TOPICS OF THE DAY.

ECONOMICAL SUFFERING AND POLITICAL DISCONTENT.

IT is well observed as well as ably and decorously enforced by the Standard, that "the actual state of feeling among the humbler clas: :, cannot be ever long kept out of sight without great danger." This goneral truth has peculiar force in the present circumstances of the country; and we are glad that the Standard is disposed to join us in calling public attention to the subject, though we are not likely to agree altogether in our views either of the causes or the best remedies of the existing discontent.

The Poor-law is made to answer for more than can be fairly put to its account. Harsh in operation and stern in aspect it certainly was and is; but it would be impossible to frame an agreeable measure for remedying the extensive mischiefs of the old system. And the actual deprivation of income it occasions is not large, when compared with the entire annual receipts of the classes winds it most nearly touches. The data for making calculations of the number of persons working for wages and the amount paid in that shape are vague, but it is not difficult to show that the reduction in rates occasioned by the new Poor-law is an insig- nificant fraction of the total income of the labouring classes in England and %Vales.

By the returns made under the Population Act of 1821, it ap- pears that the number of families in England and Wales chiefly employed in agriculture was . . . . . . . . 847,957 . . . in trade, manufactures, and handicraft. 1,159,975 2,007,932

The entire population in 1821 was nearly twelve millions ; in 1931, it nearly reached fourteen millions—an increase of one-sixth. Supposing that the persons engaged in agriculture, trade, manu- factures, and handicraft, were augmented in the same proportion as the total population, in 1831 there must have been, in round numbers, 2,350,000 families. Now, they may be certainly esti- mated at 2,500,000. Supposing that 200,000 families included in the estimate—a large deduction—are not properly among the labouring or humbler classes, there w ill still be 2,300,000 families dependent upon weekly wages for their support. Taking one place and me line of industry with another, the average wages of these 2,300,000 families cannot be less than one pound a week ; which will give an annual income of 119,600,000/. Now it appears from the Second Report of the Poor-law Commissioners, that the decrease in the amount expended for the relief of the poor in the year ending 25th March 1836, as compared with 1834, was 1,599,6251.—not snore than one seventy-fifth part of the total income of the labouring class s s—a few shillings for each family per annum. Behold, as compared with wages, and putting its moral effects out of view, the psltry interest which the whole people have in the relief admi- nistered by parishes. It will be said, however, that this does not give a correct idea of the hardships occasioned by the Poor-law, as the suffering is not spread over the whole bulk of the labour- ing classes, but affects a portion of it severely. True : but the discontent is very general ; and as the reduction of payments, the stinting of relief, could not produce the discontent in the degree which manifestly exists, we must look to other causes : and they lie around us in all directions.

The Poor-law has this general operation—every member of the working classes feels as if it took from bins a something which he had before. A million and a half has been saved out of the fund heretofore expended for the poor ; and what has been given in exchange fur it ? What boon has been con- ferred, what measure passed, to disabuse the millions of the no- tion that the Poor-law was a scheme for sparing the pockets of the lawmakers ? In many fine speeches, fine sentiments were put forth about the insignificance of the money part of the ques- tion—the grand object, in suoth, was the improvement of the social condition of the people. But it so happened that this improvement was to be accompanied with considerable benefit to those who patronized it ; whilst we look in vain for any measure by which the social condition of' the people has been ameliorated at a sacri- fice of income or ease to the higher and middle classes. Where is the substantial proof, to those whom the change affected, that the professions to raise the working classes in the scale of society, teach them independence, self- reliance., and so forth, were Lot mere pretences ? The benefit of the Poor-law to the commun!ty at large may be capable of' proof; but it would be surprising if they who feel its severity only, should concur in the approbation it elicits from those who derive benefit from the diminution of rates. Doubtless it was a mistake to suppose that the poor had any right to support from their fellow-citizens, as they had to the fruits of their own industry ; but great pains had been taken to encourage the notion that such a claim existed. We have always been in favour of a poor-law, as a social regulation ; believing it necessary for the safety and general wellbeing of the community, that none should feel in danger of starvation in the midst of plenty. The prevalent idea among the working classes was, that, independent of and paramount to social expediency, they had a claim of right upon the rest of the community for assistance suf- ficient to supply the comforts of life when wages fell short of that point. Such a claim has been formally disallowed. A new system has been established ; and the result has been a saving of a mils lien and a half per annum to the rate-payers, Now, what has

been done to recompense the working classes, in a way which they can comprehend and appreciate, for the withdrawal of this assistance, by those who solemnly declared that their object wu not to spare their own pockets, but to improve the condition of their poorer brethren ? What has been done to soothe the feel- ings of men naturally exasperated by the severities of the work- house system ? The execution of the law must have been at- tended with many a bitter humiliation—where is the balm for the wounded spirit ?

The question of general education has made no progress since the Reform Act. The people's ignorance is the specific excuse

for denying them political franchises; but one of the least intel resting of subjects which can be brought before Parliament, is that of national education. Ignorant the people are, and ignorant they may remain for any thing that their professed representatives and real rulers care. Very agreeable would it be to the working classes in large towns, to have public walks and other places of innocent recreation laid open to them ; but the House of Com-

mons pays not the least attention to Mr. SLANEY.S solitary and feeble efforts to obtain these advantages.

Lock at our scheme of taxation. The Soap-duty is, in round numbers, 750,000/., and it falls chiefly on the working classes: why don't the disinterested gentlemen who have saved the million and a half of poor-rates, and put it in their pockets by mistake, repeal the Soap-tax, and put its equivalent on their own land and houses? The Tea-tax produces four or five millions : why are

the cheaper qualities of tea charged with a much higher ad valo- rem duty than the kinds used by the wealthy classes ? The To-

bacco-tax yields more than three millions : from the million and a half saved in poor-rates, half the duty on tobacco—a necessary of life to the working people—might be remitted. These are only instances of the manner in which the feelings of the humbler classes might be soothed and their physical enjoyment increased, as a set-off against the operation of the stern-featured Poor-law. Had such measures, or any of them, been taken, there would have been less excuse for the prevalent belief that the Poor-law was passed by the rich for their own exclusive gain.

To a certain extent, the alterations in taxation just mentioned would have been acceptable to the working classes; but their great and growing want—that of employment at good wages— would not have been permanently supplied thereby. A far more extensive change is required in the British system of taxation and commerce. The consequences of our restrictive policy are felt more severely year by year. The refusal to take corn, timber, and other products of countries lying in nearest neighbourhood, is pro- gressively shutting us out of foreign markets. Were the people of this country permitted to sell to all who are desirous of buying, there would be little cause to complain of the stagnation of trade; but the Legislature of landowners and monopolists interferes to cripple industry and prevent the natural interchange of things valuable and desirable to mankind. The cry is against the Poor- law—it should be against the system of monopoly and exclusion which fetters employment and keeps down wages. With regular and fairly-paid labour, the stern Poor-law would be scarcely thought of. It should always be kept in mind, that whatsoever affects wages, is of more consequence than any thing else to the bulk of the people. Some of the most grievous economical hardships of the labouring classes might be gradually removed by the Legislature. Acts of Parliament could more equally apportion the pressure of' taxa- tion, and throw open the ports of the world to British ship- ping and manufactures; land in the mean time sharing the influence of' the general prosperity, though fewer acres of inferior capacity would be employed in corn-growing. People are learning more than ever to attribute their backward comb- (ion to misrule. Hence it is that with economical suffering political discontent is mixed up. They see that although the numbers engaged in agriculture are not by any means so great as those employed in other ways, the agricultural interest is predominant in both Houses of Parliament—yet that even the agriculturists complain that the gleams of their prosperity are transient. It is observed that of the persons professedly repre- senting the trailing and commercial classes, there is scarcely one who can fairly be designate:I as a popular Member, seeing that they really are guided by interests of the manufacturers, the mer- chants, or the monied interest, and habitually disregard those of the masses. Nay, it is a fact that the middle classes, who gained power under the Reform Act, have even less sympathy for the working population than men of higher rank. They appear to be more arrogantly selfish.

Now, the unrepresented classes see no justice in the scheme which gives the elective franchise to the middle-men, the ten- pound householders and shopkeepers, and withholds it from them- selves. In no one estimable quality, intellectual or moral, can they discern the superiority of the shop-keeping classes. In all that constitutes really useful knowledge—in independence of cha- racter—in generosity of sentiment— they cannot but see that they are at least equal to the men whom the Reform Act has placed above them. It is not in human nature to submit quietly to an injustice which occasions physical distress and mental annoyance.

Accordingly, the demand for Universal Suffrage has increased, is increasing, and will not be diminished except by the course, not likely to be followed, of conferring those practical benefits on the people which they would be certain to obtain fridni a Legislature elected by themselves. It is a delusion to suppose that the new Poor-law alone occa- sions discontent among the people. There is a very numerous and intelligent body of men, without votes, in the Metropolis and in other large towns, who think very little about the Poor-law ; but who are dissatisfied with their political condition—who resent the injustice of their exclusion from the electoral franchise—who scorn the middle classes and their representatives, as time- servers, self-seekers, and tuft-hunters ; and who are resolved to work out their own political salvation. Such men will not be turned from their course by an outcry against the Poor-law. They seek, and they will obtain, political franchises, as the preli- minary to improvement in their physical condition. It is mainly to the persevering exclusion of these classes from the rights of citizenship that the danger of our actual position must be ascribed. They look upon the Poor-law, with its novel restrictions, as only a part of a system for enriching the favoured few at the expense of the degraded many.