Mr. O'Connell has declined, for the present, an invitation to

a pril,lic dinner at Athlone, in consequence of the absence of Mr. Jelin O'Connell, Member for Athlone, in 'France.

" Ile went there," says Mr. O'Connell, " to make some researches in the War office, for documents respecting the Irish Brigade in the French service. Ile is engaged in an endeavour to rescue firm' oblivion a body of brave and 1111,11, whose history mingles the chivalry of romance with the plain matter of fact details of military life. He will not return to Ireland until the middle of September. I make no doubt that if he had any idea that such an

invitation as you sent was intended, lie would have postponed his journey." It is rumoured that when the National Association reassembles in October, it will be dissolved—of course with the concurrence of :Mr. 0' Comiell.

In a third letter to Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Sharman Crawford is at pains to demonstrate, that should the Tories return to power, Mr. O'C,ottull's policy of taking Lord Mulgrave in lieu of rood itteco,orcs

toe Ireland, wail he most dioe tools. 1 le remind: Mr. t) Connell of

the chess itiii wont to lay 1111011 a palgatiOil of the a lagistracy, and

the tlattoer rf ino ing to huge it body of armed policeman under the

shsoliite control of the Executive. Yet little or nothing had been done to improve tile -Magistracy, and the Constabulary force had linen augmented. lie Mellaturne Coe...ein Act, also, Air. Crawford maietailar, would be a terrific instrument of oppression in Tory hands- " You diem! the resumption of power I y it Tory Administration; and yet, now, you are ready to give a helping hand in preparing ill:Iron-lents by which, at some future day, Tory power and Tory principles, it they he such as you re- pt count them to be, may confirm their despotic ascendancy, not (ally trVeC Ire- land, but over Britain. 11 my voice could be heard, or would be lioened to by the British People, I would caution them against those experiments trying in Ireland, how far arbitrary power ran be carried into operation under the semblance of free institutions,--experiments which, when once proved in Ire- land, may be transferred, in a more perfect form, to the sister island. Now, Sir, suppose the Tories should chance to be installed into office : suppose you then commence a genet:a system of agitation all over Ireland : the Lord Lieu- tenant and Council may then proclaim all Ireland in a state of disturbance—. may then, indefinitely, increase your now favourite gendarmerie. The Govern- ment, having the individual nominations in their hands, could constitute it of Orange partisans, if they liked, and inflict the Orange rjyime with a disas- trous power, created by your own approval. What would you then say, Sir, to the hereditary bondsmen?' Why, Sir, the Tories are fools for their own own objects, if they should endeavour prematurely to expel this Ministry from office: they are doing the work fur them in proper style. They are doing what the Turks could never have done for themselves. Had they attempted such measures, the public outcry would have been so great, when excited by your superior powers, as would have given them a signal downfal: but, by the professions of liberty, and by your adhesion, the public mind is laid asleep, and the work goes on smoothly and prosperously."

Mr. Crawford says be is the less disposed to chime in with Mr. O'Connell's adulation of the existing Government, by the recollection of the praise Mr. O'Connell bestowed on that of Lord Anglesea, whom he afterwards so bitterly assailed- " Sir, I um blamed for venturing to disagree from you on this occasion. I am blamed for throwing in a note of discord, whilst you are chanting the praises of the Melbourne Government. By way of en apology, and a warning both to you and the People, and the Government which rests itself on your support, allow me to remind you and them, that you have before praised Governments, and that they have afterwards received an equal or greater measure of your reprobatiou. Permit me to recall your own words to your recollection with retereuce to a fanner Administration. In the proceedings of the Catholic Asso- ciation in the year 1628, 1 find an address from you, dated 30th September 1828, calling upon the inhabitants of Tipperary to desist from disorderly meet-

ings and combinations. In that address, I find the following sentences... You give an enumeration of reasons why the people should desist from these practices: under the fourth head, you say, The Lord.Lieutenant, the Marquis of Anglesea, is a sincere friend of the peace and prosperity of Ireland; he is what you all like and love—as brave a soldier as ever wielded a sword ; be is most desirous to produce peace, tranquillity, and happiness in Ireland; he is anxious to put down oppression of every kind, and crime of every description. The Orangemen hate him and fear him—the People love and respect bins.' Under the fifth head, you tar"' Let me, as a tifth reason, tell you, that we have, also, in the Government, most impartial and uptight Chancellor '—Sir Anthony Hart. Under the sixth head, you say—' Let me also tell you, that we have in the Government another manly, independent, high-minded, and honest friend to the People of Ireland— I mean, Lord Francis Leveson Gower.' Again, in the last sentence of your address, I find as follows-1A parental Government, now held out to us, will compensate for centuries of "Now, Sir, did this Government fulfil your anticipations? You know they did not. Six years afterwards, you gave a character of Lord Auglesea, in your first letter to Lord Duncannon, dated 30th August 1834. 1 shall not quote it —it is too long : I refer you and the public to the letter itself. I only ask you to read the two enaracters, and to consider whether, under those circumstances, I sin not justified in speaking to you with a warning voice."

Following up his dissection of the O'Connell policy in a fourth letter, Mr. Crawford puts a very awkward case to the Agitator- " Suppose, Sir, that I had told the people, by letter or speeches, that the Tithe Bills, as brought in by his Majesty's Government, would enable them, by making a flaw in the title of the Church to the tithes, to go on, step by step, till they extinguished the whole nuisance • and suppose iu my speeches an Par- Lenient, I had told the supporters of the 'Church that, by doing this act of jus- tice—by giving up this surplus, they would place the revenues of the Church in a state of greater security : suppose I told the people, that they must never

rest satisfied till they were relieved from this blood-stained impost—that agita.

thin must go on till this was effected; and suppose on the other hand, I in d,ieed the Government, and the supporters of Establishments in the House of

Commons, to believe that the concession of this instalment would produce satis-

faction in the minds of the people, and kind feeling towards the British nation and British connexion : suppose, on di isplea of producing the peace of Ireland, I induced the British Members to give up the claim of England to the repay- ment of the Million Loan,—suppose, Sir, I had acted on such a policy as this, then I would admit that my policy was liable to be denoted by every term pro. pet ly applicable to deceptive policy.

"I did not do this. Did you do it, Sir? If you did not, your letters and speeches have been misunderstood. I now give you the opportunity of making the correction; and, in order to clear up the point, I shall submit two ques- tions,—First, if any of the proposed Tithe Bills were passed and became law, would you consider yourself bound to give your countenance and support to the

payment of the tithes to the Protestant Established Church ; or would you hold yourself at liberty, after such bill had passed, mitts your approval, to continue agitation for the total extinction or total new appropriation of tithes ? Se-

condly, you are trying an experiment whether justice can be obtained for Ireland from England without a Repeal of the Union: my second question is, in case any of these proposed Tithe Bills were passed, would you set down this settle-

ment as an item paid in the debt of justice to Ireland, or would you still hold up the Tithe grievance as one of the foundations of your claim for Repeal ? how, Sir, if these questions were clearly and explicitly answered, the l'eople, the Government, the Church, and the British nation, would understaud the true state of your views.

" If you are pleased clearly and explicitly to answer these questions, I then withdraw any charges of deceptive policy—sat fir as respected the .cal jest of the Title question. At present, it seems to me to bear a striking similarity to the conduct of Mr. Pitt, at the time of the Union. lie told the Protestants, the Union was to secure Protestant Ascendancy. lie told the Catholics, the Union was to obtain Catholic Emancipation. He spoke to each as if he supposed the one was not to hear what he said to the other ; anal the consequence is, that, Loin that time to this, both parties have been putting forward the el:id:lions of the Union as the grounds of their respe.itive claims; and the raion, instead of being a bond of connexion, has been it stintultti to sep itation."

We have no intention of entering into the question bet wcon O'Con- nell and Sharman Crawford ; but um: remark we must make respecting it. The only specific reference to Mr. Cranford in O'Connell's maids festo is the concluding paragraph-11 I ern again the object, the chosen object, of variegated and petulant calumny from what ought to be an un- expected quarter. Shall I condescend to reply ? Yes, I will, in one, and only in one sentence—My tan: IS My REPLY." If ever stielt burst of proud consciousness could be pardonable, it would be in the man who found Ireland a provincial Intercity, and who, die when he will, will leave it a socially organized and integrant part of a mighty empire. The reply would have been just had it borate reference to his whole life : taking it all in all, the most captious scrutiny of that will leave him the greatest, perhaps the one MAN (in the emphatic sense of the word) of the day. But it is a reply which no man, however great, is entitled to make to a freeman's strictures upon one portion of his ge- neral policy, one step in his career ; and, more especially, it is no answer to such close reasoning and sound sense as we find in Mr. Crawford's letters. We can, however, not only pardon such an outburst from O'Connell, but like him the better for it : not so, however, with those who bark in his train at Mr. Crawford. It is worthy of remark, that the majority of those who now denounce all who express doubt of the absolute wisdom of O'Connell's present policy, are the very men who fiercely urged the Coercion Bill, and at that time denounced O'Connell himself. They are your wholesale dealers in the " fallacy of autho- rity," and when O'Connell is on their side they do not scruple to use him any more than another. We defended O'Connell against them ; we will defend free thought and free expression of it even against O'Connell. O'Connell has raised Ireland; but if Ireland is to remain where he has placed her, it must be by her sons daring to think, speak, and act for themselves.—Glasgow Argus.