NEWS OF THE WEEK.

THE news from America and Spain grows hourly worse. War is as certain as anything human can be, for Spain absolutely refuses to yield her sovereign rights in Cuba, and American opinion becomes more and more determined to stop the war in Cuba and endow the island with independence. It is urged in some quarters that the President has already obtained a good many concessions, and that if a little further time were allowed him he would obtain more. But what is the real value of these concessions ? The Spanish soldiers have for the moment stopped shooting at the insurgents and an armistice has been proclaimed ; but unless the insurgents come in and are reconciled, which they will not do, or the Spaniards leave the island, which is impossible, the armistice has no meaning. One general feature of the situation is to be noted. American opinion is growing terribly heated over the destruction of the 'Maine,' and the feeling is rapidly spreading that the explosion was the work of Spanish sub- altern officers. It is even alleged, though we quote the story with all reserve, that General Lee confirms the alleged letter from General Weyler which declares that the harbour of Havana is well torpedoed, and expresses a hope "that if any insult is made" there will be "a Spanish hand to punish it as terribly as it deserves." Vengeance for the 'Maine ' is, in fact, becoming the chief American cry. That is a subject for great regret, for war is terrible enough without such incite- ments to frenzy; but we must not judge the American feeling too harshly. Think what would be the feeling here if there were priniei facie grounds for suspicion in regard to the destruction of a British warship.

The Message of the President of the United States on Caban affairs, which was sent to Congress on Monday, contains a review of the whole situation at great length. Alter pointing out that the present insurrection is but the suc- cessor of similar insurrections, all of which have been marked ley great trouble, expense, and inconvenience to the United States, and by great excesses and cruelties, the Presi- dent describes the system of concentrating the civil popula- tion in the towns " by methods happily unprecedented in the modern history of civilised Christian people." " The peasantry, including all dwelling in the open agricultural interior, were driven into the garrison towns or isolated places held by troops. The raising and movement of provisiois were inter-

dicted, fields were laid waste, dwellings unroofed and fired, and mills destroyed,—in short, everything that could desolate the land and render it unfit for human habitation and support was commanded and executed by one or other of the con- testing parties. When the present Administration took office, the agricultural population of Cuba, to the estimated number of three hundred thousand, was herded within the towns and their immediate vicinage, deprived of means of support, rendered destitute of shelter, left poorly clad, and exposed to most unsanitary conditions." The result was the loss of half the " Reconcentra.dos " by starvation and the diseases that spring from starvation.

The President next points out that it is the duty of the United States to try to stop the war, which will otherwise produce the extermination of one or both parties. After dis- missing the proposal to recognise the insurgents as belli- gerents, he states that intervention is the only alternative, "either as an impartial neutral by imposing a rational com- promise," or else as the "active ally of one party or the other." There are good grounds for the first kind of inter- vention,—(l) the cause of humanity, (2) the interests of American citizens in Cuba, (3) the injury to commerce, (4) the menace to peace, and (5) the expense and anxiety caused by the state of Cuba. The responsibility for the destruction of the 'Maine' remains to be fixed, but in any case the incident shows that the Spanish Government "cannot assure safety and security to a vessel of the American Navy in the harbour of Havana on a mission of peace and rightfully there." The Message ends by leaving the whole matter in the hands of Congress. "The issue is now with Congress. It is a solemn responsibility. I have exhausted every effort to relieve the intolerable condition of affairs at our own doors. Prepared to execute every obligation imposed upon me by the Constitution and law, I await your action." As a sort of post- script, the Message concludes with the news that Spain has proclaimed a suspension of hostilities in Cuba. Though not a great State paper, the Message is not unworthy of the American Executive and the traditions of Lincoln and Washington. Its language is certainly not more highly pitched than that of our Ministers when making representa- tions to the Porte in regard to Armenia.

On Wednesday the Committee of the House of Repre- sentatives reported a Resolution in regard to the President's Message, which was adopted, though not till after a scene of wild confusion, during which the Members fought with each other, hurling books at each other's heads, and generally acting like madmen,—a scene which was only calmed with great difficulty by the Speaker and the Sergeant-at-Arms, and by the appeal of Mr. Henderson, a war veteran, who implored the House not to disgrace itself. The Resolution, after a preamble recounting the starvation of over two hundred thousand innocent non-combatants and the loss of the' Maine,' declares that the President is "directed and authorised " to intervene to stop the war in Cuba, to the end that " a stable and independent Government" may be established, and that he is " authorised and empowered " to use the sea and land forces of the United States "to execute the purposes of the Resolution." The Senate could not agree upon their Resolu- tion so rapidly, but it will most probably be in somewhat similar terms. Theoretically, no doubt, the President might make his intervention of so mild a character as not to provoke war, but that is practically impossible. Intervention of the kind that will be employed is sure to result in war.

The feeling in Spain is rapidly becoming warlike, and the Government, which it must be admitted shows great prudence and self-restraint, has evidently no little difficulty in pre- venting demonstrations, both military and civil, which would

precipitate war. For example, the crowd returning from the bull-fight on Thursday had to be prevented by force from making a demonstration outside General Woodford's house, while a military demonstration of the officers of the Madrid garrison was only stopped by occupying the troops with manoeuvres outside the city. Meantime Don Carlos has put forth a manifesto, which in effect tells the Government that if they fight America he and his party will stand by them, but if not he will himself come to Spain, "and if I cannot get soldiers I will get volunteers from the provinces to defend the honour of the country." In a word, the Spanish people feel that they are being insulted by America, and, under such circumstances, ignore absolutely all the risks they run.

The position and condition of the Spanish and American Navies are just now the subject of most eager inquiry, for whatever may be the second act of the war, the first must be naval. On paper the two Fleets are now about evenly matched, for, curiously enough, the `Maine' turned the balance in favour of the United States. America is stronger in battleships, but then Spain has the advantage in armoured cruisers and also in torpedo-boats and destroyers. But though on paper the two Navies may be equally matched, we do not doubt that the sea-qualities of the Anglo-Saxon will make the American vessels, ship for ship, infinitely more formidable fighting engines than the Spanish. The Spaniards are a brave race, but unless they have suddenly changed they have little idea of handling and organising such complicated machines as modern ships of war. Till the command of the sea has been decided it is clear that America cannot venture to land a man in Cuba. America, therefore, must try to bring on a great naval engagement, which will, if possible, be avoided by Spain. How is America to bring Spain to action ? By trying to seize:Porto Rico is our guess. The Spaniards have large stores of coal there, and must defend the place with their whole available force.

The attitude of the Continent in regard to the struggle is very curious. When England and the United States are squabbling the European Press always professes an intense cordiality for America, but in reality the Continental peoples do not love the Republic. Now they are in full cry, especially in Paris, against this insulting and arrogant Power which dares to act without considering the feelings of the Concert of Europe. Fortunately public opinion here is quite sound, and strongly, if decorously and prudently, with America,— the half-hearted grumblings of a few, and they are a very few, London Dailies matters little. The only genuine touch of feeling for Spain entertained anywhere here is that which always goes to " the under-dog." Spain has some sup- porters because she is thought to be so weak and the States 30 strong. The real test of public opinion is the admitted fact that the Government, even if they wanted to, which they certainly do not, could not show the slightest hostility to the States without creating an opposition so strong that it would bring them to ruin.

A special correspondent of the Times, writing from Salonica, warns Europe that the Balkans may again be a theatre of disturbance. There will be risings in the province in the late spring, and if they are suppressed with the ferocity which marked the recent Turkish " pacification " of Uskub, nothing will keep the Bulgarian and Servian Armies from intervening. The former Army contains six hundred Macedonian officers, and the peasantry of the province, who throng to the rival schools set up by Bulgarians, Greeks, Servians, and Ron. manians, are rapidly becoming educated men. Neither Prince Ferdinand nor King Alexander wishes for war, but in the event of new massacres they will be overborne by the fury of their people. Fighting Bulgarians will task the Turkish soldiery much more than fighting Greeks, and though the Servians are anti-Bulgarian, they are also anti- Turk. It is probable, though the correspondent does not allude to this, that Austria would feel herself compelled to occupy the province, and then the whole Eastern question, with its endless possibilities of conflict, would be once more reopened. The situation is not made easier by the fact that during the whole time the contending parties may be stirred by the sound of the cannon fired by America and Spain. That sound sets all soldiers and all Kings tingling.

England has got a new General,—one as visible to the public as Lord Wolseley or Lord Roberts, and also one of forty-eight. That is one of the chief results of the battle on the Atbara. As we have explained elsewhere, what Sir Herbert Kitchener chiefly deserves praise for are the marvellous preparations and dispositions which enabled him to crush Mahmoud's force; but the public, which judges battles as it does cricket matches, only thinks of the general action. Still, the acclamation with which the Sirdar's name is now everywhere received is not to be regretted, for though. not very intelligently bestowed, it is in this case perfectly well deserved; and sound Generals who have also gained the con- fidence of the public are often very useful people. The country will now await the taking of Omdurman with the utmost confidence, and unless we have some terrible str,ke of ill-luck, like an outbreak of plague, its confidence will not prove misplaced.

On Good Friday the Egyptian Sirdar, Sir H. H. Kitchener, stormed Mahmoud's entrenched camp and utterly destroyed the Dervish Army, —killing over three thousand, taking about three thousand prisoners, and utterly dispersing the rest, who probably numbered some ten thousand more. The victory was most complete, Mahmoud himself being taken prisoner, and his ten cannons, his flags, and his animals being captured. Osman Digna, however, contrived—as he always does—to fly just before the critical moment of the action.. The tactics employed in the battle were most simple.. Having learnt by his reconnaissances the position and con- dition of the Dervish camp, the Sirdar determined to attack, and gave orders for a night march which was comlracted in absolute silence. The guiding and time arrangements were as beautifully carried out as at Tel-el-ICebir, and as the sun rose our troops found themselves in front of the Dervish camp. The advance of our four brigades in the morning light, which is described as a most magnificent sight, was- watched by the Dervish horsemen, and by their foot-soldiers gathered in hundreds on the parapet. Mahmoud, when he saw that he was to be attacked, mounted his horse, inspected his lines, gave his orders, and then, having exhorted his men to fight to the death for the Faith, retired to a bomb-proof pit ex- cavated under his bed. When within 600 yards of the zareba our troops halted, and the artillery bombardment began. Our guns, which were of excellent quality and well served, poured for an hour and a half a most terrible fire into the enemy's posi- tion. In all one thousand four hundred shrapnel shells were expended. The enemy replied very little, but the effect of the bombardment was found to have been very great.

After the artillery had been ordered to cease firing, the order was given to storm the enemy's position, which was defended by piles of bushes. These had to be removed under a terrific fire from the enemy, and then the parapet had to be surmounted and the enemy attacked and driven out of the ditches. The rush of the British and of the Soudanese and Egyptian brigades could not, however, be resisted ; and though not without very considerable loss — the British brigade lost 21 killed and 90 wounded, and the Egyptian troops 51 killed and 319 wounded—the camp was soon in our hands. The greatest loss fell upon the Cameron Highlanders while engaged in cutting away the zareba. and it was here that General Gatacre was nearly killed. Private Cross, of the Camerons, killed a Dervish in the act of aiming at the General, who was with his own hands helping to pull up the bushes and clear the way for the assault. It is im- possible here to single out any special acts of bravery or to record specially heroic incidents. We can only add that all the troops behaved well, and that the fighting was as good as the tactics and the strategy. Remember, too, that it is usually considered utterly impossible to storm entrench- ments behind which are men armed with repeating rifles. It is true that the Dervish aim is poor, but against that must be put the fact that a Dervish will stand up to be fired at a good deal longer than most civilised men.

The first object with which a great incident allows itself to occur is that the German Emperor should send a tele- gram about it. The battle of Atbara is a great inci- dent, and accordingly the Emperor at once telegraphed his congratulations to the British Ambassador in Berlin. He held the victory, he said, to be one for civilisation. That is courteous as well as true, and the British public responds pleasantly ; but the telegram has not had quite the 'effect on opinion the Germans are inclined to attribute to it. It has not wiped out the telegram to President Kruger. Nothing will wipe that out; but Englishmen willingly acknow- ;ledge that when his ambitions are not in question William II. is friendly, and can be gracious. He is not wanting the Soudan for himself, and therefore he sympathises with the British against their enemies. He did want South Africa for -himself, and therefore he sympathised with those whom he -.considered enemies of the British against them. It is all natural enough, and quite within the Emperor's right, but the visual way with wise statesmen is to reveal courteous disposi- tions and keep malevolences secret. Perhaps the other way is more frank, as it is certainly more child-like.

The Tsungli Yamen in February submitted to the Emperor a `long Memorandum which is a pitable exposure of Chinese weak- ness. It contains a full history of the negotiations with Germany about the cession of Kiao-chow, which were obviously most disagreeable to the Chinese Privy Councillors. They resisted every item of the German demands, and especially that for Kiao-chow, but, " alas ! your memorialists could offer no re- sistance more effective than words and despatches," and they 'therefore consented. They finish their account, however, with a remark which may hereafter prove to have been significant.

Finally, to be in a position to resist outside aggression China must make herself strong. To do this she must raise a trained army ; and to raise an army she must provide adequate funds. In this connection the Tsungli Yemen will submit memorials later on." The current notion that the Mandarins are deceived by their own vanity is evidently no longer true. They see the truth accurately enough, but they are helpless. Not a etep has been taken towards the formation of an army.

Sir Edward Grey delivered a very effective speech at Hartlepool on Wednesday. He congratulated the country -on the victory of Atbara, while reserving the question of the best policy to pursue in the Soudan. We had undertaken the reconquest of that "country," and as the work had to be -done, it was pleasant to see it done so well. As regards the Far East, however, he considered the action of the Govern- ment tardy, unwise, and weak. It was tardy because they knew of the Russian intention to occupy Port Arthur three years ago, and if they considered that step an injurious one they should have resisted it then. It was unwise because unless vast sums were spent on Wei-hai-wei we could not make it an equipoise for Port Arthur, and owing to our trading interests we should have sought a base nearer the centre. And it was weak because the Government made admirable speeches, quite counsels of perfection, and then did not act up to them. With much of this we agree, but no one 1•nows better than Sir Edward Grey that Governments con- stantly do what they can, and not what they wish, and that the Government of a free State is often compelled by opinion to "act" when it thinks sitting still the wisest policy. Sir Edward Grey, we note, does not trust Russian assurances as to trade, and is much afraid of our losing commerce "even by small handicaps."

Mr. Courtney on Wednesday delivered his opinion on the position of foreign affairs, which is interesting as that of a thoughtful outsider, but too entirely that of a looker-on. After some true remarks on the change which has occurred since men expected war from Princes, and peace from popular assemblies—the exact reverse of present-day experience—he observed that if more time were given to Spain she might make the autonomy of Cuba real, which is not the expecta- tion of Cubans. Their expectation of treachery on the part of Spain is incurable, and is a main factor in the situa- tion. As regards the Far East, he thought the occupation of Wei-hai-wei a " safeguard," though it might involve great expense, but our true policy was to obtain an international European agreement preserving free trade with China. He thought we had not been persevering enough in seeking a col- lective assurance of that, though each Power individually had agreed to it. That is our opinion also, provided the collective assurance is worth having, but this is just the point at issue. The opinion of the Government, we take it, based upon much experience, is that we shall enjoy just as much free trade as we can enforce ; and they took Wei-hai-wei to help us to enforce it. They believe that the selfish desire for monopoly will be too strong, not only for the faith of engagements, but for the scientific idea of the best sources of profit.

The singular difficulty which all democracies now feel in choosing representatives is receiving a fresh illustration in South Wales. A hundred thousand miners there are asking an advance of 10 per cent., which they think the lessees can get back from the market, their coal being the best for big steamers. The masters refuse, and the pits lie idle until a compromise can be arrived at. The compromise, however, is most difficult because the men as yet decline to invest their representatives, the Union managers, with plenary powers. There is to be a referendum on the point, but apparently the men distrust their cabinet, and wish that it should only make agreements subject to ratification by a popular vote. The masters say "No" to that, and if the referendum fails there will be a deadlock. This kind of thing is going on all over the world, and we shall be very curious to see if the Welshmen, like Frenchmen or Americans when in difficulty, delegate full powers to an individual. The moral authority of representative bodies seems not to be in the ascendant anywhere.

The Times of Wednesday published a valuable account of the working of prohibitory liquor laws in Norway. The people there are genuinely alarmed at the spread of spirit- drinking, and after trying the Gothenburg system, which purified the pot-houses, eighteen towns resolved to prohibit the sale of spirits altogether. They did pro- hibit it, closing every spirit - shop, with the result that drunkenness immediately and decidedly increased. Not only was a strong kind of port-wine drunk in quantities, but illicit stills were set up in most back-kitchens, and the people drank the raw fresh spirits with lamentable results. Even the children were found intoxicated, and the arrests for drunkenness increased by from 30 to 80 per cent. Prohibition, in fact, totally failed, as it always will fail where it is not sup- ported by a popular conviction that it is criminal to drink alcohol. Then it succeeds, and then also it is totally unneces- sary. It is always forgotten that the population of any town or village can prohibit the sale of liquor at once and finally by the simplest of expedients,—via., not buying them. The dram-shops will not give away one drop. Drink is not sold because it is seen, but because it is wished for.

The long-expected Report of the Chartered Company was issued on Wednesday. The previous Report only brought the affairs of the Company down to March 31st, 1895. We cannot pretend to be able to estimate the Company's exact financial position, but one or two facts of importance emerge from the Report. To begin with, it is clear that Mr. Rhodes, Mr. Beit, and Mr. Maguire are to return to the Board " elected by the shareholders." We acknowledge a certain sense of disgust and indignation at the thought of the men who favoured that monument of ineptitude and disingenuousness, tbe Jameson Raid, being replaced ; but, considering that the directorate under the new scheme practically ceases to be a political body, we suppose the shareholders must be allowed their own way. Were the Colonial Office to veto the appointment they might be held responsible for any future financial difficulties which may arise. The Government, however, must be admitted to incur some risk. If another blunder of the nature of the Jameson conspiracy were to be com- mitted by Mr. Rhodes and Mr. Beit, it would be impos- sible to absolve the Colonial Office from the severest censure. With this reservation, we admit also that it is better that Mr. Rhodes and Mr. Belt should wield the power they are certain to wield in any case, as directors rather than as nominally private persons. The Report, after expressing the strongest belief in the mineral wealth of Rhodesia, states that the directors intend to take power to raise 1,500,000 £1 shares, and to issue 250,000 of these imme- diately at £2 each. This, with the £500,000 they state they have in hand, will give them £1,000,000 with which to continue developing the country. We must register a protest against the proposal to ear-mark a certain amount of the Company's expenditure as money which must be counted as a debt if Rhodesia is ever taken over by its inhabitants as a self- governing community.

Bank Rate, 4 per cent.

New Consols (24) were on Friday, 1101.