16 JULY 1853, Page 1

NEWS OP THE WEEK.

The conduct of that Power does not respond to the frankness and moderation of the other side. Instead of restraining his ciwn military movements to the reluctant pace with which advances are made on the side of the Allies, the Emperor has sent his troops across the Turkish frontier, and is now occupying the Principali- ties, with a distinct threat, that if Turkey do not conoede the one point upon which he insists, the advance shall be made further forward and in a more aggressive form. To this arrogant conduct the diplomatic declarations of the Emperor's Government adds the farther insult of language studiously equivocal The se- oend circular note sent by Count Nesselrode to the foreign Courts announces the course of movement which we have already described ; and that violent course is cloaked with smooth words, justified by false allegations. Though an earnest desire for maintaining peace and good understanding with France and Eng- land, as well as with Turkey, is expressed, the statement that the two Powers have been warned not to interfere or to involve "the dignity" of the Emperor farther, is in itself an offensive assump- tion of superiority. The statement that the French and Eng- lish fleets have advanced "within sight of the capital," which would be a breach of treaty, is in direct opposition to the fact ; and the advantage which the Russian Government 'takes of its own falsehood, in affecting to consider the posi- tion of the combined fleet as a maritime occupation of Turkish territory, and in making the withdrawal of that fleet a new condition to be exacted by Russia, is at once an effrontery and a chicanery. Except in the mere "syntax of her diplomatic lan- guage, it is evident that Russia no longer considers it worth while to keep tip appearances. It is nothing better than a verbal quib- ble when she declares to the Allied Powers, that in taking posses- sion of the Principalities she is not makinc, war. If it is not making war, what is it? She has demandedeof Turkey something which Turkey refuses, and to which all the other Powers agree she has no right; and she is now using her arms to take that by compulsion. This is war de facto, on one side ; although down to the present moment the other side has abstained from recipro- cating war. By a quibble it may be said that there is no war where there is no resistance. Bat suppose the Turkish Govern- ment or the inhabitants of the Principalities were to resist the invasion, as they have a perfect right to do, the state of war would le palpably demonstrated by its usual incidents of battles and bloodshed, victories and defeats.

The total unreason of the Russian Government has led to a surmise in this country, that the Emperor's mind is giving way to a hereditary weakness which has sometimes developed itself in his family at a mature age ; and that he is proceeding to these eccentric violenoe* under the impulse of that malady. This would imply that we are to have an European war be" use the old gen- tleman on the Russian throne has reached h grand climac- teric! Rather than that, of course, he must be restrained ; and if Russian statesmen cannot take the matte to their own

hands—which they will do if they desire to avoid ions difficul- ties—they must be assisted. Another presumption in is country is, that the Emperor is himself unwilling for war, but hat he is acting upon a compulsion from behind—the mere puppe of some Muscovite party. That there is in Russia a fanaticism b h mili- tary and religious, we can well believe ; but the conduct of the Emperor certainly implies that he is seeking to arouse rather than reluctantly obeying it. At all events, other Governments cannot judge upon presumptions ; they can only judge by acts. The overt acts of Russia are those of a power that breaks its bond, infringes the public law, disturbs the public peace, and levies war wantonly. The fact that the Allied Powers, who now appear to be in some degree supported by Austria, have submitted suggestions by which Turkey might give the desired guarantees of tolerance to her Chris- tian subjects, and the Emperor might declare himself satisfied and desist from war, proves that, in the opinion of the European Powers, the responsibility of the sequel must now rest with Russia. Lord john Russell stated to Mr. Disraeli, on Thursday night, that it would take some time for the communications to be received in St. Petersburg and the answer transmitted; and meanwhile it is to be understood that active operations continue to be in suspense. That is, so far as the Allied Powers are concerned ; for Russia has not very serupulouslyobserved understandings in regard to suspense. The question of peace or war therefore depends upon the Emperor Nicholas; and his conduct down to the present moment does net make us anticipate that his choice will be one in accordance with the interests of Europe or with Christian morals. We must even make up our mind, then, to confront the fact, that at this mo- ment we are liable to war—probably, on the verge of war. With one exception, the public feeling in this country, although it clings with persevering tenacity to the hope of ultimate recon- ciliation, still shows itself not unequal to the demands made upon it. In proportion as we draw nearer to the threatened dan- ger, the public countenance becomes more firm and more cheerful There is no doubt that the prospect of danger has piqued most men on the score of their patriotimr,-and not one of us can have the least fear that the vast balk of the people in all classes will respond to the necessity. The exception consists of a small fac- tion in Parliament. To that party the threats of war have been taken as a windfall, not for the purpose of displaying their English heart or chivalrous statesmanship, or their love of peace, but for the purpose of worrying and calumniating the Ministers in office. The publication of the state papers dated. from Peterhoff and St. Petersburg has disclosed the fact that the Russian course is in pursuance of a long-sustained design, which no British Mi-

nister could have diverted with a word of disapproval ; and if our statesmen were naturally deceived at first, from the inability to suspect the studied deceptions which Russia has prac- tised, the fact that they have succeeded in establishing a solid position at last ought to have won for them the sympathy and support even of party opponents, if those opponents were Englishmen. But it is in the resort to mean tricks to gain a personal advantage with the hopeless idea of getting back into office, that "a great party" exemplifies its patriotism, and its appreciation of an impencling calamity. For, come how or when it may, war is a calamity so heavy that its shadow makes all good men serious. If we submit to it, it is because we submit to stern necessity; if we submit cheerfully, it is because even in mis- fortune nations can show their greatness, and in adversity can earn a right to enjoy the prosperity of the future.