16 SEPTEMBER 1854, Page 14

COLONIAL POLICY.

ifingweston, 12th September 1854. SIR—I have been waiting to Bee whether any one would notice the suggestion made by C. B. A., in your paper of August 19, that a Central Committee should be formed of delegates from the Representative Assemblies in every part of the empire, Home and Colonial, to which various questions should be referred. I grant that such an assembly would be useful, if it merely drew public attention to the wants and greatness of the Colonies. But its value,. and in some degree its nature, would depend on the meaning of the words in Italics ; for the best men in the Colonies would not come to an assembly which had influence but not power. It would not be enough that questions should be referred to this Committee by Parliament, if the reports were afterwards to be overruled or neglected.

If, however, the Assembly could be a sort of court of appeal from Parlia- ment on any question on which one of the principal Colonies felt itself ag- grieved, and could be clothed with power to recommend to her Majesty a new law on the special grievance to consider which it had been convoked, we might expect that the best men both of ours and theirs would assemble in these states-general of the whole empire.

I am not unaware of the greatness of the change, or of the tendency of such a body as I propose to make for itself new powers, or of the greater cope its relations with Parliament must give to our judicature. These a questions which we must discuss, if any one thinks the suggestion worthy of consideration.

While I am on the subject of Colonial Reform, I shouldlike to notice two other points. Is there any sufficient reason for retaining the appointment of the Governors in the Colonial Office ? This concession seems the comple- ment of representative government. If Mr. Blacks and Mr. Howe really govern the Colonies of which they are the prime ministers—if they govern well—why not let them take the title also ? You have urged that the lead- ing men in the Colonies should have their share of pr-motion; the first step is to let them have the first places at home. Why is it necessary to retain the system of reserving certain Colonial acts for the special consideration of the Crown, and others for the veto of either Mouse of Parliament ? If a colony makes a law which contravenes an act of Parliament, it is null. And the Judges ought to decide the question of nullity, not the Lords and Commons or the Colonial Minister. If, however, the intention of these restraints is to limit the liberty of the Colonial Parlia-

ments in other matters, it is not reasonable, and i it s certainly contrary to our recent policy ; a policy which we must continge to act on, whenever a question arises of sufficient importance to stir one of the larger Colonies. Ul- timately, we must make the Colonies the judges of their own affairs ; and it is wisest to make this concession freely and speedily, and to let them see the responsibilities it conveys. So long as the notion prevailed that somehow or other England was to keep Colonial society out of harm's way, in spite of Itself, many excellent .people would lean on England and the Colonial Office and complain to it, instead of taking their part in the elections and obtaining political influence. They must be made to feel that it is their men duty to prevent local jobbing, misgovernment, and injustice; and this seems to be best done as C. B. A. has hinted, by abolishing the legislative appeal to this country.