15 SEPTEMBER 1849, Page 3

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At.the anniversary meeting of the Royal Bucks Agricultural Association, held on Wednesday at Aylesbury, Mr. Disraeli expounded a plan of agita- tion for promoting the relief of agriculture through equalizing local taxation. Mr. Disraeli occupied the meeting a considerable time with in- troductory matter; enlarging upon the beneficial tendency of prizes such as those distributed that day to the competitors in ploughing, /km, and then justifying his introduction of political matters. On the first point-

" Although the prizes we offer must always necessarily be limited in amount as compared with the degree of moral virtue which they seek to reward, and though therefore they are open to the ridicule of the vulgar, the sneers of the malignant, and the observations of all who are ignorant of the routine of rural life, still I can say from my own experience, that in this county they have acted most beneficial- ly—have given a stimulus to good conduct on the part of our agricultural popu- lation, are looked forward to by the laboaring community with interest, and are received with feelings of gratitude."

On the second point, he took it for granted that every gentleman present, whatever his political feelings, was of opinion. that agriculture should be protected.

Although it is one object of these societies—and in particular of the Royal Backs Association, which has given a. tone to many others throughout the coun- try—to reward good conduct in the humbler classes of the community, " still we are all aware, that our first duty, if not at all time successful in influencing public opinion, is of course to attend to the interests of agriculture itself. Because, if agriculture fail, of what avail will it be to offer rewards to skilful ploughmen when there are no landa to plough ? What will be the use of giving premiums to faithful servants when there are no masters remaining to engage and employ them." (Cheers.) They had always carefully excluded party politics from their meetings; nevertheless, he had remarked the prevalence in the county of a feel- ing that the society was formed for party politics. That unfounded but too prevalent idea was ascribable to the fact, that the constitution of the Association was not so comprehensive and broad as it might have been. However this might be, one thing was clear—though not met to consider measures of either Whig, Tory, or Radical, it was their chief duty to consider and clearly understand the position they occupy. It was impossible for any man in the room to forget, or not to see, the great change which has occurred since Mr. Disreelitast addressed them. (A cry—" iVe feel 'lir) It would be impossible to forget, that at this moment the agricultural interest is in a state of great suffering—(Cries of " True, true r)—and that if they merely met to drink a toast and to consider every point but the points connected with the farmer's purses, they would be do.. grading the Association by a meeting without object or end. Such a course would but be putting arms into the hands of their enemies, by making themselves the just objects of public contempt.

What then were they now to do to meet the crisis—to enable the farmers of England, deprived of the protection they believed they were entitled to, to resume that position which used to be their boast?

In recurring to what happened when the change took place, he gave no opinion on the policy or impolicy of that change : they must not suppose he wished to re- store the state of things which existed before the introduction of free trade: but, whether Whig, Tory, or Radical, he only asked them, as a general principle, to stand by the land of England. When in the early part of last session lie ven- tured to break ground on the question, what should be the policy of the landlords, to maintain, as a class dependant on agricultural pursuits, their fair position in the social scale? he had pointed out a remarkable circumstance which appeared to have been unobserved before, because it had not been placed in a massive and ag- gregate form—that while the agricultural population of England contributed thew fair quota to the 50,000,0001. of general taxation, they also paid a second revenue, equal to 12,000,0001., from which other classes were exempt. "This revenue is collected for purposes equally public as the 50,000,0001.; and in an age when we are told that no class should have peculiar privileges, I venture to ask that the other classes should take their fair share of this second revenue, at present en- tirely saddled on the agricultural body. Gentlemen, that motion I brought for- ward at the commencement of the last session, and I have sometimes been taunted with the fact that I was not successful on that occasion. Gentlemen, it is very difficult to obtain success on a first attempt. It is very rare that in a first campaign a complete victory is obtained. It took the Duke of Wellington seven campaigns to beat the French in the Peninsula; but the result of those campaigns was to secure a peace which has never yet ceased. Gentlemen, it appears to me most encouraging, that on first bringing my plan forward it was supported by 200 Members of the House of Commons, though it was not backed by any-feeling out of doors, because the farmers were disheartened, dispirited, and dieeouraged. What, however, was the consequence of my bringing forward that motion? Why, not a month passed but some other party got up and recognized the justice of its privilege and the propriety of the motion, by bringing forward some petty plan of his own. Gentlemen, this is not a moment for disputing about details; this is not a moment for considering how far a plan can be carried; but I believe a ge- neral feeling is diffusing itself throughout the public mind that the agricultural interest has been most unfairly treated. No one has ever yet answered that part of my argument relative to the second revenue. No one has dared to aay that the maintenance of the poor is not a national duty; indeed, it is a religions duty, and a duty which we ought all equally to participate in performing. Gentlemen, I say at the present day it is most imperative that the agricultural body should seek for an equality of taxation with other members of the community:' That was a primary object, and if attained would at once bring considerable re- lief; but it would not be sufficient. "I consider that it would ilia but a slight benefit compared with the great loss we have experienced. Gentlemen, I um dis- posed to believe, after having, as your representative, given the subject the most grave and constant consideration, that if you persevere in endeavouring to obtain your rights, you will ultimately find substantial, considerable, and even complete relief." But there is nothing in life, especially in public life, more important than to have a principle to guide you. Whatever the perplexity, a principle simplifies everything; however extraordinary the gor- dian knot, a principle would almost instantly cut it. Applying this senti- ment, they might all agree on the principle that taxation should be equal. "No doubt, every gentleman present has heard of—and many of you pay—tile Land- tax. This tax is so levied, that the county of Buckingham pays le. Sid in the pound on the rental of the land, while other counties, infinitely more populous and infinitely more rich, pay 2d. in the pound. You are therefore called upon to pay an undue amount of the Land-tax. Mind, I am not speaking of that portion of Land-tax which has been redeemed,—for that is always brought forward by our opponents to perplex the question—because in nothing that I propose do 1 wish to disturb any public compact which has been entered into. One-third of the Land- tax has been redeemed, and therefore no longer presses upon the suit; but two-thirds remain to be paid, and produces more than 1,000,0001. an. neatly. Now, this tax is Is, ed. in the pound in Buckinghamshire, and only 2d. in the pound in the county of Lancaster, and one farthing la thef pound in Liverpool. I ask you, then, where is the equality of that taxa- tion? The inequality, however, is not peculiar to Buckinghamshire; for I was speaking to a gentleman from Hertfordahire on the subject before I 4p- tered this room, and I find that in his county they pay Is. fet in' the pound. I have alluded to Hertfordshire, because I do not wish to eonfivie the ceensiderafion of the subject merely to Buckinghamshire. I will also take a border county, the county of Bedford, where I find the tax is is. a in the pound, while in North- ampton, another brother county, it is more than Is., while in Berkshire, a sister county, it is Is. lid. Then again, in the remaining twenty agricultural counties, including Somersetshire, Kent, Devonshire, and even Essex—from which a pe- tition, signed by 25,000 persons, in favour of equal taxation, was sent to Parlia- ment, that petition being given to me to present by their own County Member, because I had originally brought the question forward—in these twenty agricul- tural counties the average of the Land-tax is but little under ls. in the pound. Having given you these facts, which I have drawn from official documents, I will put before you the conclusions to which I have come. If the Land-tax was levied throughout the country at the same rate as in Buckinghamshire, and that is not so high as in Hertfordshire or Bedfordshire, instead of realizing 1,000,0001. it would raise 5,000,0001. He was not proposing any new tax—any tax opposed to the spirit of the age, but only the equalization of a tax which already exists; and in this he had a right to anticipate the support of those who have declared themselves in favour of equal taxation and financial reform. "All that I ask is, that the tax upon land, which has already been sanctioned by Parliament by an ancient act, shall be levied throughout the country in the same proportion as in Buckinghamshire; for though the tax presses heavily on the agricultural districts, it does not press on Manchester, Liverpool, or Brighton. Gentlemen, suppose we had this eqeali- zation of the Land-tax, and the consequent 5,000,0001., the question arises, what shall we do with it? We have with this money. the means, in my opinion, of raising the agriculture of England from its depresmon, so that the landed in- -twat should find itself in that position in which as long as I live I will labour to place it." Admitting that their present position was most depressed, what did their op- ponents tell them? That they must exercise more skill, and employ more capital. (A Voice—" We have none! it's all gone! ") That some improvement is pos- sible, he did not deny. Everything admits of improvement; for the more you im- prove the more you see there is room for farther improvement. "Improvement Is realized intelligence; and the instant you increase that intelligence, you in- crease the means of exercising it. No doubt, therefore, the agriculture of Eng- land is capable of improvement. But this I will say, whatever the faults, what- ever room there is for improvement, the agriculture of England is the most skil- ful that has ever existed; and this I will prove by the simple fact, that in no other country in Europe has so much been raised from the soil as in England, and that the quantity raised in this country is one-third more than in any part of the United States. . . . . It is very easy to say that there is room for improvement; that you must apply more skill and capital to agriculture: but I want to see the man come forward and show me the way in which you are to get the amount ne- cessary under ordinary circumstances for that purpose What I propose as a remedy is this that the five millions should form a sinking-fund—not a bor- rowed but a real sinking-fund, which, safely in hand, would in less than ten months raise Consols above par, and thus enable landlords to borrow money to apply to their land at three per cent, instead of paying, as they now do four and four-and-a-half per cent. Then the farmer could go to his balker or neighbour, and obtain from him at a reasonable rate the capital he required for the improvement of the soil. There, gentlemen, is your re- medy—equal taxation and cheap capital. Mind, when I say cheap capital, I am not recommending you to depreciate your coin, or adopt a paper currency which could not easily be converted into gold. If my recommendation was adopted, the public credit would be maintained; it would. give to the farmer & independence, and remove from their present state of depres- sion the landlords of the country, who could then obtain all the capital they require for the improvement of their estates at a light rate of interest . . . . When parties turn round upon you and say that you don't know what you want—that you offer no political objects, answer them in these words: 'We want equal taxation and cheap capital.' If you make this your political creed for the future, it will bring you to a state of prosperity which in this dark hour it is not easy to contemplate Let the farmers of England but take the matter in hand, and next year those 200 gentlemen [his supporters in Parliament] will be increased to 300; for at present they cannot exactly see which way the cat leaps. This is only the month of September, and the present is perhaps the first agricultural meeting that has been held during the present recess: if you will only meet, therefore, and demand equal taxation and cheap capital—if you will only determine that the poor of England shall be supported by the whole of Eng- land and not by particular localities—if you will go about and show the inequality of the Land-tax, and insist that it be assessed throughout the country in the same ratio as in the county of Buckingham,—be assured, if you call for these things with a great voice, you will not be refused them, but the justice of your claim will be admitted throughout the length and breadth of the land."

That Association had before now set an example to the people of England- " I have no wish to refer to past legislative enactments, but I may be permitted to state that, right or wrong, in 1831 and 1832, when a great political change was made in the representative system of the country, the tanners of Bucking- hamshire stood up in defence of their privileges. You thought that if great parties in the country were to be enfranchised, the farmers of England had as good a claim as any other persons. Year demand was refused. You insisted; and you obtained a great and substantial benefit. . . . . Remember, that we never should have had Ship-money done away with if a Buckinghamshire gentleman, and a very near neighbour of mine, had not made a determined stand against it. Jacobinism would never have been suppressed but for the energy of a Bucking- hamshire gentleman—Mr. Burke, who lived at Beaconsfield; and the farmers of England would ;lever have been enfranchised if a Buckinghamshire gentleman, -who lived at Wotton—and whose absence today we all deeply deplore—had not, when all else despaired of success, stepped forward and procured justice for the British farmer. Gentlemen, the game is in your own hands. I call upon you to dismiss the past—not to look to the future, but to look only at the present. You are called upon to pay a tax which no other class of your countrymen .pay, and this in an age when .no peculiar privileges are allowed to any class, .1 for one object , to ,the privilege of paying 'wilier taxes. If you only determine to obtain an equalization of taxation, if you will impress upon your neighbours in adjoining counties this same feeling, and if you will send up peti- tions to this effect to both Houses of Parliament, I will stake my political repu- tation, that in a few months more or less there is not a man in this room who will not pay half the local taxation which he does at present, and who will not be able to obtain all -the capital he requires at a moderate rate of interest. These are my views for the present, and this is my answer to those who say we don't know what we ask for. If I can obtain these objects next session, I should probably ask for more; but at any rate I should not propose Success to the Royal Bucks Agri- cultural Association' with greater spirit than I now give it to you."

The animid,grand banquet given by the Master Cutler of Sheffield was marked this year by the amicable presence of representatives from antago- nistic political parties. The Duke of Newcastle was overcome by the kindness of his reception, and used overflowing expressions of satisfac- tion—indeed, his feelings almost of affection—towards a town so interest- ing as Sheffield. Earl FitzwIlliam congratulated the townsmen on the peace and tranquillity which the country enjoys, and called upon them to meditate calmly on the possible cause of that tranquillity—the structure Of society Lin this country, the intertwining- of the various social elements, the blendibk of the PrOperty"due to past iniluitry with the growing property of present labour, and the olose.relationehip of classes with each othar:- Parker, BLPsand Secretary to the Admiralty, paid a tribute to Mr. Ward, his quondam Parliamentary colleague and precursor at the Admiralty: warming at the remembrance of his friend, with official ardour he glorified the British Navy, and pleaded pathetically for its efficient maintenance. Mr. Roebuck, while acknowledging the propriety of excluding political topics, avowed that he was there "entirely as a politician"; but turned that circumstance to friendly use, in abandoning politics for a strain of com- plimentary remark on the good feeling shown by the preceding speakers.

The British Association for the Advancement of Science commenced its nineteenth meeting on Wednesday, at Birmingham. In addition to a large gathering of men professionally eminent in science, there were present the Marquis of Northampton, the Earl of Harrowby, Lord Lifford, the Bishop of Oxford, the Bishop of Worcester, and the French and Prussian Ambas- sadors. Proceedings were opened by a general meeting in the library of the Free Grammar School; at which the Marquis of Northampton, Presi- dent during the past year, took the chair. Dr. Lee, Bishop of Manchester, was elected a Vice-President. The report of the past year stated that Go- vernment have granted a recompense of 250/. a year to Mr. Ronal& for the invention of his self-registering magnetical and meteorological appa- ratus. The financial account was favourable; the receipts of last year having been 1,9611., which exceeded the expenses by 3601. The Associa- tion has also 3,5001. stock in the Three per Cent Consols.

Colonel Sabine announced his resignation of the office of Secretary. The announcement was received with marked regret; and "no successor was appointed, or even mentioned." In the evening, a larger general meeting was held in the Town-hall; at which Lord Northampton resigned his Presidency of the past year. His successor, Professor Robinson of Belfast, delivered the usual address on the position of science, and the objects and success of the Association.

On Thursday morning, the various sections of the Association commenced their sittings, in rooms provided at the Free Grammar School, the Philo-

sophical Institution, and the Queen's Hospital. _ The attendance at Doncaster Races has been tolerably numerous; but the visitants were evidently brought from not very distant regions by the abundant railway opportunities; " the grand stand, although crowded to the roof, containing few of the titled and fashionable personages whose pa- tronage for so long a period made Doncaster the most popular racing town in the kingdom."

The races began on Tuesday, in unfavourable wet weather. The Doncaster Plate was won by Mr. Payne's Farthingale, (Flatman,) against five others. On Wednesday, the St. Leger Stakes were won by Lord Eglintonn's Flying Dutchman (Marlow); Nunnykirk second, Vatican third, and Honeycomb fourth; six other gorses starting. The start was very even; the race but middling; and the winner went in two lengthsahead. This is the third St. Leger Lord Eglin- toun has won: . he gained that of 1842 with Bluebonnet, and that of 1847 with Van Tromp, the half-brother to the present winner. On Thureday, the Great Yorkshire Handicap was won by Mr. Meiklam's Snow- storm' (Arnold, against ten othess. On Friday, t Two-year-old Stakes were won by Lord Eglintoun's Knight of Avenel, (Marlow,) against Epirote, Tapley, and Witchcraft. The winner made all the running, and won in a canter by three lengths: "the result created an im- mense sensation, and the winner was backed for the Derby at 25 to 1." The race for the North of England Produce Stakes was unprecedented: Beim, the only horse entered, fell lame; and Semi-Franc, a hack, was entered, in hopes that Lord Eglintoun would consent to the withdrawal of Belus; but he would not do so, and the hack galloped in before the lame "blood," admidst roars of laughter.

The Naval Court-martial on Commander Pitman resumed its sittings on Tues- day last, to hear the prisoner's defence. This was read by Mr. Elworthy, one of his professional 'advisers, and occupied twolours in the delivery. It commenced with an exposure of the knowledge which the prisoner had obtained sines he has been on trial of the character borne by his accusers. Lieutenant Graham was obliged to ask his discharge from his first ship because he had purloined the mess-money; for a similar offence in his next ship, he was turned out of the officers' mess, obliged to mess with the carpenter, and was not spoken to by the officers except on orders; he applied for his own discharge without a certificate, and worked his way home before the mast in a merchant-ship: he obtained his last exchange into the Childers through Commander Pitman's ignorance of these circumstances, and through the desire of another young' officer to exchange from the Childers into the ship to which the prisoner had obtained an "acting order' from the Admiral. Mr. Elliott, the Master, had been the victim of Lieutenant Graham. He had fallen into habits of intoxication, and in consequence bad be- come of quarrelsome, insubordinate, untruthful, and generally bad character: As to the charges of cruelty, the prisoner met them with denial; and endeavoured to show how they were either supported merely by opinion, or propped by contradictory untrustworthy evidence. The insanityof Haig had never been established at all, and the prisoner understood that he is now serving afloat, and in the habit of laugh- ing at the mode in which he duped the medical officers of the Childers. The placing of copper funnels on the boys' heads was unknown to Commander Pitman; but if done it fact, it was evidently dmesto make the boys ridiculous, and not as a cruelty: so with the collar round their necks. As to the alleged suicide of White, it is 'unsupported by evidence: no one saw him go overboard, and both Lieutenant Boys and Commander Pitman saw him swimming with all his might, as if be had fallen overboard accidentally. The dismissal of Mr. Smith '!with disgrace" was not knowingly done, if done: the only evidence is the entry in the log-book; this entry was not drawn up by the Commander, and its wording did not attract his attention till it was now made matter of charge: it was an inad- vertence, which Commander Pitman the more regretted, as after Lieutenant Gra- ham and Master Elliott left the ship Mr. Smith's conduct was exemplary, and such as to earn him a title to be replaced in the service. As to the charges of having falsely expended stole, they were either disproved or were trivial: "that there might have been some irregularity in not holding a survey on a uselmor sail, may be apparent; bat the charge of falseness implies a degree of criminality and design which no part of the evidence. justified; . , but even such an irregu- larity would be justified," when, as was proved by the boatswain and the sail- maker, "the expenditure was necessary and urgent." Commander Pitman put , in upwards of fifty certificates of exemplary and ho- nourable service since his entering the Nayy, twenty-three years ago under Sir Harry Burrard Neale, in the Revenge. Among these were letters'froin Rear- Admiral Dacres, Sir Frederick blicolson, Sir Edward Lyon, Captains Charles Tal- bot, &Quahog, Nott, Crawford Giffin, Shipley, Clauville, and Pafford, testifying to his correct, officerlike, and gentlemanly conduet, his leniency and humanity, las remarkable courtesy and amenity of manner. Some witnesses were examined to the same effect. Dr. William Rogers, th° surgeon of the Childers, gave medical evidence which went to rebut the charge of "cruelty" in the punishments inflicted under the orders of Commander Pitman. Mr. Eggers was cress-examined at great lengtil, bpt without important result: he was not ready in supplsing information to Lis crØd5ifgmiriers. Just beforethe--CettrekeechiliTneSdn'y Wel ptutectitorts Lientesiant Graham and-Mr. eomiteinieed reading afore:irk application kr the'Coart to be adjourned twenty-four hours, to enable them to.confer avitb their profes- sionaladvisere in order to prepare a rejoinder to CaptaimPitmtm's defence. In Misapplication they were summarily stopped by the PresidentwSli-"Jolin Louis ; who rose from his seat, and stated that the Court was.adjonrisedlt is understood that the „court refused the rejoinder en the ground that there. is precedent for such a practice. The legal adviser f*. Elliott, Mr. W. J. Little, contends, however, thatihere is a precedent for. a. practice even at Portsmouth; as he had been allowed that privilege in the Case of the Canitmartial held in May 1841 on Lieutenant Morris, for contemptuous conduct and disobedience of orders when Second Lieutenaatof the Trincnlo brig. On Wednesday, the Court deliberated for nearly Ere hours, and terminated the proceedings by, the following judgment— "The Court Is of opinion that the charge of general cruelty and oppression has been In part proved against the prisoner Commander John. Charles Pitman ; and the Court is farther of opinion that the charge of false expenditure of stores., and the charge of false sta.tements in the log-book of her Majesty's ship Childers, have been proved against the prisoner Commander John Charles Pitman; and the Court cloth in consequence adjudge the said Commander John Charles Pitman to be dismissed from her Majesty's service; and the said Commander John Charles Pitman is hereby so sentenced accord- ingly."