WEST GERMANY—A SPECIAL REPORT

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GEORGE VINE reports from Bonn

The direction in which Britain's Prime Ministers usually head once they have received the seals of office is Washington. Skipper Heath, in this as in other matters, is proving to have a mind of his own. His first foreign trip was to Bonn.

It is too soon to say whether his two-day. visit to the Federal German capital bears the

seeds of a new 'special relationship' but a remarkable identity of views was established considering it was a Conservative Prime Minister chatting up a Socialist Chancellor.

The two men know each other of old but either one or the other or both have been in the Opposition in the past. This is the first time they have got down to business as heads of government. The atmosphere was chummy.

The meeting was notable for another reason. This is the first time since the war that there have been no bilateral squabbles between Germany and Britain. Rhine Army offset costs, a perennial source of friction,

has been peaceably disposed of for the next five years. With a little financial jiggery- pokery the awkward question of Britain con- tributing cash to NATO's infra-structure costs was also negotiated.

For a time shortly before the Heath visit it looked as though the recruitment of British workers by German industry—there are now 16,000 in jobs here—might provide the Little Englanders with a new stick for beating the German dog with. But the British public found its conscience unaroused by those Scots who flew back home indignantly com- plaining that they had actually been expected to work.

Brandt's Ostpolitik finds favour in London though Mr Heath might wish, like Washington, that the Germans were not so enthusiastic about giving points away in advance.

In the Common Market—and that is what Mr Heath was here to talk about prin- cipally—the Germans are heart and soul for British entry. The question is will they fight hip and thigh for it as well. Mr Heath's Purpose was to stiffen their sinews.

For half the duration of the talks he and Herr Brandt were closeted in private with only interpreters present though, as Brandt speaks very good English, these were not really needed. The two statesmen spent the time not bothering with the mechanics of en- try but in looking ahead to the future shape of an enlarged European community once Britain is in. Mr Heath also indulged in some pretty gloomy speculation about the future of Europe generally if Britain is kept out, the burden of this being either we hang together or we shall be hanged separately. If negotia- tions break down he foresees a Balkans situation with the Russians ('the only ones who will rejoice') encouraged to extend their efforts at domination while the disillusioned Americans turn their back on Europe and leave it to stew in its own juice.

Mr Heath can be pardoned for painting the consequences of rejection as luridly as possible. It could be argued that the Americans want a strong united Europe precisely so they can go home and that the less united it is the longer they will have to stay. However he appears to have impressed Herr Brandt with the argument, not least possibly because the Ostpolitik, Brandt's personal pet, might be the first casualty.

What impressed the Germans even more was the Premier's nublie speech at the state banquet in his honour in which he under- lined Britain's total commitment to a

politically united Europe. A sneaking feeling exists here as elsewhere on the Continent that Britain is only reaching out for Europe to prop herself up.

It is no longer news that the British Empire is dead but it is news when the British Prime Minister holds the funeral ora- tion in the German capital and that is what his speech was. Past Premiers going back to Macmillan have resoundingly declared that Britain's future lies in Europe. But this time there was no hedging of bets, no sly hinting as with Mr Wilson that if we did not come in it would be Europe's loss and we should always have the Commonwealth. For Mr Heath it was Europe or bust. As to what form politically united Europe would take he was carefully unspecific. It did not have to be an orthodox federation or confederation. The genius of Europe would find a new form as it had done for economic Europe.

The question now for Skipper Heath is how stands the wind for France. He says he has no plans for meeting President Porn- pidou. Both he and Brandt agree that the French are by no means as inflexible in private as they make themselves appear in public. The mid-May meeting of Ministers will show. By the same token the Germans are not going to be so compliant to French wishes in private as they have to pretend to be in public.

The target date for entry not only for Bri- tain but Ireland, Denmark and Norway as well is 1 January, 1973. If this is to be met the French will have to give an irrevocable loui' by this summer even if some nuts and bolts are left to be screwed up later.