Their action is still too much dependent on the will
of the Emperor of the French, and the recent discussion in the Corps Legislatif is not likely to render that will more favourable to Rome. The Senate carried the Address approving the Imperial policy only by a vote of 79 to 61, and the struggle in the Lower House will be almost as severe. The debate, as yet, has been only on the Address generally, and the old parties, Legitimists, Orleanists, friends of the Church, and personal enemies of the Bonapartes, have had it all their own way. The discussion has addressed itself mainly to three points, the English alliance, the unity of Italy, and the temporal power of the Pope. The Count de Flavigny, who opened the debate, declared Prince Napoleon's speech revolutionary; the policy announced in that speech tore up the treaty of Villafranca, a wise treaty which provided for the independence of the Pope, and the separate existence of the Italian nations. The unity of Italy was fatal to both these ideas; to the Pope, because with a King of Italy in Rome the Papacy
/- must depart ; to France, because it paved the way for the unity of Germany. This speech was, as it were, the cue of the debate as far as regarded Italy. M. de Segur-Lamoignon, M. Plichon, M. Kolb-Ber- nard, M. Keller, M. Kcenigswarter, and others, all of the second rank in politics, followed, but they only rang the changes on the same ideas. That the unity of Italy was a danger for France, and planned in the interest of England, was the substance of them all. M. Segur-Lamoignon pointed strongly to the in- gratitude of Piedmont, which, after France had. endured every- thing for Italy, followed the counsels of Great Britain. M. Nam went further, and denounced the Imperial policy throughout Europe in language certainly not wanting in freedom. "The sagacity and moderation of the Emperor," he said, "at the begin- ning of his reign had deadened that mistrust, but the war of Italy, the non-execution of the peace of Villafranca, the complacence of the French Government for the Italian revolution, the application of principles to the organization of Italy which are the negation of the law of dynastic sovereignties; in fine, the contradictions, unfortu- nately frequent, which for some time past appear to exist between the language of the Government and its acts,.'-all these circumstances have brought back Governments and people to their natural dis- position to mistrust. Austria is dissatisfied; the passions of 1813 are awakened in Germany and influence Prussia; you are all well aware that the mistrust is still greater in England." The Ministry reserve themselves for the debate on paragraphs, but Baron David explained the views of the Bonapartist section of the Chamber :
"We now, gentlemen, pray the Holy Father to disavow and to mark with reprobation the Bishops who abuse their religions character in order to sow the seeds of discord and hatred. We pray the Holy Father to remove from his councils the emissaries of the two branches who have reigned over France. We pray the Holy Father to govern the populations whom we keep under his sceptre in accordance with the most elementary rules of civilized societies, with the most elementary notions of public right. We implore the Holy Father not to live as i
an enemy n the centre of Italy, and to bear in mind that his temporal power is exercised over Italians. If our prayers are despised, as hitherto they have been —if a part of the French clergy, forgetful of all that the Emperor has done for them during the past ten years, persist in a menacing attitude, we counsel the Government to place itself in a state of legitimate defence. We admit of no superior principle condemning us to confer obligations and services on our ens-. miss. We counsel the Government to decline a situation which produces only embarrassment, injustice, and ingratitude. We advise the Government to with- draw our troops from Rome, and by doing so it will act in accordance with the general policy of the country." The vital discussion will take place on the motion for maintaining the temporal power, and it is calculated that the vote will go againit the Pope by a large majority. M. Billault, excited by the attacks of M. Plichon, at last rose, and after a severe but not unjust rebuke on the accusations of cowardice levelled at the Emperor, replied. The interest of France, he said, was that Italy should not be Austrian. "That policy, more than secular, has been pursued through reverses or suc- cesses, but never with a success so striking as that of which the world haa recently been a witness. (Hear, hear.) In six weeks that colossus of influence which ruled Italy crumbled away before our victories ; in six weeks that advanced post which had been raised up against us in Lombardy fell to the ground, and it has passed from our hands into that of a friendly Power. (Approbation.) There was there a great national interest, pursued for centuries, and which in a few weeks was satisfied and protected by several victories. That interest you have forgotten. There is another, which is not traditional; the Government of the Emperor is founded on universal suffrage, and on the will of the people. It ha been said that force ought to have been employed, and that Piedmont ought to have been stopped. Doubtless, Piedmont might have been obliged to yield, but Piedmont was not alone in Italy.. There was beside her the people ; some abandoned by their governments, and the others in insurrection against them. Force and repression in that case would have been necessary ; in other words, France would have been obliged to replace Austria in Italy in the use of violence against the people. The French Government would have said: 'I undertake the part, I, a liberal Government, elected by the people, I who have wished to see Italy independent—I renounce everything, even my glory, and am about to become the oppressor of the populations.' (Loud approbation.) And they fancied that a peat Sovereign could thus sacrifice his principles, his brilliant renown And why? To gratify certain passions. No; it was im- possible."
No further action has been taken in the Mires case, but the Turkish bills falling due in the next few days will be met at the Credit In- dustriel. The most imniediate panic appears to exist among the subscribers to the Turkish loan. Those who have paid up in full are of course creditors of Turkey, but those who have only paid instal- ments are simply creditors of M. Mires.
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