Fthatto au Vrortritins- it Thrliamtut.

PEINOIPAL BUSINESS OP T*1 WEEK.

Houma br LOitbd: Tuesddy, Dec. 15. Queen's speeeb—Debate on the Address_ Addressagreed to. Thursday, Dec. 24. Enlistasentof Foreigners; Duke of Newcastle's Bill debated, and read a second time, Priday,bee. 15. Votes of-Thinks to the Army and Navy, moved by the Duke of Newcastle—Conduct of Austria; Lord Clarendon's Explanation—Enlistment of Foreigners; the Duke of Newcastle's Bill committed.

HOUSE or COMMONS. Tuesday, Dec. 12. Address in reply to her Majesty's Speech, debated and agreed to. Wednesday. Dec. 13. Poor-law Secretary; Sir John Trollope's Question— The Address reported—The Militia; Lord Palmerston's Bill read a first time. Thursday. Dec. 14. Militia; Lord Palinerston's Bill read a second time—Busi- ness of the House; Lord John Russell's Statement.

friday, Dec. 15. Mr. Bertolacci; Mr. Strutt's Explanation—Austrian Treaty, presented by Lord John Russell—Votes of Thanks to the Army and Navy, moved by Lord John Russell.

TIME- TABLE.

The Lorin

Nonce Hoer of

Meeting. Adjournment.

Tuesday . 1th Om Wednesday No sitting, Thursday fib .... Bb 20m Friday Sh 35m Sittings this Week, ; Tisne,14h Sam

OPENING OF THE WAR SESSION, 1854-'5.

The session was opened on Tuesday, with the usual forms. The day was fine, and the House of Lords was well filled. The difference between this and similar ceremonies of late years was caused by the state of wee: amidst the brilliant dresses of the Peeresses of England and their friends no small proportion was attired in black,—suggesting but too keenly the losses of many high families on the field of battle. The Queen arrived about twenty minutes past two : she was led to the throne by Prince Albert, followed by the Ministers, bearing the insignia of authority ; the Commons were summoned by Black Red ; and, headed by the Speaker, they reached the presence with that amount of noise which is not un- common.

THE QUEEN, in the clear, distinct tones, so often celebrated, then read the following speech. "My Lords and Gentlemen—I have called you together at this unusual period of the year, in order that, by your. assistance, I may take such mea- sures as will enable me to prosecute the great war in which we are engaged with the utmost vigour and effect. This assistance I know will be readily given ; for I cannot doubt that you share my conviction of the necessity of sparing no effort to augment my forces now engaged in the Crimea. The exertions they have made and the victories they have obtained are not ex- ceeded in the brightest pages of our history, and have filled me with admira- tion and gratitude.

"The hearty and efficient cooperation of the brave troops of my ally the Emperor of the French, and the glory acquired in common, cannot fail to cement still more closely the union which happily subsists between the two nations.

"It is with satisfaction I inform you, that, together with the Emperor of the French, I have concluded a treaty of alliance with the Emperor of Aus- tria, from which I anticipate important advantages to the common cause. " I have also concluded a treaty with the United States of America, by which subjects of long and difficult discussion have been equitably adjusted.

"These treaties will be laid before you.

"Although the prosecution of the war will naturally engage your chief attention, I trust that other matters of great interest and importance to the general welfare will not be neglected. "I rejoice to observe that the general prosperity of my subjects remains uninterrupted. The state of the revenue affords me entire satisfaction ; and I trust that by your wisdom and prudence you will continue to promote the progress gaicrermer;eandmanutures. "Genmgotreho6mnons irthe Estimates which will be presented to you I trust you will find that ample provision has been made for the exigencies of the public service. "My Lords and Gentlemen—I rely with confidence on your patriotism and public spirit. I feel assured that in the momentous contest in which we are engaged you will exhibit to the world the example of a united people. Thus shall we obtain the respect of other nations, and may trust that, by the blessing of God, we shall bring the war to a successful termination. "

The Queen departed ; the Commons withdrew to their own House ; the Peers adjourned, and met again at five o'clock, when the business of the evening began.

The Speech from the Throne having been read by the LORD CHANCEL- Loll, the Duke of LEEDS moved the responsive Address, in a speech echo- ing its substance, warmly praising the army, and dwelling on the una- nimity of the nation. Lord Aslinunzox seconded the Address ; pre- mising that he did so in consequence of the illness of the Earl of Abing- don. He exhorted to unanimity, even for the sake of Russia; so that the Emperor might not flatter himself that from dissensions at home, or change of purpose, we mistrust the justice of our cause ; or that we should fail to push hostilities, without stint of men or money, until we obtain our demand. We should be united in justice to France and Austria—that new ally who incurs more danger than we. For we can send 30,000 men to Russia and bring them back; but Austria risks her whole territory—she has no retreat but victory. It was also due to the brave army, and to the unanimous English people, so ready, without distinction of sex or station, to make. sacrifices. After the solemn appeal so impressively made by her Majesty, he believed they would give an un- equivocal assent. As soon as the Address had been read, the Earl of Dmany rose, to state the view which the great Conservative body of this country take, and the course which they are prepared to pursue at this momentous crisis. If under the circumstances it had been his intention to propose any amend- ment, he should have preferred that some of her Majesty's Ministers should have had the opportunity of fully stating their views. But be had no such intention; and if the Speech from the Throne were open to greater objections than, he was happy to say, he considered it to be, even then he should think it his duty to abstain from interrupting the general unanimity of the House. Both the Queen in her gracious Speech, and Lord Ashburton, had done bare justice in thinking it possible that there should be anything but unanimous agreement. It was not the time for considering whether the war might have been avoided. The nation, as one man, is pushing forward with an abnegation of self, unparalleled in history : "it is not the Government who are appealing to the country, , but it is the country that is urging upon the Government the prosecution

The Commons.

Hour of Nord of Meeting. Adjounment. Tuesday 4h .(m) 25 30m.

Wednesday Noon .... 31415m Thursday 4h 611 45m Friday 4h 7h 30nt

Sittings this Week, 4 ; Time, 201, Om

of the war." Greatly did be rejoice at theidtered tone of her Itajesty's Speech compared with that of latit year. ' Ciicrintstatineis; Maid have even compelled the assent of Lord Aberdeen, have satisfied Ministers, that there is no course to be taken but the most direct, the safest and most honourable because the boldest. Last session, measures of internal alteration were spoken of, which showed how little Ministers anticipated war ; so little that they selected that period for reconstructing the consti- tution of Parliament. Lord John Russell said that it would be a splendid moral spectacle to see that we considered war with Russia such a trivial concern that we hardly gave a side-glance to war, but turned our atten- tion to reform. All the promises of last year failed ; Government were compelled to abandon them, because the war with Russia was the one event upon which the hearts of the whole country were set. The present Speech is more worthy of the occasion. But before he touched on the absorbing topic of the war, he disposed of the other topics in the Queen's Speech,—the state of the revenue ; the flourishing condition of agriculture, (insinuating that the state of our ma- nufactures is not such as to be made the subject of congratulation) ; the treaty with America ; and the other topics, the species of eteretera which is substituted for the magniloquent promises held out in former Speeches. He cordially concurred in the language of the Speech with regard to the hearty and efficient cooperation of the Emperor of the French ; and his satisfaction was increased by knowing that Sir James Graham and Sir Charles Wood, who not long ago entertained such different views, also concurred in that language.

Lord Derby then alluded to the deeds of the army, in a highly-worked passage. "My Lords, when I remember that, of that numerically small army which was sent out from this country a few months ago, probably not one in

a hundred of the privates, and probably not one in ten of the officers, had

ever before heard a shot fired in anger ; when I remember that they went forth, at the first outset of their campaign, to pine away in inaction, and that their ranks were thinned by disease—morally depressing, if anything could depress their indomitable courage; I remember that an

army composed of such materials, so weakened, so dispirited, was led to

invade the dominions of a powerful enemy, having carried with them nothing but what was absolutely necessary for their march, and hardly suf- ficient for their equipment and provision; when I remember that such a body of men, under such circumstances, found themselves in front of a force numerically superior, intrenched upon heights, fortified with all the skill and all the power which the might of Russia could supply, and fortified upon ground the natural difficulties of which were such as to impede even an active man in the ascent, although not checked by the enemy; when I re- member that those heights were bristling with batteries, from which shot

and shell were poured which mowed down, the ranks of our men as they as-

cended that glorious but bloodstained hill; when I remember that in the face of numbers not inferior to their own, against all the difficulties of position, against all the opposition of the most powerful artillery, they advanced; weakened in numbers, falling by scores, but the survivors closing their ranks and pressing forward with indomitable courage; when, under these cir- cumstances, hand to hand, that body of men who had never before heard a shot fired repulsed a veteran army from a position so fortified, from which it had been the boast of Russia that no army could dislodge them in less than three weeks, whereas this great success was achieved by our raw army in the course of three hours ; when we remember that within a fortnight after- wards, the position of our men being changed, they being the besieged in- stead of the besiegers, they were assailed by an army seven times their num- ber ; when we recollect that our troops were called to the conflict from suc- cessive and continuous labour at the entrenchments, suffering from cold, from privation, from hunger, in some cases from alt but nakedness ; when we re- member that they were placed under the disadvantage of a surprise in the darkness of a foggy morning ; when I find that these men, who won the heights of Alma in the course of three hours from a numerically superior army, resisted the assault of an army seven times stronger than themselves, and for eight hours maintained the unequal contest, sometimes even without ammunition, our troops on those bloodstained heights being reinforced and supported by a portion of their gallant allies ; when I remember these deeds of arms—ay, and even the unfortunate but astounding charge made by our gallant cavalry,—I say that no words can do justice to the merits of such

brave and heroic soldiers. I say that when we read the history of that cam- paign—when we read it, not as politicians, but as men and as Englishmen—

there cannot be a heart that does not throb with honest and generous pride that these much-enduring, all-daring, all-achievin,g men, were our country- men ; that they were British subjects like ourselves ; and there is hardly an eye from which a tear will not spring unbidden when we reflect that so many of them are numbered with the dead. But I will only dwell upon that portion of the subject which relates to the glory-which that gallant army achieved ' • I will not dwell upon the sacrifices they have made, or the suffer- ings they have endured. Their country will remember them. Their country will know how to value those who still remain ; and, whatever may be the honours and rewards by which this country can show its gratitude to those who, in such unequalled circumstances and under such serious difficulties, maintained, upheld, increased the glory of the British flag, those honours and those rewards will certainly be granted with no niggard hand, but with universal approbation, and with the cordial consent of a grateful country." (General cheers.) He added a suggestion, that it would be due to the gallantry of the French forces, if it were possible, to confer some mark of military honour upon General Canrobert. He criticized the shortcomings of the Government, not to revert to the past, but to insure attention for the future. He did not desire to exag- gerate or to say anything that would encourage that powerful adversary

against whom we are determined to contend to the last man. He would not cavil at details; but it must be remembered that Government has re- ceived the assistance of an additional Secretary of State, so that greater attention and fewer omissions might have been expected. That there must be mistakes and omissions at the commencement of a war, he was aware ; but his charge against the Government was, that from the com- mencement of the war they have lived "from hand to mouth," showing "a total want of prescience," "providing for each successive emergency after and not before it arose." The fatal words "too late " have adhered to the whole conduct of the war. Lord Derby ran rapidly over the farai- liar facts to illustrate his assertion. When we went to war, what did Ministers do ? They proposed to increase the army by 10,000 men; and Mr. Gladstone calculated the additional expense at 1,250,000k for defray- ing the cost of sending 25,000 men "to Malta and back again." When the Emperor of Russia read that, he must have been convinced "either that Ministers were gulling Parliament and imposing on British credulity, or that they were not really in earnest." Government sent out from 25,000 to 30,000 men in March, April, and May; took great credit to themselves for

their unparalleled exertions; and then held their.hancla,sayiug, we have done all that is necessary. There were no reinforcements, no army of reserve ; the 25,000 men were launched forth to depend on their own resources, because the British Government lacked foresight. It might be said that the troops were sent to defend Constantinople : but the Queen's message in March, and Lord Clarendon subsequently, said that the war was in- tended to settle the question of Russian supremacy. The 25,000 troops were totally inadequate to attain that ulterior object. The expedition to the Crimea was decided upon by the Government at home, in the face of representations made by generals of high distinction, "of the insuperable difficulties of an attack upon Sebastopol" ; they were doubly bound, therefore, to neglect nothing that would contribute to its success; yet no steps were taken to reinforce the troops before the battle of Inkerman, except sending some 5000 men. Lord Derby read from a private cor- respondence to show that the delay at Varna and Scutari did not arise from the army, but from the blundering in the shipment of stores. He blamed the Government for the deficiencies of medical comforts and at- tendance in the hospitals at Scutari ; and he cast censure upon them for the loss of the Prince,—alleging that the First Lord of the Admiralty had been warned in writing, by a distinguished officer, that her captain was unfit for the command. He made these statements in order that Mi- nisters might refute or repudiate them.

As another proof of the unconsciousness of the Government as to what it was about to do, Lord Derby instanced this suddenly-summoned Par- liament. On the 10th November, Government actually prorogued the Parliament to the 14th December ; but by the 20th, they had heard of the battle on the 5th, and they immediately summoned Parliament to meet two days earlier than the day to which it had been prorogued. Was it only on the 20th of November that it was thought necessary to in- crease the effective strength of the army ? Ought it not to have been foreseen that the Militia would be wanted ?

Referring to the Baltic campaign, which was preceded by a certain Reform dinner, opened by such a boastful order, conducted by such a powerful fleet, he said that its results as far as the war goes are literally nil ; and ho condemned the Government for sending out such heavy ships, instead of ships of lighter draught.

"No doubt, they have done their beet; but if we are to come to a suc- cessful issue of this great and serious war—if we are to look to conquering an honourable peace—we must strike decided blows. I say ' conquering' an honourable peace, because I feel assured that without conquering a peace you will not obtain it. Depend upon it, knowing as I do the resources of the Russian empire, and knowing the character of the great man who rules it, (for he is a great man, although now employing his vast resources for un- worthy purposes,) you will gain no peace unless you conquer it. You must obtain by your arms such advantages and such a superionty as to force the Emperor to submit to your terms of peace : but if you do not achieve some great successes, you may have a prolonged, a sanguinary, and possibly a dis- astrous war, but an honourable and a successful peace you cannot have."

Lord Derby's last topic was the treaty with Austria; upon the sin- cerity of whose policy he threw great doubts ; alleging that she con- cluded the treaty, with Turkey for the occupation of the Principalities after the siege of Silistria had been raised by the unassisted valour of the Turks, in order that she might prevent the Turks from following the Russians; thus enabling the Czar to throw these forces upon our troops in the Crimea. He objected to an expression of satisfaction with the contents of a treaty known only to her Majesty's advisers; and sug- gested that the Address should simply declare that the House was gra- tified at the satisfaction felt by her Majesty from the conclusion of the treaty. At the close of his speech he dilated on the importance of una- nimity ; so that the world might see the spectacle of a great nation sink- ing all political animosities, all party contention, and uniting heart and hand to prosecute the war : he exhorted the army to persist in its gallant course, supported by fresh reinforcements, fresh supplies, and tho sym- pathies of the whole country.

The Duke of Nei/manta spoke next, and presented the ease of the Government at great length, with largeness and fulness of detail. He began by asking indulgent consideration for the difficulties of his position in having to reply to so able and practised a debater ; but he rejoiced that, in his speech, Lord Derby had informed our powerful enemy that the only cause of disunion in that House was the question whether her Majesty's Government have been energetic enough in carrying on the war. It was better that he and the Government should suffer in the estimation of the country than that the Emperor of Russia should be un- der any delusion as to the sentiments of the country, or as to the only complaint that had been made in that House. He was far too sensible of his own shortcomings to make an "out and out" defence of the po- licy of the Government. If we had now to begin again, with the know- ledge and experience acquired since the 26th of March, some things not done then would be done now, and some things done then would be now omitted.

But before he commented on the charges of Lord Derby, be pointed out that Lord Derby had first declared that Government began the war for other objects than the defence of Turkish territory, and then, to suit his own purpose, had tried to prove that until the siege of Silistria was raised Government had no notion what was to be done next. From the outset, the war had a double object,—first, to defend Turkey ; and secondly, to obtain securities against the recurrence of an attempt upon the integrity and independence of the Turkish empire. That policy had been identical with the policy of the Emperor of the French. It was not dignified in Lord Derby, by a reference to miserable election-speeches, to endeavour to sow dissension between the Government of this country and France. He must have been aware that the policy of Lord Aberdeen was always to cement and strengthen that alliance; and the alliance was per- haps firmer now than ever, in consequence of the present character and open-handed spirit of confidence shown by the Emperor Napoleon. The Duke vindicated the campaign in the Baltic ; pointing out that by the destruction of Bomarsund a great object was attained, for had it not been destroyed, in a few years it would have been a fortress compared with which Cronstadt or Sweaborg would have been as nothing, and the Gulf of Bothnia would have become a Russian lake.

Passing from that subject, the Duke of Newcastle entered fully into the campaign in the East. Wherever Lord Derby got the phrase "Malta and back again," he could safely affirm that it never was intended tho troops should come back unless the Emperor of Russia abandoned his views. The troops, from 25,000 to 30,000 strong, were sent to Malta, and thence to Turkey; where, with the exception of some regiments of cavalry, they had all arrived before the end of April ; and on the 22d of that month Lord Raglan received instructions to move his forces towards -Varna, to support that place, and subsequently Silistria, as the Russians had crossed the Danube. About the same time, French and English troops were sent' to the Piraeus to secure the neutrality of Greece. It was erroneous to hay that the expedition to the Crimea was ordered in spite of the representations of any general. The despatches that passed between the Duke of Newcastle and Lord Raglan would show that when Lord Raglan was ordered to move to Varna, he was in a separate despatch instructed to make inquiry with reference to the reduction of Sebastopol, the forces in the Crimea, and the best means of carrying out the invasion. As far as any military opinions were received, they were in favour of the undertaking. The moment the siege of Silistria was raised—on the 22d of June—Government felt that it was time to strike a home-blow at Russia; and on the 29th of June a despatch was sent to Lord Raglan directing him to undertake the expedition. Such reinforcements as would enable him to take the field effectively—the Fourth Division, a second battery-train of forty-two guns, and two regiments of cavalry—were in- stantly sent out. When it was said that the force was insufficient, it was forgotten that the expedition was not undertaken by us alone, but in con- junction with a great military power. The ammunition sent out was double the amount considered sufficient by military authority. With regard to the delay at Varna, so vehemently complained of out of doors, the blame attached not to the army, but to the Government if to any one. This delay was caused by the necessary operations of the Turkish army, by the sending forward a portion of the French army, by the prepara- tions for embarkation—so great that Sir George Brown and Admiral Lyons were occupied nearly a month in obtaining the necessary mate- rials and planning tbe operations ; by the cholera, which broke out in the camp after the order to embark had been received—not before, as stated by Lord Derby; and by the outbreak of cholera in the fleet. The loss, although very serious, was not so great as had been represented; its worst effect being that it debilitated the survivors. Then as to the prepa- rations, they were not only "immense, but minute" ; and the quantities of stores pronounced sufficient by the beet judges were in some cases trebled by the Government. But be admitted that there had been some mistakes in not having these stores in the right place,—mistakes that he hoped would be avoided in future. Reverting to the question of reinforcements, he described how a body of 7000 men had been placed under orders for the Crimea before the news of the battle of Alma reached this country ; how a portion were sent in a French transport, but how the departure of the others was delaYed by want of shipping ; and how as steamers came in they were taken up by the Government. He described how upon the -declaration of war regiments had been ordered home from the Colonies; some of which have ,not even yet arrived, and others are not fit for foreign service immediately. Look at France : at the commencement of hostilities, even she was not able to send reinforcements, which are now pouring in. Look at Austria : she was certainly not in a condition to enter the field when war was declared by this country. And if that is the case with great military nations, what must it be with a country whose military system rests entirely upon voluntary enlistment ? It is a proud thing for us that we can assert our rights without compelling men to fight our battles ; but the economical policy of the House of Commons renders it impossible that the forces should be of such an amount as the keen anxiety of the country requires. When a war seems likely to be brought to an early close, recruits do not come forward freely ; but when success has been retarded, then there is eagerness to enlist.

"At the first declaration of war recruits came forward freely ; but they soon relaxed, and during the summer months they were few indeed in num- ber—so much so as to cause very considerable anxiety on the part of the Government. But as soon as it appeared evident that the siege of Sebasto- pol was likely to be protracted, and that the undertaking was one of greater hazard and difficulty than had been supposed—from that moment when the energy of the people was aroused, the zeal and readiness of the young men of the country to enlist also increased ; and week by week it has been pro- gressing, until last week, when, I believe, we more than doubled the number of any previous week since the commencement of the war, and enrolled six or sevenfold the number which we bad the power of recruiting some five or six weeks ago." He readily adulated that the Government, in common with many men of great experience in war, erred in thinking that Sebastopol would have fallen long ere this. But the moment it appeared that the siege would be protracted, Government used every exertion to send reinforcements. The men sent out bad been sent with great regret, because they have not been trained so efficiently as could be wished. The generals on the spot did not desire that they should be sent out prematurely ; they would have been reserved for the next campaign, had not events arisen which induced Lord Raglan to press for them. It was not believed that the Russians could send reinforcements in time for the battle of Inkerman : the best opinions were taken on the subject ; few in any other country did believe they could have been brought up: but the movement from Odessa to Sebastopol was effected with marvellous rapidity, by the aid of an unlimited number of cars and cattle; a march of forty-two miles being effected in one day. The whole number of troops which will have been sent out from this country by the end of the year will exceed 53,000; and it was questionable whether envoy former occasion so many British troops were sent out in the same time.

The Duke gave a multitude of details showing the stores that have been sent— There were 62 position-guns, two battering-trains of 42 guns; 22,933,000 rounds of small-arm ammunition, 18,000,000 of which were for Minis arms; and 42 large guns and mortars, 9000 shells, and 27.000 large round shot, have been sent from Malta. With regard to warm clothing, it was sent out in time, but did not arrive. In the Prince alone, there were 35,700 woollen socks, 53,000 woollen frocks, 17,000 flannel drawers, 2500 double watch- coats, 16,100 blankets, and 3700 rugs. The sum-total of the supplies sent out is—of worsted socks, 150.000; of woollen frocks. 90,000; of flannel drawers, 90,000 ; of boots, 91,397 pairs ; of shoes, 13.000 ; of woollen gloves, 80,000 pairs; of over-coats, 30,000; of fur caps, 35,000; of leather gaunt- lets, 20,000; of long woollen stockings, 80.000 pairs; comforters, leather mita, and other articles, in proportion. Also 40,000 railway wrappers, 40,000 water-proof capes, 12,000 buffalo hides, 12,000 pairs of seal-skin mite, 40,000 fur coats, besides horse-cloths, and a variety of other articles. The greater part has been already sent out. Besides these, sheep-skin coats for the whole army have been ordered ; huts have been supplied from Trieste, Malta, Turkey, and this country ; new suits of uniform—not the regu- lar uniform issued at stated times, but a third suit in addition—have arrived in the Crimea by this time; and besides this, the troupe haVe been supplied

with extra rations of meat, spirits, and vegetablert--without deductions. Xs any was ever better-fed.

With regard to the medical service, the Duke admitted the imperfec- don of the system ; but pleaded, that when, the war broke out, instead of having a hospital corps, we had. nothingof the kind ; the whole thing had to be begun de novo. Re showed that Government had adopted the ad- vice both of Dr. Guthrie and Dr. Suiith, increasing both the regimental and the staff surgeons ; making a- total of 495 medical officers, or I to every 77 men, Great improvements have still to be made. With re- gard to the supply of medical stores, while he rejoiced that the charity of the country has been called forth, he could not admit that there had been a deficiency. Beds have been sent for 16,000 patients ; lint, in weight 26,564 pounds, in extent 36 acres ; bandages 117,500, adhesive plaster 20;550 yards. In re- ply to the charge that men had died from want of wine, he said that 4880 dozen of port wine, 1200 gallons of brandy, 31,180 pounds of sugar, had been eent out. In order to rectify the errors in the hospital system, a,corn- mission has been sent to Scutari ; and to show that it has not been organized for the purpose of making up a case for Parliament, :he mentioned that the Commissioners had, named the Reverend Sidney Godolphin Osborne to pim- ply the place of Dr. Spence, lost in the Prince. He vindicated the, policy of sending out the nurses under Miss Night- ingale, and spoke warmly of their devotion. Referring to the allegations against the late commander, of the Prince, he showed that a full inquiry had been instituted into his character, with a favourable result ; while Commander Bayntun and another naval officer were placed on board the ship. He described how, in order to facilitate the operations of the army, they were Sending out a complete railroad, with stationary en- gines, &e. ; and how Mr. Pete and Mr. Betts have undertaken the work, refusing to derive a "farthing of profit from the affair in anyway"; how, although the. Opposition circular spoke -of the " critical position of the army," neither the soldiers nor the generals were discouraged. He eulogized the •conduct of the seamen for their kindness to the soldiers, and their assistance afloat and ashore, He described the cordial union between the French and English; and the admirable disciplase of the troops, which he -referred to the amelioration of the soldier's lot. He spoke sympathizingly of- the losses sustained, and how 'keenly he felt "the publication, of those gazettes which- carry grief to hundreds of homes." He mentioned, incidentally, that Lord Derby's suggestion of a reward for General Dairrobeit had been anticipated : 'a fortnight ego, her Majesty commanded the Duke to convey privately to Lord Raglan her in- tention to confer the order of the Bath upon General Canrobert. Before he,sat down, the. Duke of Newcastle stated the object of the as- sembling of Parliament,—to ,enable the Militia to volunteer for service in the Colonies ; to enable her Majesty to drill and pay within this country a limited numberof foreign troops ; tcradd four companies to each, regi- ment of the Line on foreign service, making eight -fighting companies, four in dep8t at nd Astir in reserve at Malta; and to add a third battalion to each of the Rifle Brigades.. To encourage, enlistment,- two officers' commissions for each battalion have been given to Lord-Raglan ;

who is also empowered to grant good-service pensions- . In all directions, at home, in Ireland, in. the Colonies, there exists an ardent desire to prosecnte the war with vigour. He rejoiced that Lord Derby and the country had ptit a pressure on the Government.

"I can assure your Lordiships, that, if we possess the confidence of Parlia- ment, we will prosecutethie war with a firm resolve arid with unflinching perseverance. My Lords, I do'not understand the phrase of 'moderation' or of moderate counsels' in war. .1 believe that any such counsels as counsels of moderation in war are counsels of 'danger. I have said that we will pro- secute this war with firm resolve and with unflinching perseverance. While, OD the one hand, we will not 'refuse to entertain overtures of peace, we shall not assent to any which are-not only honourable' but safe. My Lords, we place our trust in. the minks; ' we trust with entire confidence in a noble people; and, firm inthealliatiod and the-friendship of a brave, a generous, and a powerful ally, wb have nb fear of-the issue of this contest, but, believing in the justice of our cause, and with a humble but firm confidence in Him who rules the fate and decides,the destinies of nations,—with these aids and-as- sistance, we confidently hope to bring this mighty contest to such an issue as may assure fora series of years the repose, the civilization, and the pros- perity of those countries of Europe which havebeen so unfortunately plueged into war by the pride and ambition of the Emperor of one great nation." (General cheering.) Earl GREY said, that having been one of the very few who objected to the whole of the policy which has brought us into war, he thought it right to state that he eordirdly concurred in the Addreas ; and although his former opinion WU eoufirmed, and though he deplored the waste of human life, yet he gladly, acknowledged that in the midst of the evils some good has arisen. It has been proved that we are ready to sacrifice our dearly-beloved wealth ; that our soldiers are not less but more heroic than in former times; that our free government, instead of being an ob- stacle to the exertion of that force which we possess, gives it double energy. Here he should have sat down but, unexpectedly to him, the whole policy of the war has been discussed; the Duke of Newcastle, in a candid speech, has challenged the House; and he for one could not help saying that he is not satisfied with the way the war has beep carried on. Lord Derby well, described the fatal error which has run through the whole of it—everything has been done "too late." He took the Ger vernment to task for having consulted and followed professional men, who could tell, the proviaion of former wars, but who did not consider the great changes made in the last half-century. All the resources of science, which have since those days quadrupled the powers of man, should have been adopted. The Emperor of Russia has shown himself alive to the value of those resources. Had the railway been adopted earlier, the battle of Inkerman would not have been fought, because the right, of the posi- tion would have been strengthened. Then the huts sent from this coun- try would not reach the Crimea until the middle of January. All our measures have;been too late. In like manner, he found fault with the neglect in not building gun-boats, and not destroying Odessa. With re- gard to the commissions set apart for sergeants, usually the sergeants were made ensigns, and the plan has not answered, because an ensign's pay does not enable a sergeant to live like a gentleman. He hoped the War Minister would depart from precedent, and give sergeants cominis- signs as captains of regiments.

The Duke of ARGYLL vindicated the policy of the expedition to the Crimes, the campaign in the Baltic, and the Austrian alliance. The lag- ging of the German Powers he imputed to the overweening influence cf Russia, which he said is in every cabinet, and is oppressing all the courts of The EstriSaf flfamavitoku,-- supported the views of :Lord Derby, except as regards the Baltic fleet. The Earl of Cast.tstu- thought there had teen too Mach Stagger on 'the dart Ofthe public "et,first. He thought that a durnble peace- might be obtained Without -insisting op extreme terms; and he expressed his belief that the Government, being now on the alert, will carry on the war with the utmost 'vigour.

The Earl of AnstuaxEst closed the debate With a notice of some points raised by Lord .Hardwicke and Lord Derby.... "My noble and gallant friend [Lord Hardwicke] . said that this-war was undertaken- in.defence of the Turkish empire ; and be added, You have changed the whole Character of the war ; this expedition to Sebastopol has removed you from the possibility of obtaining what you desiiii..* Now, I humbly beg to submit, that if there be one thing more 'than anothpr vital to the safety and independence of the Turkish empire, and dearly injurious to the power, of Russia, it is the destruction of the fortress of -Sebastopol ; and.that, therefore, after the driving of the Russians out of the Principali- ties, which has. been obtained, the next direct object of the war, which everybridy must have had in view from its very commencement, and from which they could only have been restrained by a doubt of its practicability, was the attack upon and destruction of 'Sebastopol. I hope that, mistaken as wee the great desire and expectation with which the people of this coun- try viewed the first landitsg, in the Crimea—a mistake in which all Europe shared at the time—I still think that there are good. grounds for hope that sutieess will attend our efforts. I totally disagree with the opinion of the noble Earl that the prospect of peace will be diminished by that suc- cess. On the contrary, I feel satisfied that nothing could contribute so much to the probability of obtaining those terms of pears to which my noble friend near me [Lord Carlisle} has alluded, as the signal success which I hope we may achieve in that undertaking. The noble Earl also referred to the mention of the treaty with Austria, and said that he was unwilling to express satisfaction with a treaty of the contents of which he was ignorant,. but which might, bind us, to terms highly objectionable, and such as would not be sanctioned by the people of this country: He talked of our supporting Austria in Italy; in, Poland, and in Hungary, and renounced any such act. as a part of this engagement. The noble Earl may make him- self perfectly easy on that Score, as no engagement of such a description has ever entered into our minds, or exists.' To say so was unnecessary : I might have presumed -.that your Lordships would not think it probable that we should have. entered into such engagements." ,"The noble-Earl-who spoke first [Lord Derbyl does not, I think, correctly understand the import of the sentence of the Address to Which he objected. We do not. propose- that the House should ex press.any.satisfaction with the treaty. We :propose enly that the Hisuse should *learn with -satisfaction' that her Majesty. has. made, a treaty from which shp expects important ad- vantages; not that we are satisfied with the treaty until we know it, but that we leanywith satisfaction that theQueen has entered into a treaty from which she expects advantage. Now; toy-Lords, I think you may safely ex- press such satisfaction as that without committing yourselves to any partici- pation' In satisfaction with the treaty." lIord DERBY—" In other Words,ave are glad that her Majesty and her Ma- jesty's„advisers approve of the treaty which they have made." (A laugh.) The.Address was agreed to without more speaking.

The House of Commons assembled for business atfour o'clock.

lift. HarcaY HERBERT moved the Address. He narrated the story of the war, vindicating the Ministerial Policy:ea- he proceeded ; and coun- selled the House to merge 'all' minor difference in one great desire to at- tain the end in. view, so that the enemy may see that he makes war not with this Government or this 'Parliament, but with the, whole English nation. .111r. LEVESON .GOWER seconded the Address. At the cloie of his speech, he-also expressed a hope that the House.. of COmmons would be united on this occasion.

"Though they might differ from him in the views he had ventured to date,- yet he was sure the dissidents, unless they expected to replace Ministers by men: -who would: do . more than they were likely, to do, Weald •.see qt their dnty to .support. the Government. He would re- mind-the dissidetits,-that everVword-epoken in the .debate would be read with anxiety, not only in St. Petersburg, but throughout Europe, and that every word of hostilecriticism would serve to encourage the neutral states of

Europe in holding back." .

Sir Joins' -Parrixarois, taking exactly the isame course as Lord Derby in Upper House, at once .began to comment upon the policy of the Government ; disclaiming any hostile intent; -and' expressing his delight that he could take no serious exception to,the Address. He trusted there *tvoidd prevail a cordial Unanimity,'never eliceeded in any .popular assem- hly- "in -the name of the great ConservatiVe party,! he declared that had .firmly resolved' to extend to her Majesity that support Which she desired. Then. he hegari to taunt the Government with having justewakened from a-dream ; with having underiatedthe greatness of the etipggle ; and with having "attempted f-O pay: the expensee-of the war from the revenue of the year, to which-lie traced. "theerippled state of Or military arrangements," He paid -a tribute to the Colonel Blair mid Sir De Lacy Eians, Members of the- House; and -to General Can- phert and GeneralBosquet. Coining to the 'Austrian treaty, he dwelt ssn the suspicion of Austria which he Said 'prelreiledin this country ; and lyTiadly imputed to herinfinence the inactivity of Omar Pasha, thereby 'enabling Osten-Sacken-and Goilsehakoff to swell the Russian forces in the Crimea.. He repeated, that he did not speak from a hostile spirit, but in the exercise of his right to criticize the Government, and-to 'call for explanation. This he did much in the same fashion as Lord Derby ; ridiculing "the' Baltic, campaign; . complaining that RussiansOdessa, which the Russians 'cOuld make "a great- Centii, of opera- Aerie," has been spared; and dwelling on the 'warning given to the Ogee by Lord John Rusiell'and --the Times newspaper,- last August, trig _Sebastopol would be attacked; 'attack entered -upon at a late period, and with an insufficient -force: In like manner, -he commented on the want of a reserve army ; on the. neglect to send reinforcements, so that there were "only 8000 men left " to Sustain the conflict at Inker- mad. . By the improvidence of the Governinent, the army had been left " uncared for, to perish of cold, exhaustion, -ancIeVen of hunger." He presuined Government supposed,' as they had no right to suppose, that Sebastopol would be taken by a coup-de-main. He demanded why the warm clothing inthe Prince had not been sent out sooner. If Govern- ment could show hereafter, not only their good intentions, which he never doubted, but also a prudence and foresight they had not hitherto mani- fested, they would have nothing to fear from the Conservative party. Honourable gentlemen on his side were not the Whigs of 1793, nor were they the Coalitionists of 1853—they desired nothing but the honour of their Sovereign and the welfare of their.country. Sir'Reemer Pam. defended the policy of Governmenti but, recom- mended them to show a little more spirit. Ile called attention to the' epwches of Kossuth against Austria, and of Pieter Hugo, against the Emperor Napoleon, and hoped that some means would be devised for stopping what may be despised in peace but which becomes a serious question in war. Ho trusted the war would be carried on with vigour. We all know the enemy we have to deal with. Ile has been unmasked. What a hypocrite! We know that our foe values no friendship, respects no rights ; but if he is contented to live without faith, without pity, and without respect, Sir Robert hoped the Governments of England and France would teach the Emperor of Russia that his lawless ambition and aggressive aspirations would be thwarted.

A pause of some length here ensued; and a Member lef4the Treasury bench to summon a colleague.

Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT then at great length stated the case for the Go- vernment; going over the same ground as the Duke, of Newcastle ;

making frank admissions of mistakes, and supplying some few points not

supplied in the Upper House. He described how reinforcements had been constantly sent; in June, 911; July, 4580' August, 2032 ; Sep- tember, 1286 ; October, 2855 ; November, 7037; making in all 18,739, exclusive of the reinforcements since sent, or, with the original army, • a total of 51,736. Did England, ever before, in the first year of any war, send forth such an army as this ? They had seen it stereotyped in lead- ing articles, that Lord Raglan had only 16,000 bayonets lett ; but what does that mean ? It means all that are left after deducting all the men on detachment duty, all the cavalry, artillery, engineers, all the officers and non-commissioned officers. At the battle of Watt:n-19o, the Duke of

Wellington had only 18,000 bayonets. But it is said, "you have ab- sorbed your reserve. ' We have done so. Our great war difficulty is in making the start. We have no well-seasoned soldiers in this country ;

we have no conscription ; we cannot make an army by the stroke of the pen. We must get men willing to come ; but when they do come, you

have got the material which no conscription in the world can furnish.

In former times, the most we could raise in one year was 24,000 men ; but in this first year of war, altogether, we shall have raised 40,000 men, in spite of prosperity and emigration. " We are getting men, not faster than they are required, but faster than we can drill them, form them into regiments, and make them skilful and useful soldiers to their Queen and. country." A reserve will be established : so that it cannot be said, "'Vous have put all upon one great effort." " It has been said, we should have sent out, earlier, two, three, four, five, or six regiments : but could we have done so ? What will the right honour- able Baronet say when he is told how long it takes to make a soldier ? What were the regiments that have been sent out ? Three months ago, re- giments that have been sent out were in our Colonies and in India ; who have come here in the state in which they usually do on returning from a Tropical climate, mere skeletons of regiments. They were to be engaged. in Crimean duty, and have to be totally reformed. Some of these regiments were not in England at this time, some were in Canada, others in the West Indies. How then can it be said to us, reinforcements should have been sent out three months ago. We could not get a man of those regiments

which the right honourable Baronet says ought to have been meat out ; and he must recollect that we cannot create an army—we must get the men first, then make them into soldiers by drilling them and instructing them in the skilful use of their weapons; for nothing will be so injurious to the reputation of our army as sending men into the field inefficient for their duty." It is the fault of all parties, all Administrations, every Parliament, it is the fault of that stereotyped system of military economy, that England must make little wars.

Why was an expedition sent against Sebastopol ?—Because it is the stronghold of Russian power in the South. It was a great, a hazardous undertaking ; but next year it would have been impossible. Day by day, and night by night, chains of forts were rising up, that, if time were given, would make it really impregnable. It must be attacked now, said many military men, or it can never be attacked at all. Sebastopol is the very centre and heart of the Russian power in the Black Sea. The re- sult, it was to be hoped, would prove the wisdom of the proceeding. Mr. Herbert explained in detail what has been done in regard to the hos- pitals. He admitted that the weak point of the medical department was not the supply but the distribution of stores; and that this seemed to have been the mistake in the East.. As to the state of the hospital at Scutari, he had seen most contradictory evidence; but he was certain there had been no systematic heartless indifference in any depertment. Towards the close, Mr. Herbert observed, that if Sir John Pakingten thinks the Government incapable of carrying on affairs with sufficient prudence, wisdom, and foresight, surely it is his duty not to intrust them with power. Ile says that he gave extraordinary powers to a Govern- ment he thought incapable of using _them wisely and prudently. If it were supposed that Government could derive any. advantage from this strange course, Mr. Herbert rejected it. In summing he said- " Russia is now placed in a state of isolation. Ier hostile army in- trenched in her own chief arsenal, her fleet has been sunk by her own act, and her forts on the Caucasus have been destroyed by her own hand. These

are the effects of, the first campaign. I ask, where can you find in the his- tory of England a campaign of not more than a few months* duration-at-

tended with such results ? But still I hope' to see our army, considerably increased ; and if you, the House of Commons, think it ought to be, tell us- so. I tell you that the country is deterjninecl, at all base* and at all coat, that the army of Lord Raglan shall be supported. If the House of Commons

does not answer to that feeling of the country, then the House of Commons must take the consequences; for, depend upon it, there is but one feeling

upon the subject. We are engaged in a war which was entered upon with reluctance; we must carry it on vigorously to obtain that-which is the ob- ject of all war—namely, peace; for peace to be obtained, it must be con-

quered. Let no exertions be spared which will enable us by vigorous opera- tions to gain that end. I say further, if you think the Government worthy to be intrusted with those powers, then intrust them ; but I would sooner a thousand times sink ten Governments rather than any other policy should be adopted. I care not in whose hands the war is placed provided it be car- ried out ; and provided the representatives of the people honestly and truly carry out the determined will of the nation, that the noblest of armies shall be assured of the means, so far as human means can avail, to obtain a per- fect triumph." (Loud and long-continued cheering.) Mr. LkYkRD delivered at great length his views upon the policy of the war as carried out by the Government ; sharply criticizing from begin-

ning to end the whole of the campaign both in the Black Sea and the Baltic, and claiming credit for having foreseen the calamities that had

followed from the line of poliey adopted by Government. Touching on a variety of topics, and returning to the same topic oftener than once, he dis- coursed sympathetically on the immense difficulties which France had to encounter in sending troops; objected that the army had gone to Galli- poli, that it had gone to unhealthy Varna; that it had gone to Sebasto- pol, and gone without any preparation. He spoke of the rapid way in which the Emperor of Russia had placed " one hundred and-fifty thou- sand " men on our flank and rear; and ascribed it to the conduct of Aus- tria. He denounced the sparing of Odessa ; the campaign in the Baltic. Ministers are not alive to the magnitude of the war--not equal to the occasion ; they have no definite policy. They have set up three new principles : they are attempting to carry on the war on the greatest eco- nomy principle, or getting the least done for the most money ; the great- est humanity principle, which spared Odessa ; and the greatest publicity principle. These three new principles would entail inevitable and ter- rible losses. He entreated Lord John Russell, by the name he bore as the great leader of the Liberal party in this country, to endeavour to in- duce her Majesty's Government to adopt a policy which perhaps might not reconcile the conflicting opinions of a Coalition Ministry, but which would be more in consonance with the true position and important inte- rests of this mighty empire.

Here another pause ensued ; and the Speaker was about to put the question, when Colonel DUNNE rose on the Opposition side, and delivered sonic military criticisms.

It was now midnight, when Mr. DISRAELI proceeded to speak for nearly a couple of hours. Expressing his surprise that no Minister had thought it necessary to reply to Mr. Layard, who had ostentatiously de- clared his attachment to Lord John Russell, and with whose allegiance be had no wish to tamper,—Mr. Disraeli announced that be rose to vin- dicate the freedom of discussion. It might be clever of the Lord Pre- sident, and "the taciturn Secretaries of State" who surround him, to be silent themselves, and order "their creatures" to arrest discussion; but it showed a want of decent respect towards the country, the army, and Mr. Layard, who will be remembered when they are forgotten. When gentlemen express a criticism, they are told to propose a vote of want of confidence. That this was unconstitutional doctrine, " striking at the root of public freedom and public discussion," Mr. Disraeli ar- gued with great amplification, and some reference to the practice of Mr. Windham and others. He accused Mr. Herbert of throwing a cloud of official statistics into their faces. He dwelt on the important ad- mission in the Speech from the Throne, that the present is a "great war" ; going back to last spring to show that Ministers then did not think it a " great" war—for they included the cost of the return of the troops in the additional estimate, and they proposed to agitate the country by a scheme of Parliamentary reform. He ridiculed Mr. Herbert's " elaborate vindication " of the commissariat and of the medical service, which nobody in that House bad attacked; under these petty views. and petty details, which steal into our debates, the cireumstances in which war was declared are forgotten. Minis- ters had enormous and ever-increasing resources for the war ; yet what bad they done ? He described over again the Reform Club dinner to Sir r Charles Napier, as a prelude to a depreciatory criticism of the Baltic cam- „feign ; tauntingly asking why Lord John did not propose a vote of thanks to those concerned in the destruction of Bomarsund. Returning to the Black Bea, he described the Government as rashly invading Rua- Bia with 25,000 men, and making no provision for supporting them. Why was not the Militia embodied twelve months ago ; and why was not the bounty offered . when war was ,declared? They had called the Parliament suddenly together, and then told them they should not dis- cuss. They had so managed affairs as to bring the country into a state of war with the greatest empire in the world ; a course they ought not to have taken unless they were prepared for the consequences. But the men of the Coalition—each with an arriCre pewee, no two ever known to be of one mind—expected that negotiations would terminate in peace, and "flattered themselves from the first that the circumstances they now have to encounter would never happen during their lives.” They called Parliament together unexpectedly ; they have done every- thing unexpectedly, and everything "too late." He raked up the elec- tion-speeches of Sir Charles Wood and Sir James Graham against the Emperor Napoleon, and magnified the generosity of that great man in coming to our assistance. He threw doubts on. the Austrian treaty ; ending with the exclamation, very loudly enunciated—" I say, for me, no Austrian assistance, no secret article, no four points ! let England and France together solve this great question and establish and secure the civilization of Europe." Lord Joan RUSSELL remarked, that Sir John Pakington, in a speech of great ability and fairness, asked for an explanation from the servants of the Crown with regard to several circumstances upon which he had conceived doubt; and ended with saying, that although he entertained those objections, they did not appear to him to amount to such a charge against her Majesty's Ministers as to induce him to take part in any effort to cause a change of Ministry ; but that if hereafter he should find that they were not acting according to what he believed to be the true policy of the country, he would think himself justified to make some Parlia- mentary effort for that purpose. In a very different spirit, Mr. Disraeli set himself to disparage the Government, to damp the ardour of the coun- try, and weaken the alliance with France. Lord John admired the feel- ing of Sir John Pakington, but there was not a germ of patriotism in the whole of Mr. Disraeli's speech,—beginning with a curious prologue, an eloquent protest is favour of liberty of speech, rather unnecessary under any circumstances, and peculiarly mistimed at that late hour of the night. - Lord John showed by a reference to his past speeches that he looked upon the war as a great war. He vindicated the policy of the war; and de- fended the Admirals both in the Black Sea and the Baltic. Referring to Austria, Lord John said she had not pursued that course which her po- sition in Europe, and the character of the present stand for the highest interests of Europe, demanded: she ought to have joined the Western Powers earlier.

" Austria has now taken a step further; but she does not say that before the end of the war she will be a belligerent: she has only gone the length of saying that if she should be at war with Russia, a treaty offensive and defensive would then, ipso facto, exist between Austria and England and France. She has also agreed that, before the end of the year, she will take into further consideration what steps she will be prepared to take with re- spect to the terms of peace with Russia. I understand the meaning of that article, (certainly not containing anything very precise,) that if England and France propose conditions of peace which are in conformity with the four bases, and come within these terms, and if Russia refuse her assent to such a treaty of peace, then, that Austria will no longer hesitate, but will form part of the alliance against Russia. I do not wish to overstate the na- ture of the engagements into which Austria has entered, for hereafter she may be at perfect liberty to-say. that we are exacting too much of Russia; but my belief and expectation is, that she does concur with us with respect to the basis necessary for the security of Turkey, and that if Russia do not consent in the next campaign, the forces of Austria will be joined to those of England and France." It might be said that better terms should have been obtained ; but the question was, whether we should enter into these engage_ meats at all ; and the opinion was, especially that of the Emperor of the French, that it would contribute to the success of the war. Lord John continued—sI cannot see how the Emperor of Russia, being of the same religious communion as eleven millions of the subjects of the Sultan, and having their sympathy, how he is ever to be prevented from having a considerable influence over those subjects. I believe we may limit that influence, and prevent his having the power which the Menschikoff note proposed he should. I belay; by uniting the other Powers in a general guarantee, and accepting from the Sultan, instead of a treaty with Russia, a general declaration in favour of his Christian subjects, we may deprive Russia of her protectorate. But I do not believe that any- articles that could be framed could entirely deprive Russia, in time of peace, of the influence I have mentioned. If that be the case, so much more necessary is it that we should not allow to Russia the means of invading or conquering Turkey. This appeared to me in July last to be an essential condition of peace, and I have not altered my opinion."

The Address was agreed to nem. con.

The report on the Address was brought up on Wednesday, at the customary morning sitting; and several Members spoke on the subject of the war. Admiral Wauxn-r was sure the House would receive with generous confidence the measures proposed for the prosecution of the war. Mr. APSLEY Pausal.; as a representative not only of merchants and bankers, but of the working classes, assured the House that the whole population of the Metropolis is for pushing the war with energy. Sir HENRY WILLOUGHBY expressed distrust of Austria; asked for explana- tions; and wished to know when the Government expect to be able to obtain peace. Mr. ALcocx did not wish to interfere with the una- nimity of the House; but he must complain "that nothing has been done." The Duke of Newcastle was to blame for sending such a powerful fleet to the _Baltic, when be knew that. Croustade could not be taken without an army. One half the Baltic fleet would have been enough, and the other half might have been sent to the Black Sea. And he was still more to blame for not sending a sufficient army to the Crimea. Colonel Sansone condemned the Government for "gross apathy " ; and intimated his opinion that it would take nine foreigners to make a good Englishman. Mr. RICE pointed out, that by the campaign in the Baltic the crews have been. rendered efficient, the Russian ships kept out of the North Sea, and the navigation of the Baltic thoroughly understood.

Mr. GLADSTONE declined to answer such questions as related to mili- tary operations—such as what we should do with Sebastopol, and why we did not take Anapa ? All he would say was, that the Government has taken its resolutions deliberately, and is prepared to follow them out by the most effective and energetic means. It had been said thatnothing has bash done : he would not say that everything has been done but on that point Government would take its stand upon Mr. Sidney Herbert's candid statement of the preceding night. Mr. Gladstone defended the Baltic campaigns- Only 'twelve sail of the line were at first sent there; the crews were new, and not in the highest state of efficiency; and that fleet was increased because there were twenty-five Russian sail of the line in the Baltic. It was asked how we could be so absurd as to invade Russia with fifty thousand men: now the forces first landed amounted to fifty thousand, but the operations were not limited to that ; the French army in the East was little short of a hundred thousand men ; altogether a force of one hundred and fifty thousand men had been engaged in the in- vasion. With regard to the treaty with Austria, the Government is Ben- Bible of the inconvenient position in which the House is placed ; but the treaty cannot be laid on the table until it be ratified. Mr. WarrEsnee, Mr. Scorr, and Sir Joule THOLLOPE, passed some criticisms on the Government; and the report wia agreed to.

Foams Somalia.

In moving the second 'reading of the Enlistment of Foreigners Bill, the Duke of NEwciartn said, that after the debate of Tuesday, and the general expression of opinion that we have not at the present moment a sufficient body of troops in the Crimea, nor a sufficient reserve in case of emergency, he thought the motion would not meet with opposition. The object of the bill was to enable her Majesty to enlist foreign soldiers in her service. Formerly it was considered that this power vested in the Crown ; but in 1794 a motion was made in the House of Commons dis- approving of that course, and although the motion was rejected it was thought desirable to have an act of Parliament conferring that power. In 1794, -and again in 1804 and 1806, acts were pawed to enable the Slag to raise foreign soldiers, among them the German Legion, which from 1807 to the battle of Waterloo rivalled our own troops in efficiency. It had always been found desirable to enlist foreigners especially at the commencement of a war; because, unlike the military nations of the Continent, we have no facilities for immediately bringing into the field a large and trained force. Prussia has a Landwehr, a body of men trained for a 'certain number of years and then returned -to the civil community; but all we can do is to raise raw recruits, whom it re- quires time to drill and to train in the habits of military life. As Par- liament is jealous of the introduction of foreign troops into this country, the number has always been limited : it was 5000 in 1794, 10,000 in 1804, and 111,000 from 1806 to the close of the war. It has been thought proper to take the opinion of Parliament before any proposals should be made to foreign Governments to enlist their subjects ; and therefOre it was not desirable to mention whence these troops are likely to come ; but the House may be aware that certain districts in Germany and Swit- zerland are most likely to furnish troops. Should the measure receive the assent of Parliament, the force raised will not consist of raw recruits, but of trained soldiers, only requiring to be brought together and offi- cered to be ready for service. The Eaxl ofEuxesonotan started up as the opponent of the bill, re- solved to give it every opposition. "When the noble -Duke," Lord Ellenborough said, "first announced the

intention of the Government to introduce a bill of this nature onthetlrst day of the session, my impression was that the Government intended to raise as complete force, and that all they wanted was the authority of Parliament to

retain in this eouutq the depots of two or three corps—au object for which she intervention of Parliament would be absolutely neeemary i confess I felt the greatest possible repugnance to even the qualified admission of two or three &pets of foreign troops to be permitted Ur remain in this country: but when Lined this tali this morning, I was completely astonished; for raking this bill in connexion with the bill brought into the other House to enable her Majesty to accept the services of certain regiments of Militia for

the declared purpose of garrisoning fortresses in the Mediterranean, the practical object of this measure is, to substitute in this country 15,000 fo- reigners for 16,000 British Militiamen who are to be employed abroad. (" No, no !" from the Ministers.) I take a perfectly legitimate, Parlia- mentary, and constitutional view of the effect of this measure ; for if the measure gives that power, I am entitled to consider that the power will be atomised. I say, then, to that exercise of the power of substituting in this country 15,000 Germans or Swiss for 15,000 English soldiers' absolutely ob- ject. I do not think there has been anything in the conduct of the people of this country since the commencement of the war which would justify the Government in assuming that they are either unable or unwilling to main- tain their own national interests by their own national arms." (Loud cheers.) When the various setts referred to by the Duke of Newcastle were passed, the circumstances were totally different. The foreigners enlisted were the subjects of states subjugated by France ; and many were sub-

jects of Hanover. But we are now desired to go back to old times,—to hire Hessians, to sacrifice constitutional principle, to substitute foreigners

for Englishmen, in order to make up for the laches of the Government ;

and that without the Minister of War having asserted one single cir- cumstance to establish the necessity for the measure. It was said that

the majority of the Government represent the opinions of Sir Robert Peel—that the mantle of Elijah has descended upon Lord Aberdeen ; but he was sure Sir Robert Peel would never have assented to this measure.

He, having been Home Secretary, would have looked to the extreme danger which would arise were foreign troops called out to suppress riots and preserve the pease. It was said that the moral condition of our troops has improved : he doubted that ; but admitting it, what security is there for the good conduct of German recruits ? And if we value the moral character of our troops, will not that character be endangered by a connexion with Germans He would not say anything derogatory to the military capabilities of the Germans, but they are not equal to the soldiers of France: who could believe they would have stood and fought as British regiments fought at Inkerman ? and had a German regiment given way, the consequences might have been fatal to the whole army. Because the Government had contumeliously rejected his suggestions, were they to sacrifice a constitutional principle ? He had suggested a uniform police throughout the country,—for no recruiting-officer is like the policeman ; nine months ago he had suggested that the whole of the Militia should be called out, —a measure now adopted by the Government ; he had suggested that to secure recruiting the Militia, a fine should be levied on those districts where the required number was not obtained,— and now Ministers are talking of the ballot. He repeated his determina- tion to give every opposition to the measure throughout The Duke of RICHMOND felt bound to reply to the observation that foreign regiments are not to be compared to English regiments. He hoped to Heaven they would not enlist prisoners of war, nor deserters ; but, in justice to the brave officers still alive who served in the German Legion during the last war he must state, that "en no occasion was that Legion second to the British army either in zeal or gallantry." "If we had had a German Legion at Inkerman, I venture to say they would have done their duty.'

After a /wise, and just when the Lord Chancellor was about to put the question, the Earl of DERBY rose, and regretted that no Minister had thought it due to the House, orthe country, or the powerful speech of Lord

Ellenborough, to answer the objections. For himself, before he saw it, he had engaged not to oppose the-bill until it went into Committee, in order

that not a day might be lost in the progress of the measure ; and there- fore if Lord Ellenborough divided the House he could not vote with him. He regretted that Lord Ellenborough had not done justice to the old German Legion—he believed they would have behaved well at Inkerman : but that had nothing to do with the policy and principle of this measure.

The Duke of Newcastle had passed lightly over the constitutional ob- jections to which it was open. In 1804, the foreigners were persons re- siding in this country, anxious for the restoration of their native land, and whose interests were identical with our own. Hanoverian* were not fo- reigners, but subjects of the €overeign of this country, with sympathies common to the people of this country. The Duke of Newcastle had ad- mitted that he did not know whence the foreign troops ace to be drawn : are they to be obtained from Greece, or from Tunis, or from what quarter of the world ?

The Duke of- NEWCASTLE.—" I did not say that her Majesty's Govern- ment did not know from what quarter they would obtain such troops; but I said that until communications had been made to the Governments of foreign countries, I did not think it would be right for me to make any state- ment on the subject. I regret that the noble Earl almost invariably misre- presents the statements of her Majesty's Ministers." The Earl of Deasy—"The noble Duke on a former occasion was some- what more humble and civiL I am sorry to find that he is returning to his youthful habits, and forgetting that courtesy which is usually exhibited in the House of Peers." (Laughter from the Opposition.)

Repeating that the foreign troops engaged in 1804 were drawn from sub- jects of the British Sovereign, and subjects of nations subjugated by France, he asked—" But where are you about to draw your forces from now? You refuse to tell us ? Are you going to establish a Polish Legion ? In that ease, there would be something like nationality and a common interest in- volved in the promotion of hostilities against Russia. I say that this is a question of grave importance' of great constitutional importance, when we find that the Government at this period of the war, after less than two years' experience of the immediate pressure of the war, are compelled to make the humiliating confession, that, -with more than twenty millions of population in Eugland, Ireland, and Scotland, they are unable to send an army of fifty thousand men to the scene of hostilities without drawing away the troops from our garrisons abroad and placing themselves in humiliating reliance upon the aid of mercenary foreigners. Talk of giving encouragement to the Emperor of Russia! I ask what encouragement could be so great as to find that the War Minister of the Crown, in the first year of the war, is obliged to come down to Parliament and declare that our resources are exhausted, that he cannot draw upon our garrisons without—(" Hear, hear ! " from the Duke of Newcastle.) —What does the noble Duke mean ? I trust that I may argue this matter with somewhat more calmness than the noble Duke, and, I hope, without being personally offensive." Lord Derby entered into a consideration of the three measures for aug- menting the forces submitted by Ministers,—the increase of the companies of regiments to sixteen, which he approved, the Militia Bill, and the Foreign Enlistment Bill. He argued that Ministers are taking the Militia from a service for which they were specially raised and adapted, and transferring them to a service, garrison-duty in the Mediterranean, for which they were not raised and are not adapted. He contrasted the provisions of the act in 1814 enabling the Government to enlist portions or regiments of Militia, and providing that not more than 30,000 should be sent out of the country, leaving some 60,000 in it, with this bill, which gives power to withdraw an unlimited number of the 54,000 raised, and to substitute for them 15,000 foreigners. He dwelt on the hardship it would be to the men and officers of the Militia to be dragged abroad, many going because it would be a slur on them to remain. He declared that the permanent interests of the Militia would be destroyed, and that the services of those left behind would be lost to the country. It is killing the goose for the sake of the golden egg. It will be breaking faith with the men who have enlisted believing they were not to be dragged away from their homes. Why did he combine the ques- tion of the Militia with the question of foreign forces ?—Because it is part and parcel of the same scheme. A British Minister should blush to propose that we are obliged to have foreigners to do duty here. The bill will go far to extinguish nationality, and that desire to support Government which ani- mates all, if not kept down by the Government. Why did they not embody the whole of the Militia ; why are they again " too late " ?—" Because, I suppose, it would have cost something more at the present moment; be- cause you were determined—you cannot determine so now—because you were determined to act on that most absurd and preposterous notion of pay- ing the expenses of a war like this out of the taxes of the country year by year. (Loud Opposition cheers.) I believe, in my conscience, that it was the timid fear of exceeding the actual estimate voted by Parliament that prevented the Government from doing that which in their consciences they must know ought to have been done; and it was the hope of postponing the day of reckoning to Parliament that led them not to call Parliament toge- ther at the time it ought to have been called, in order to enable the Govern- ment, with the consent of Parliament, to make proper provision for the exigencies of the country." If Lord Ellenborough would carry forward his opposition at the next stage, unless some better explanation were offered, Lord Derby would sup- port him in opposing the further progress of the bill.

The Earl of ABEB.DEEN observed, that this was one of the first measures introduced this session as an evidence that the Government intend to carry on the war with vigour ; but its reception was not consistent with the exhortations from noble Lords opposite to follow that course. Lord Derby's description of the measure was hardly justified. " He talks of this being a measure in which we are reduced to keep our own people in order ; and he talks of the Militiabeing dragged' into foreign service. Why, my Lords, in the description which the noble Earl has at- tempted to give of the foreign troops employed in this country during the last war, and the contrast he endeavours to draw between the employment of the German Legion and Himoyerians in the last war, and the German troops, if there be such, employed in this, he says that many of them were the subjects of the same Sovereign ; that they had sympathy with us; and that, therefore, their condition was entirely different from what it would be at present. But how does that answer the objection made by my noble friend who spoke first? Would it be more agreeable to him that Han°. verians should be employed in putting down a bread riot than other German troops ?—Not a bit of it. The position of the noble Earl is utterly unten- able, and no constitutional jealousy could exist to the employment of such a force. He seems to think that it is a force which is to be imported into this country and employed in this country in the ;place of those English troops who are sent abroad. But that is not the ease. The object of the bill is to introduce into this country for a limited time, for the purpose of drill, and for drill only, a sufficient number of foreign troops, and, as soon as they are in a condition to be employed in our service, thee they are to be sent to the seat of war. That, surely, is not the same thing as maintaining a foreign garrison in this country. The presence of these troops here is merely for a temporary purpose; they will be limited as regards number, and they will be limited also as regards time, until they are fit to be em- ployed upon foreign service. The limitation has been placed to the pre- sence here of 15,000 at one time, and it may be very proper so to limit them. But when the first 15,000 shall have been drilled and sent abroad for foreign service, it will be perfectly in the power of the Government, if they think proper, to have 15,000 more, supposing the exigencies of the au. vices require it ' Whether Sir Robert Peel would have consented to employ German troops, he did not know ; but the Earl of Chatham had no scruple in employing German troops. The representation of noble Lords opposite rested on the fallacy that these foreign troops are to be employed " in lieu of the Mi- litia." Now that is not the case. The voluntary offers of such a Militia force will be taken as will release the garrisons of the Mediterranean, and give at once a valuable reinforcement to the army in the East, without inter- fering with the future recruiting of the army from the Militia force at home. The measure is requisite in order that a necessary addition may be made to our effective force; and volunteers from the Militia cannot be made avail- able in the same manner and to the same extent as the troops raised wider this bill.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH reminded Lord Aberdeen, that the most unpopular of all Lord Chatham's measures was the employment of foreign troops in the service of this country. It was understood to be a most discreditable compliance with the assumed wishes of George the Second ; and to be, perhaps, owing, in a certain degree, to his then recent connexion with the Duke of Newcastle. (Much laughter.) The Earl of Mersossisunv, who said he desired to offer no factious opposition, lectured the Duke of Newcastle on his impatience. Formerly, gentlemen used the word "misapprehension," and not "misrepresenta- tion," when a statement was corrected. As to the bill before the House, he was profoundly astonished that such a step should be thought necessary at the commencement of the war. During the last war, the Army was 237,000 strong ; there were 86,000 Militia, 267,000 Volunteers, 65,000 Yeomanry, 140,000 Sailors—a total of 665,000 Englishmen in arms, exclusive of sailors; and this too after the war had lasted several years. To what a pitch of humiliation we are reduced, when we cannot raise one half of 665,000 He proposed that troops should be raised in our Colonies; and he objected to sending the Militia regiments abroad.

The Duke of ARGYLL said, that the fact that the interest and sympa- thies of Europe were with England in the last war, was the strongest ground on which we are entitled to expect that they will take an active interest in this war. Berl GREY agreed that it is dangerous for any nation to rely on fo:-

reigners ; but the question is, how the necessary 'reinforcements can be speedily supplied. If there were time they could lie raised from the plc of this country ; but there is not time ; and as there are in France, rmany, and Switzerland, men ready to serve under the English flag,' it appears desirable that these men should be employed. He could not.ap- prove of all the measures of the Government, and he intimated his inten- tion to oppose the Militia Bill; but the bill before the House ought to be agreed to. The Earl of GrausGALL inquired whether it is intended to begin re- cruiting foreign troops, without waiting to see whether Ireland and Scot- land raised their quotas of 80,000 and 10,000 men? Replying to this question, the Duke of NEWCASTLE said, there is no connexion between the two bills. As men come forward more readily when a regiment is embodied, it is intended to embody nine Irish regi- ments.

With respect to what bad fallen from Lord Malmesbury and Lord Grey, he did not complain ; but he had a right to complain that the bill should be treated as it had been by Lord Derby and Lord Ellen- borough. If the term "misrepresentation" were objected to, he would use another more palatable; but the motives of Government and the circumstances connected with the bill bad been " inisstated.q It was neither fair nor candid to say there was any ...connexion between the two bills. Why had Lord Derby adopted that course ?—Beeause he wished to raise a spirit of jealousy against the Government ; and- thus sea. der one of the measures less effective. Is that patriotic;? brit not utterly at variance with his former professions ? What is the measure proposed as respects the Militia ? It is a purely voluntary measure ; and when Lord Derby said that he thought it unfair to place men in that position, he might reply that the measure almost originated with the fact that great number of Militia regiments had already volunteered, and that by this tinself the power had existed by act of Parliament, the Government might heve „sent several Militia regiments to Malta or the Ionian Islands, and have thereby relieved other regiments which might have proceeded. to the seat of war. Why. did,LordDerby say that these two measures are connected ?—Why to persuade the public that the Government are about to embody .a' foreign force in this country—not to carry on a war in which we are interested with a- foreign nation, but to suppress domestic tumults here; that their object was, by the bill before the other House, to obtain a ptiwer to -send the Militia out of the country, and then; by the = present bill to raise troops of foreign mercenaries to supply the place of the-Militia and 'suppress domestic tumults. Does the noble Earl believe that this was the intention of the Government? It is impossible that he could believe it. Lord Derby knew perfectly well that the Queen has power to emp/hy foreign troops abroad ; and all that is now wanted is to bring trained individuals here and form them into trained battalions. Lord Malmesbury admitted that if our resources were exhausted it would be right to adopt this meas sure: but the Duke contended that if it were right at all, it is right now. If every man of the Militia volunteer, it will not be every one who will be fit for foreign service. It would take six, seven, or eight months, to •fit them for the Crimea. Lord Derby said that a blush ought to come upon the cheek of any British Minister who could propose such a measure at such-a moment, and he endeavoured. to justify that statement by putting words into his mouth which he (the Duke of Newcastle) had never uttered. So far from having admitted that we had exhausted the whole of ourtescences, he had said precisely thereverse; he said that our means had not yet anired at.a•point of efficiency—that they were coming out, as it were—that they were not yetprepared—and thatin the mean time these trained troops were required to assist in preparing them. A statement had been read of the ,forces which we had had in the year 1813, and he had been asked whether he expecte„d to have similar resources in the course ot the present war? He, did expect it ; and he expected, if the country required it, that we might be able to reckon

upon double that amount. But there are limits to human power; to suppose that in the first six months of the war they would be able to ramenzi, army of 630,000 men, or half that number, was an absurdity which. no ine,.M. except for the purpose of faction, could possibly bring forward in anYlegm- lative assembly. It was all very well to taunt the Government for such a purpose, but they who did so knew that it was an impossibility.

With regard to Lord Ellenborough's suggestions, he remarked that a bill to establish a uniform police was brought in last session, but dropped because the County Members opposed it. With regard to . the other, that the Militia should have been embodied nine months ago; power had- onlyy been given to embody the Militia in case of invasion ; and- to-have embodied them on the breaking out of war, would have been a gives' breach of faith. If the whole were now embodied, would Lord FIlett.' borough Point out where the barrack-accommodation is to be fOuhd ; fat to billet the regiments would not improve their efficiency. • ' The bill was read a second, time, and ordered to be committed on, Friday.

THE MILITIA.

Lord PALMERSTON opened the proper business of the session on Weds nesday, by moving for leave to bring in a bill to enable her Majesty to 'accept offers made by whole regiments or portions of regiments of Militia, for service out of the United Kingdom. Government had been -amused of entering on the war without a reserve: to that he answered, that the res serve is the British nation. He was sure that ample means would-be aft' forded of carrying on the war. It is not intended to ask the Militia to join Lord Raglan's army,, but to invite them to do garrison duty in the Mediterranean—Gibraltar, Malta, the Ionian Islandsperhapa they may be asked to go to North Ainerica. The Militia regiments have made such progress that they would be as efficient in garrison as any regiment of the Line. There has not been one exception as regards the offers of per- manent embodiment for duty throughout the year. It should be distinct- ly understood, that no officer or man can by possibility be sent out of the country without his own distinct and voluntary offer of service—no man can be compelled, under any circumstances, to serve out of the country without his own consent.

No opposition was made to Lord Palmerston's motion; but a conversa- tion ensued, in which Mr. NEWDEGATE, Sir Joust Penmen:of, Colonel Snyrnoar' Sir JOHN WALSH" Mr. BANNES, Lord LOYALE; and Mr. B. Damson', took part ; Lord Lovaine describing the measure as aatimgap that would only retard the final result of the war ; and Mr. Bankes de- manding why this step had not been taken a year ago. The bill was read a first time.

In the brief debate on the second reading of the Militia Bill, which happened at the close of Thursday's sitting, Lord PALMERSTON explained that the Militia regiments sent abroad will remain the Militia of the counties to which they belonged, and return to those counties when their services abroad cease. Those officers and men who do not volunteer will

not be-liable to any imputation of waist' of spirit ;"'iin/Fil' quite agreed thatit great'snany persons of rank and property touldlehdfir greater ser- vices at honsellen Mounting guard'in the Mediterranean.

The-bill Mae read` a second time. On the motion theta be committed, Mr. DISRAELI Caked for a postponement till Monday, in order that time might bits given to propose amendments. .like -Lord Derby in the Rouse of•Lordsi: Mr-Disraeli expressed his fears that the bill would strike a blow at voluntary enlistment ; adding an expression: of '-regret. that re_ course should be had not only to this measure; but to another for the en- liatin'etreOf fireignersinto her Majesty's service,-- Mainline more likely tale needed,- heshertild have thought, when we approached the ,e.xtre_ mity' olciter resources. Lord Sows' Russwm. observed :that the ease is exactly the reverse : we began the war on a Peace eitebPsliment, and eould not ha'Voi.a ,great army in the first year of war.

Mr. Anwar-LEY said that our Colonies are able and-willing to furnish a

military forces acid 'lie wisheclto know whether Oanada-hadmot expressed a willingness to ftinish mewanctinoney ? Sir Gisonna-Gense answered, that although he had not received any official information of the fedi: he was aware that the Canadian Aaseniblylifid-voted 20,0004 for the relief of -"the isidevea Una otiplins of English and' Frsishh. killed during the war ; and the time might souse when Canada would not limit her assistance to

-4 Ole is rad'ing a Militia of her own, he thought it not likely that our Militia will be sent there.

The bill was ordered to be committed. on Monday.

Pratte 'HEALTH. ,

Sir BENfAMIN.DALL gave notice, that he shmild, iMmediatelY after the -

Christmas hotidays, move the repeal ef.the Health of Towns Act of 1848 and the Nuialincee-Removal Act,. and introdnce two entirely new bills on the same ,atilaseCts., ..He,•observed that notices of ,application for several private..bille-mi this subject had been:mtede ; :and he hived, the promoter§ of ,thoee bills:would put -.themselves to .as-little expense:as -possible, be cause it was probable:that the objeots they had in- visor-might -be effected throiigh theprovisionsof the bills which he' proposed to:introduce: Tirn Toon-Lsw SECRETARYSHIP.

In reply to Sir JOHN TaoiLorZ, Mr. BAINES said that Iserd Courtenay has Watt Jte bait beenweported, resigned the office of Seireteryth the Poor- law -Boardininlitherefore no -" complete appointment " of 'any successor has been:matie.as Are -.•

-a:a a mid bol; ' • Purigym , Bugnajs.

idiMr. DISRAELI, Leer liditis'Ittistir. itatectifilftthe Govern- ment have only two measures, the Militia Bill and the Enlistment of

F deignefi' Bill; to. bring tinder' he cenisideraffoli-Of PairNtiment tityreeent: of coureSthe length of this period of the session will dot/04 otettle time occupied_ 'by these two bills.

NEW XEMBERS AND NEW WRITS. •

The following new Members took the oaths and their seats on Tuesday : Sir B. Thirns.on his return for Marylebone, after taking office as Presi- dent of the'Ne* Board of Health; Lord DITNCAN, for Forfaishirie_,4 WAtt64*§% Mr. Thorne Sessfertat, for Hull; Sir Ir.'-'4011Vesitini- for Caoitheb*difr, B..11foesz,,end Mr. Pe.a.coeit;b..maadvotr.

.p,

Ss*** AsstAn and Mr. Mowsszr, for Cambridge city.; Mi. J.. 4170N.,

for Wigasksj.Ord,Pusiesavercior ,Frome. • . „

On thansistien ef, Mr. lavrssits, new writs were oniared,ies -,tliffiborough of Marylebone in-the room - of, ±Lord. Dudley;-aairts:deoefided;:anst fat the County of 'Limeriek,„inlien. of Mr...Croelt1;_for_the_Ayr Burghs, vacant by the death of Colonel Blair, when in, ‘service filth his regiment in the Crimea. New writs wersOrdeihalialio 4or vacant by the death of,c_oicesel Pakesthagy killed in the- Crimea; for Fermanagh, vacentiky the' -decease of $41 sito,Brotike; had for the Eastern..Division oft tlbe County, of Woupeststr,_in.lieftof Sir -M. H. Beach, deoeSsed. .