16 MARCH 1850, Page 14

LORD P A 7.74F,11.STON AND RUSSIA.

Coma NFscixtwoDs's note leaves Russia without a locus standi in the present quarrel between England and Greece, since it admits the "independence" of Greece, the "private" nature of the Thresh claims, the right of England to enforce them separately, and the fact that the Russian Government knew of those claims, and of Lord Palmerston's intention to extort satisfaction by force, in 1847, without protesting against them. But the reproaches which the Minister of the despotic Power launches at the Minister of consti- tutional England, for tyrannizing over national independence, strangely as they come from such a quarter, are not neutralized by the character of their source. Lord Palmerston cannot rebut the charge, that he has shown a "total want of courtesy" towards states at least in settled diplomatic intercourse with England on Grecian affairs ; he cannot oonceal from this country, that he is stepping beyond his province when he is undertaking to determine, or as Count Nessehade phrases it, "to reconstruct the map of Greece," and that such a step must have risked a war without the distinct warning of Russia to that effect ; he cannot aver, in the teeth of the Russian reproach, that either of the three Powers can wisely or justly "undo its own collective work" in founding the Hellenic kingdom. On the face of these transactions, the English Minister is guided neither by justice, sense, nor expediency. , It is to be presumed, indeed, that so cunning an official hassome policy in what he does ; but to infer his policy from his overt acts, and to reconcile it with the honour and dignity of England, is a task that looks to be impossible. Test it how you will, you cannot twist it into justice or into English advantage.

Say that Lord Palmerston's policy has been to preserve the status quo m the Levant; and to keep the peace by maintaining the diplo- matic alliance of the three Protecting Powers; and try that conclu- sion by the actual situation: what is the actual situation? Eng- land has taken a separate position; she has accepted from France separate "good offices," the acceptance of which may separate France from Russia, while the rejection of the counsel which invited may alienate France from England. Russia is already alienated. Unquestionably, Count Nesselrode is right when he intimates that it would have been very desirable, in the precarious state of the West, to maintain peace and good accord in the East; but, judged by its fruits, we see that such cannot have been the guiding aim of Lord Palmerston's policy.

It might have been an intelligible and not a bad polity to draw closer the alliance between the Courts of London and of Athens : but what in that respect is Lord Palmerston's position ? We find him quitting the straight path of the negotiation in hand, and the etiquette of diplomacy, to stuff his despatches with dis- courteous allusions to the motives and personal conduct of King Otho, on matters quite irrelevant ; and, as if those allusions were to be too much buried in a blue book, we find him with his own lips tickling the English House of Commons to laughter by the humor- ous and slighting manner of his allusion to King Otho,—jecosel insisting that good relations could not have been interrup because, although Mr. Wyse had gone on board, the English war- ships had fired a salute to celebrate the birthday of the King or Queen—" I forget which." Such were the terms in which Lord Palmerston speaks of the anniversary of King Otho's accession! This affectation of oblivion is an old trick of insolence • when some one who was riding on horseback with Mr. Brummell was stop by George the Prince Regent, and that "finest gentleman in Eu- rope" cut his old acquaintance, Brummell asked audibly," Who is our fat friend ?" Lord Palmerston employs the same art to create feelings of mortification, anger, and pain in the mind of Xing Otho. If Lord Palmerston had a personal dislike to King Otho, he could not adopt more effective means to estrange him from the English connexion; and it is at all events certain that the

ey specially guiding the Minister for Foreign Affairs is not the desire to knit in closer bonds the friendship between the Courts of Athens and London.

Is his policy to keep up an alliance of feeling with the Eng- lish nation, as a counteractive to the Philhellenic or Pansdavonian movement, which is again said to stir the Grecian tribes under whatsoever crown now subject? Surely not, unless the gay Viscount is becoming a bungler with the advance of years ; for the supposition is negatived by the results. King Otho has never been one of Lord Palmerston's favoured protégés, but, for the first time in the history of the new dynasty, the modern successor of Codrus is endowed with the thorough sympathy of his people, and for that endowment he is indebted to Lord Palmerston ; since it is brono•,ht about by the violence and mortification which have been visited upon Grecian subjects in common with their King. Lord Palmerston has taught the Grecian people to regard England as the common enemy of sovereign and subjects.

Is it that Lord Palmerston and his colleagues are endeavouring to counteract the Pansclavonian or Philhellenic movement on totally different ground,--that they are sacrificing Greece, with the Rus- sian and French alliance, to attach Ionia more thoroughly to l'nennd, and thus to rear up an Hellenic community alien from Russian intrigues? Why, it appears that Lord High Commissioner Ward has thought it necessary to decimate districts of Cephalonia, in order to fight the Philhellenic dogma which has invaded British

territory; that, in the poverty of his resources' he has been reduced to the desperate expedient combating the Anti-English dogma by severities which must make the English rule detested as that of an alien tyrant and a voluntary hypocrite, who, with protection and liberty on her lips, binds down the struggling opinions of the islanders under a bloody oppression.

Frustration for any conceivable policy and for English interests in every quarter ! Uniformity of effect indicates community of cause. The results of Lord Palmerston's policy are, that the Ionian race is alienated from England for the freer sympathy with Pansclavonian ideas ; that the Greek people are driven by distrust of England into a sympathizing allegiance to their King, the pup-

pet of Russia; that the King is effectually estranged from the Haiglish friendship, taught to distrust even France, as an ally of Eng- land, and left to look for support from Russia alone ; and that Russia is released from the status quo by the fact that England has broken it. Here is indeed another uniformity of result—a uniform convenience to the ulterior movements of Russia. Uniform frus- tration for England, uniform furtherance for Russia, attend Lord Palmerston's administration of affairs in the Levant—not for the first time. Is it a real quarrel, this of Palmerston and Nessel- rode ? It is a remarkable fact, that Palmerston's ministration serves Russia as faithfully as Nesselrode's. How desirable it would be to get at the bottom of these myste- ries and extract the truth! But against that exploration the pre- sent case is to be closed, like others that have gone before—for ever dosed : Lord Palmerston has announced that "he is pre- paring papers."