16 JANUARY 1869, Page 1

NEWS OF THE WEEK.

THE Conference on Greco-Turkish affairs met, as arranged, on Saturday ; but has as yet done no business, and is not expected to do any. At its first sitting, M. Rangabe, Greek Minister in Paris, handed in a note, in which he claimed for Greece a vote as well as a consultative voice. This claim, in spite of its manifest justice, as Turkey has a vote, was rejected, and M. Rangabe retired. The Conference then telegraphed to Athens a request that the Greek Government would change its instructions, but received no reply, and has ever since occupied itself with international law in the abstract. Little doubt is entertained that the meeting is a fiasco, and English journals are extremely angry with the wretched "little State" which has "dared" to confront the representatives of Europe, and demand that if they assemble in court they shall treat plaintiff and defendant alike.

Should the Conference break up without adopting any effective compromise, Turkey, it is understood, will attack Greece, and rumours of a general war are flying thick. The Moniteur de r Armee contains an article, evidently by Marshal Niel, in which the Minister at War declares that the French organization is at last perfected, and France in a position to do battle with any power. It is stated that the manufacture of Chassepot cartridges is being urged on rapidly, that the Russian army in the Southern provinces is being placed on the war footing, and that Greece is straining every nerve to increase her troops. Some of these reports may be inventions, but they reveal the feverish expectation which is spreading all over Europe.

It is announced in several telegrams, all Brazilian, that the Paraguayan Army was completely destroyed at Villeta on the 11th December, that the Brazilians took 3,000 prisoners, that Lopez had escaped with 200 men, and that the war was considered at an end. The Brazilians invariably exaggerate, but seldom invent, and we may presume, therefore, that the heroic Guaranis have suffered some great misfortune. Lopez, however, is alive, and must have troops in Matto Grosso, with whom he may return to the South, and after the withdrawal of the Brazilians re-establish his dominion. If Brazil attempts to keep Paraguay, the Argentine Confederation will be compelled in its own interest to declare war on its late ally, a war which Brazil is in no condition to sustain. We trust to heap, however, that the struggle is not over, and that Lopez is still at the head of an army.

The first election petition, that for Windsor, has terminated in a full acquittal. Mr. R. Eykyn was charged with bribery and treating, but the evidence only showed that he had been imprudently charitable, and the member and his agent both denied the charges on oath. Colonel Gardiner therefore requested permission to withdraw the petition, to which the judge, Mr. Justice Willes, wonted. It is clear already that the ,new procedure is much more searching, swift, and inexpensive than the old ; while it has at least as much elasticity, the judge evidently considering that he is jury also, and as such bound to pass an honest, commonsense verdict on the facts. We doubt if innocent Members need fear the new Court.

Only two Members of the Upper House have, we believe, gained much reputation as journalists, Lord Robert Cecil, now Marquis of Salisbury, and Viscount Strangford, and of these the second died suddenly on Saturday. Lord Strangford belonged to a cultivated race, and early distinguished himself as a philologist. He acted as Oriental Secretary to Lord Raglan in the Crimean War, and is said to have spoken Turkish, Arabic, Persian, Remain, and most languages of Western Europe with equal facility. His knowledge of geography was equally great, and he was as familiar with Indian politics as if he had passed a life in their study. Asa writer he was singularly lucid, keen, and occasionally happy, and perhaps his only literary defect was that of all amateurs, he hit a little too hard. Should the war in the East really break out, the loss to the country in his death will be severely felt.

The Ritualists held their great meeting on Tuesday, but it did not end dramatically, and even the hot partizans who met again on Wednesday were a trifle tame. The moderates were in the majority, and the immoderates were rather mild than otherwise. Mr. Orby Shipley, indeed, created a certain sensation by begging to recall the meeting from "the Erastian speech of Mr. Perry" (Mr. Perry being the highest Churchman on the late Commission, and having on this occasion simply recommended the clergy to obey what he called a bad de facto law), and by reminding the meeting that "many centuries ago there was a very similar case to the present. An Imperial Injunction came out to the effect that the Christians should give up their sacred books. Now no one could say that these sacred books were essential to the faith, and yet those who gave them up were called, in the language of the day, traditores." But Mr. Orby Shipley was the leader of the vanguard, and the vanguard was very small. On the whole, even the Ritualist clergy did not feel that they were in the attitude of Christian teachers towards a pagan government bidding them to renounce their richest store of religious instruction. Mr. Orby Shipley's dilemma, "if they extinguish their lights, how were they to teach their people ?" did not seem to strike home. The idea seemed to enter a few heads that picture alphabets are not essential to teach infants to read, and Mr. Bennett, Mr. Shipley, and their party were defeated in their attempt to recommend disobedience. Even they, in their meeting the next day, appear to have only determined on continuing candles till the law interferes,—when they will .yield to destiny perhaps, and become, if not traditores, esstinctores.

Lord Clarendon and Mr. Reverdy Johnson signed the Convention by which it is proposed to settle the Alabama claims on Thursday. We fear the Convention is vaguely worded, and we know that it is vaguely reported ; but as far as we can make out, it will, first, refer the question whether we are liable at all for the depredations of the Alabama and her consorts to some foreign power,—apparently the King of Prussia,—and if he decides in the affirmative, refer the actual claims to a mixed Commission of British subjects and American citizens sitting at Washington. But is the arbitrator to decide whether we are liable for the Alabama alone, or for each and all of the escaped cruisers, and is he to decide for which, if not for all? That is not at present clearly stated, and a good deal depends upon it. A still more important question turns upon the inclination of the American Senate to ratify the treaty, of which this convention is the germ. The American papers, even the more moderate of them, growl a good deal about it, and express unfavourable opinions as to the temper of the Senate. Mr. Reverdy Johnson has been paying us compliments till the United States are yearning for an opportunity of being unpleasant. This is very natural and praiseworthy on their part, but they should not let it interfere with business. The Senate of the United States should ratify the treaty, and then have a debate expressly to evaporate the suppressed disgust, a debate prolific of a good, sharp, wearing invective against the selfishness and treachery of Britishers. election for General Grant and Mr. Seymour have been published, and rather surprise us by the smallness of the total majority for the former, in proportion, we mean, -to the whole vote. -Whe total Grant vote of the -25 States which voted gave 3,008,5W.; while the total Seymour vote was 2,7054628; showing a majority of only 292,883, or not six per cent, of the whole vote given. Even Mr. Dudley Baxter's figures (and he is a Conservative witness) give Mr. Gladstone a majority of more than ten per cent. on the whole vote given at the contested elections of Great Britain and -Ireland. Yet General Grant carried 26 States out of the 34 which voted, and will have in the new House of Representatives a majority of nearly two-thirds (much larger than Mr. Gladstone's), and a full two-thirds' majority, we believe, in the Senate. It is evident that the American parties are more uniformly distributed in America than in England. With more than a ten-per-ceue popular majority, Mr. Gladstone obtains a Parliantentary majority of about sixteen per cent. (or one-sixth). With only a bare sixper-cent. popular majority, General Grant obtains a majority in the House of Representatives of about thirty per cent.,—rather less than one-third.

As far as we can make out, the Irish Catholic prelates, though determined to insist on total dise,stablishment, and—vested interests excepted—tolerably complete disendowment, are not lending themselves to the foolish and insane policy of demanding more from Mr. Gladstone than he has promised to give. Cardinal Cullen, in a letter to the National Association, expressed his confidence that the measure of the Government will settle the question of the Irish Church "in a manner conformable to the wishes of the Irish people," and added the expression of a general confidence in Mr. Gladstone's Ministry as regards the laud question. Archbishop Leahy, of Cashel, insisted, in a letter to the same meeting, that "the Church question be settled on a basis of perfect equality, and settled for good, so that no after-question may remain concerning even a shred of the ascendancy of any one religion over another," and he added that he did not believe any unworthy compromise would be proposed by the great statesman now at the head of affairs. Dr. Keane, Bishop of Cloyne, insisted on equality, and said Mr. Gladstone would not win Ireland by promises, but by passing what he had promised,—but with that he too would be content. Dr. O'Hea, Bishop of Row, insisted on " total " disendowment, but he added, "Mr. Gladstone has promised that vested rights shall be respected,—by all means let them be respected." On the whole, we infer that the Catholic prelates and the National Association do not intend to put stumbling blocks in Mr. Gladstone's way, but to do all they can to help him to win the great battle. It would be but wise. Mr. Gladstone has made a real impression on the Irish imagination.

Mr. Gladstone seems to have written a letter to an American gentleman,—Mr. Lester, of New York,—in August, 1867, which that gentleman has quite recently obtained his leave to publish. It appeared in the Times of this day week. In this letter Mr. Gladstone confesses his own mistake in supposing that Mr. Jefferson Davis had really made a "nation ;" he says he was wrong, and that he "took too much upon himself" in announcing such an opinion. He adds, "I am aware that arrogance and self-confidence are among our national faults, that we require to be taken down,—so to speak, —by the estimates that others form of us, and that the more plainspoken these estimates are, the better for us." We are not quite so sure of that. Mr. Gladstone himself is not only a reasonable being, but makes it a matter of conscience to take himself to task about his own shortcomings. But Englishmen in general do not profit much by being told their faults. They rather like to hear about them, are quite willing to admit that they do sin in this way and that, so long as it be an imperious, impudent, dictatorial way,—but they like it so much, that it never occurs to them to change, and be less abused. Abuse by other nations is dear to the English, and confirms us in our course. Our importance grows with the hatreds of the existence of which in other nations we become aware.

We have been beaten again in South Derbyshire, but this time by a very narrow and much diminished majority. At the last election the highest Conservative (Sir T. Gresley) polled 3,612 votes, and the highest Liberal 3,378,—Mr. Evans himself polling only 3,349. Then, the Conservative majority may be said to have been at least 234. This time the majority was only twenty-nine ; Mr. Wilmot (Conservative) polling 3,495, and Mr. Evans 3,466. Thus,Mr. Evans obtained more than 100 votes in excess of his previouspoll, and the Conservatives 117 Jess.

It is stated that the Ilrovisionnl Government of Spain has resolved to present Prince Amalleus of .Savay:as its candidate for the throne. This choice, if the decision is left to the Cortes, renders the Republic nearly certain, as the clerics will vote with them to keep out a dynasty which would be hostile to the Church. Consequently, it is more than probable that if Prim has decided on this course he will carry his point by a coup d'gtat. Violent quarrels have broken out in the Government itself, General Caballero de Rodas, after conquering Malaga and Cadiz, has been recalled for over-severity, and the Government has issued a circular protesting that it does not desire to disarm any good citizens. Cortes assembles on the 15th of February.

A manifesto from the Revolutionary Junta of Cuba has reached us by way of Jamaica. The Secretary of that body, who writes on December 6, denies that the "Provisional Republican Government" intends to lay down its arms, or to accept any form of compromise whatever. The insurgent Cubans are not "fighting for reforms, but for independence," and will lay down their arms when that independence is recognized, but not before. Six thousand fresh troops have landed with General Dulce, but the Republicans have met this by decreeing the emancipation of the slaves. They ought now to have control of 100,000 adult males in the Eastern province alone, and the alliance of half the population of the West. It is believed in New Orleans that the independence of the island is a certainty.

The Rev. F. 0. Morris writes again to the Times to complain of the massacre of birds which goes on all round our coasts. The gannets of the Bass Rock and the gulls and terns of Ailaa Crag are being destroyed by thousands a week, the tenant of the latter place actually catching the birds as they sit on their young, leaving the latter to perish in hundreds. On the coast of Pembrokeshire the birds are killed in such multitudes that on Ramsay Island 1,400 were slaughtered in one week, and sold at is. each to London dealers, who will take any number both of them and of their eggs. A similar destruction was commenced in the Isle of Man, but was stopped by an Act of the local legislature, who feared for their fisheries, the sea birds guiding the boatmen to the shoals. The simplest way of preventing the slaughter would probably be to establish a close season, and prohibit the taking of the eggs.

It appears from a detailed account of the proceedings that the terms exacted by Consul Medhurst from the Viceroy of Nankin were even more severe than was reported. The Viceroy had imported the one armed screw steamer in China, was excessively proud of his acquisition, and intended to make in it a sort of royal progress to his new government, but Mr. Medhurst insisted that it should be given up. The Viceroy begged for his toy almost with tears, even entreated the Consul's suite to intercede with their chief ; but Mr. Medhurst was inflexible, and the steamer was surrendered. The remaining terms have all been complied with, and Mr. Medhurst intended to march 400 marines through Yangchow, just to show the people that he was in virtual possession of the city. It is all just, we suppose, for the Chinese really broke the treaty,—but how we must be loved in China!

Mr. Daniel A. Lange, English representative of the Suez Canal Company, advertises officially that the Canal will be opened to general navigation on let October of this year. Its width will then be 74 feet at bottom, 328 feet at top, and its depth 26 feet. We recommend shipowners to wait a few months ancksee if the canal silts up, as a stay in Alexandria or Suez till it is opened again will not be a profitable operation.

Blackheath has been plagued with tramps, but with more brains than most parishes, has managed to subdue the disease. A society has been organized for relief, and its tickets distributed to every house. The person asked for alms accordingly gives the beggar a ticket instead of cash, which he takes to the society's officer. If he is hungry, he gets bread, which he must eat there and then ; but if he wants more he is passed on to the relieving officer, who examines the case, mentions what the Guardians have done, and advises whether money should or should not be allowed. The beggars do not like this arrangement at all. Out of 400 men who were sent to the society in the first month -only 26 were decent

people, 200 took their bread and marched on, and 170 decamped at once, finding the air of Blackheath not healthy. If everybody in England steadily refused to give casual alms, there would in a month be no beggars, and we doubt if there would be much more hunger. Those really in want would apply to the Union, and the rest would work.

We trust that the ariicle in the Times of Wednesday on Irish railways was not semi-inspired. Apparently intended only to discredit the idea of comparing Irish and Belgian railways, it breathes a spirit of decided hostility to any plan for the absorption of the Irish railways by the State, a plan advocated by every Irish member, recommended by a Commission appointed to investigate the facts, and full of promise not only for Ireland, but Great Britain. It is because the country is poor, and the traffic scanty, and the Belgian comparison inapt, that the experiment of State management and excessively low fares—the experiment which is succeeding in India—ought to be tried in Ireland first. If it succeeds there, we may abolish the British railway oligarchy, in full confidence of reaping a large revenue. If Mr. Gladstone allows Mr. Lowe's policy of laissez-faire and Mr. Bright's antiquated distrust of the State to prevail over his own broader views, he will disappoint one of the most powerful, if not the most numerous, sections of his admirers.

The delegates of all the Metropolitan Vestries have decided upon a memorial to the Home Secretary complaining of the inefficiency of the Police. They complain that while the Force costs £660,034 a year, and numbers 8,500 men, crime increases, till for 16,785 crimes committed, apparently during 1867, only .5,930 persons were apprehended, being only 35.3 per cent. They therefore pray that the control and pay of the Police should be transferred to the Metropolitan Board, in which all parishes are represented. They further recommend that tickets-of-leave should be abolished, that an overt intention to commit crime should be punished like crime, that receivers should be more severely dealt with, that persons letting their houses to criminals should be indictable, that marine-store dealers and such like should be under supervision like publicans, that imprisonment for boys under 14 should be abolished and superseded by a sentence to a reformatory, and that flogging should be more generally administered for violent crime. No government will resign the control of the police of its -capital, and it is said that garotting has actually increased under the flogging regime, but the general idea of the memorial is sound. 'The parishes want better police, more supervision, and longer sentences, and so do all experienced reformers.

Nothing fresh of the slightest importance has come out about the self-accused Norwich murderer. The conduct of the magistrates at the time of the discovery of the remains in 1851 seems to us to have been culpably negligent. There was no inquest, and no thorough search for the head of the victim, by which alone identification could have been hoped for. The disinterred remains seem to have lost all their flesh, so that except by the structure of the bones there is no clue to the age of the victim, and the best chance of the prisoner Sheward is that the impression of the surgeons who examined the remains in 1851 as to the comparative youth of the murdered woman should be confirmed. They gave an opinion from the fragments of the body shown to them that she was between sixteen and twenty-six, whereas Sheward's wife is said to have been over fifty,—a very great discrepancy, which suggests some slight hope that the man is really innocent, and on this subject a monomaniac. It is asserted that a sister of Sheward's first wife is still living in Norwich ; but no evidence has as yet been taken from her, and we are still quite inihe dark as to the circumstances which appear to have satisfied her of his wife's emigration and subsequent death.

Lord Dalkeith seems to be much hurt at the attacks made during the Scotch elections, on his father, the Duke of Baccleugh, and defended him with some spirit in a speech delivered last week at Edinburgh. He asked of what kind his father's influence was. 4‘ WAS it the influence merely of a landed proprietor ? Why, no. It was the influence of a good, of a just, of an honourable, of a straightforward, of a highminded, and patriotic man. That was the influence which was not exercised by him, but which exercised itself." Lord Dalkeith only wished he could follow in some degree in his father's footsteps. Well, that is very nice and filial feeling on the part of Lord Dalkeith, and the meeting cheered him very properly for remarks of that domestic

nature. And no doubt Lord Dalkeith does feel the narrower ties of family and place very strongly, for he followed up his panegyric on his noble father by declaring that only Scotchmen could possibly represent Scotland, and inveighing against the Englishmen who had come down to try and represent Scotch opinions, in default of Scotchmen willing to represent them. Lord Dalkeith thinks race far more essential to political representation than opinions. He was not hurt so much at the Liberalism as at the Anglicism of Alderman Waterlow. He seemed to think that little matter of the Irish-Church question nothing in comparison to a good broad Scotch accent and good broad Scotch features. His countrymen don't quite agree with him. But is it allowable to assume for the future that he, and perhaps the Duke his father, will not much object to Scotch Liberals, and would decidedly prefer them for any Scotch county, in case of a contest between them and English Tories ?

Mr. Fre.shfield read an interesting paper before the Geographical Society last Monday, on the ascent which he and his friends had made of the two highest Alps of the Caucasus, Kasbek and Elbruz. Kasbek, he said, had diverted unduly the admiration of travellers from Elbruz, which is the true monarch of the Caucasus, in consequence of its overhanging the glen through which passes the regular route from Europe into Asia. It was for this reason that to Kasbek was attributed the glory of being the scene of the tortures of Prometheus, and that in later times a legend has grown up that there is a rope hanging from the side of Kasbek,—visible only to the eleot,—which gives access to a holy grotto, wherein are to be found the tent of Abraham, the cradle of Christ, and other holy relics. The ascent of Kasbek was exceedingly difficult in part, the climbers having to cut their way up a long ice-stair, to which it was very hard even with the help of knee and hand to cling. Kasbek appears to be about 1,000 feet higher than Mont Blanc. Elbruz is 3,000 feet higher. The distance between the two mountains is 120 miles, so that neither is, in ordinary weather, visible from the other. The ascent of Elbruz seems to have been, in some respects, less difficult than that of Kasbek. They ascended the latter on the 29th, and 30th, and 31st of July last, not reaching the summit till the 31st. The last morning they started by moonlight, at 2 o'clock, with lightning playing on the steppes below them. The summit was of horseshoe shape, and contained a volcanic crater. They believed that they distinguished the Black Sea from the summit. The Alpine Club, having now done the highest peak in the Caucasus, should attack the highest peak in the Himalaya. Why not try Ktmchinjunga ? It is only about 10,000 feet higher than Elbruz.

A lot of little chiidren, most of them under twelve, played pitch and toss near Stafford. Somebody accused them. The magistrates found them guilty, and fined them sixpence each. Their mothers would have paid that, but the costs were £4 Os. 6d. They were handcuffed, bound to a thick chain, and marched to Stafford for a month's imprisonment. They were met on the road by a gentleman, who inquired, interested other gentlemen, paid the money, and released the children. Had the children been the children of the magistrates who sentenced them, their condemnation would have been simply impossible.

The Stock Exchange markets have fluctuated to some extent during the week, in consequence of the critical state of Eastern affairs. Consols closed yesterday at 921 to 921 for money, and 921 to 93 for the February account ; Reduced and New Three per Cents., 93 to 931. In the Railway Share Market much animation has prevailed, and an almost general advance has taken place in prices. The payment of the dividends has considerably increased the supply of unemployed capital. In the open market good three months' bills are taken at 21 to 21 per cent. The stock of bullion in the Bank of England is £18,608,324, in the Bank of France £42,324,400.