Indians were discovered lying on her deck. A canoe conveying goods, and manned by Indians, had also Just started for the shore. Gallop now began to suspect that Oldham had been overpowered by the savages ; a suspicion that was confirmed by the Indians slipping their cable, and running off before the wind, or in the direction of Narragansett Bay. Satisfied that a robbery had been committed, Gallop made sail in chase, and running alongside of the pinnance in a spirited manlier, he fired a volley of duck-shot at the savages. The latter had swords, spears, and some fire. arms, and they attempted a resistance, but Gallop soon drove them below to s man. Afraid to board in the face of such odds, Gallop now had recourse to a novel expedient to dislodge his enemies. As the pinnauce was drifting e with no one to manage her, site soon fell to leeward, while the sloop hauled by the wind. As soon as the two vessels were far enough asunder, Gallop put has helm up, and ran directly down on the weather quarter of the pinnace, striking her with, so much violence as to come near forcing her over on her side. The shock so much alarmed the Indians, who were on an element and in a craft they did not

i

understand, that six of them rushed frantically on deck, and leaped into the sea, where they were all drowned. The sloop again hauled off, when Gallop lashed an anchor to her bows in such a manner, that, by running down on the pinnace a second time, he forced the flukes through the sides of the latter, which are represented as having been made of boards. The two vessels were now fast to each other, and the crew of the sloop began to fire through the sides of the pinnace, into her hold. Finding it impossible, however, to drive his enemies up, Gallop loosened his fasts, and hauled up to windward a third time, when four or five more of the Indians jamped overboard and shared the fate of those who had preceded them. One Indian now appeared on deck and offered to submit. Gallop ran alongside, and received this man in the sloop, when lie was bound hands and feet, and put into the hold. Another soon followed this example, and he was also received on board the sloop and bound, but, fearful that if two of his wily foes were permitted to commune together, they would liberate themselves, the second prisoner was thrown into the sea. But two Indians now remained in the pinnace. They had got into a small apartment below, and, being armed, they showed a disposition to defend them- selves, when Gallop removed all the goods that remained into his own sloop, stripped the pinnace of her sails, took her in tow, and hauled up for the islands again. But the wind increasing, the pinnace was cut adrift, and she dis- appeared in the direction of Narrangansett Bay, where it is probable she was stranded in the course of a few hours.