The Governor-General
Allan Massie
At first glance, the Secretary of State for Scotland looks a little out of place in the present Cabinet. Its other leading figures are, as the sociologists say, upward- ly moblile. George Younger is not; he would have fitted happily into the Chur- chill or Macmillan cabinets, where some of his colleagues would have seemed as odd and incongruous as Ernest Marples. He is a patrician, but, while the other patricians of the 1979 Cabinet have perished, George Younger carries serenely on.
He was born in 1931, the eldest son of the 3rd Viscount Younger of Leckie (a Bonar Law creation). He belongs to one of the great brewing families, and has indeed worked in the industry. Education at Win- chester and New College was broken by service with the Argylls in Korea and BAOR. The background might suggest the grouse-moor image, formerly usual among Scottish Tories, but, whether from taste or political prudence, he eschews this, giving his recreations as music (Mozart), garden- ing, golf and sailing, all unpretentious and acceptable pastimes among the profession- al and business classes.
Having fought North Lanark (a hopeless seat) in 1959, he was adopted as prospec- tive candidate for Kinross and West Perth- shire when the sitting member died in 1963. (He dates his irrevocable commit- ment to politics from that moment.) This proved to be the making of him, for it gave him the opportunity to perform one of those unselfish acts of service which tradi- tionally endear politicians to the Conserva- tive Party. When the events of October 1963 saw Lord Home become Prime Minis- ter and in urgent need of a seat in the Commons, Younger stepped aside to accommodate him. No doubt he could have stood his ground; it never occurred to him to do so. It was appropriate that his act of self-denial should have been on Sir Alec's behalf, for George Younger is indeed the heir to Home's tradition of gentlemanly professionalism.
The next year he was elected for Ayr, which he has represented since. He rose quickly, not necessarily a difficult task when the competition consists of Scots Tories. He was, however, running behind his contemporary Alick Buchanan-Smith. The Devolution debates altered that. Both men, like most, Tory progressives in Scot- land (and Sir Alec himself), were then devolutionists. When Mrs Thatcher made her opposition known, Buchanan-Smith fell away, Younger remained. His conver- sion from devolution was to his advantage. It was gradual however (he is hardly a Road to Damascus man) and sincere. Some of course attacked him as a re- negade; he himself says, while admitting his former beliefs, that the Scotland Act itself convinced him devolution was un- workable. 'No one answered the West Lothian Question. The whole thing is only possible on a fully federal basis, and there is no sign that that will ever be accepted.' Consequently he is now firmly a Scottish politician within the United Kingdom con- text, one who does not believe that there will be a Scottish Assembly in the foresee- able future.
If Kinross and West Perthshire was one piece of luck, Cathcart was another. Teddy Taylor, a natural Thatcherite as Younger is not, was lined up to be Secretary of State. His defeat at Cathcart made Younger the only possible choice. His accession was received with some relief — for many view- ed Taylor apprehensively — but without enthusiasm. Everyone liked George of course, but was he tough enough? Would he fight Scotland's corner?
The office of Secretary of State is one in which few have shone. In the first place, it requires unusual flexibility. In London, the Secretary of State is an , ambassador; in Scotland, a Governor-General. George Younger has proved effective in both roles, partly because he sees the job a little differently, insisting that, to be successful, the Secretary of State must be a general Cabinet figure, contributing to more than purely Scottish business. 'It is important for Scotland,' he says, 'that he makes a UK contribution.' He has developed a surpris- ing rapport with the Prime Minister – she is greatly impressed by the pageantry he can summon up, and by the authority he displays. 'I had no idea you had all this up here,' she said on one visit to Holyrood (the occasion in fact of the celebrated encounter related by Nicholas Fairbairn).
More than any of his predecessors Youn- ger has emphasised that Scotland possesses its own mini-government. Junior ministers are now publicly allocated specific respon- sibilities. Just as the Scottish Office had steadily widened its sphere of administra- tion, so the political branch of Scottish government has become more prominent. This may in the end be seen as Younger's principal achievement: he has made the government of Scotland visible, and, in a curious British way, established a form of de facto federalism within the system. Moreover, no Secretary of State since James Stuart has been closer to his Prime Minister.
He is often pictured as a paternalist Tory in a free market Cabinet. Yet he describes himself as 'solidly a free marketeer' but one who realises that in a country with Scotland's peculiar problems it is necessary 'to temper the rough edges of the free market'. Problems have not been lacking in the slump; he regards the closure of Invergordon as his chief failure. Yet the' restructuring of the shipbuilding industry and the saving of Ravenscraig are evidence of his will and tenacity, and of his ability to disarm opposition. The success of the 'Locate in Scotland' office is a tribute to his political dexterity also; it was originally viewed with little enthusiasm by Tories, and fiercely opposed in London. Much of administration has been de- voted to battles with local authorities. So far, in the words of one Tory councillor, the score is: George Younger 15, local authorities 0; 'and that's a football score, not a rugby one'. He has forced them to reduce staffs, and has done this in the Scottish Office too. 'It's all done with a smile and a chocolate biscuit.' He is not fazed by opposition. When one councillor at a COSLA meeting told him he was 'the worst Secretary of State yet', Younger said only:, 'Did you get your tea?' He enjoys the job and thrives on it. He likes its variety, and brings a style that has been lacking. He took pleasure in opening up Bute House in Charlotte Square for official receptions. When Mr Gorbachev had to return to Moscow, cutting a dinner at Edinburgh Castle, it was the Secretary of State himself who had the idea Of inviting the inhabitants of an old folks home to eat the Russians' dinner. He gives the impression of being a secure and happY man, helped by a good family.
Traditionally the Scottish Office has been a cul-de-sac. It is unlikely to be so for him, though his future may depend on the result of the next election when he will be in his mid-50s. (There is also the question of inheriting his father's title; at the mo- ment, he says, he 'would have to decide on it'.) Defence and the Foreign Office have both been mentioned. (The Home Office would be unsuitable, reversing the West Lothian Question.) It is not inconceivable that he could reach No.10 if the Conserva- tive Party should feel the need of a change of tone. Who better to supply it than the Laird of Leckie, who, like David Owen, has it in him to be both tough and tender?, Meanwhile however there are the teachers to be dealt with, and Edinburgh District Council to be disciplined. 'It s easier though,' he says, 'to deal with local authorities when they happen to be your political opponents.' A slightly surprising observation, but then Mr Younger is a tough political fighter, as befits an Argyll. It is characteristic too that he could not understand David Steel's decision to with- draw from the battle for three months after the last election. He couldn't imagine himself doing that, whatever the joys of family life, Mozart or his garden. For all his gentlemanly good manners he is no more an amateur politician than Sir Alec was.
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